
GIass_j_J 

Book 1*12 .0 . 



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Prosperity! 

THE ===== 



DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK 



1920 




Issued by 

The Democratic National Committee 
The Democratic Congressional Committee 

PRICE, 25 CENTS 



"Senator Harding, as the Republican candi- 
date for the Presidency, proposes in plain 
words that we remain out of it (the League). 
As the Democratic candidate, I favor going 

in.»_GOVERNOR COX in Speech of Ac- 
ceptance. ^^ 

"They say that your sons will be sent over- 
seas. That's not right, and they know it's not 
right. While the President is Commander-in- 
Chief of the Army and Navy, he can't order 
one of your boys into war unless Congress gives 
him the right to do so. No treaty made can 
run counter to the Constitution of the United 
States." — GOVERNOR COX in speech at 
South Bend, Indiana, August 19, 1920. 

• • • 

"War is more improbable than ever. And 
why? Because the mothers of America can 
now say when it shall be and when it shall not 
be."— GOVERNOR COX in speech at South 
Bend, Indiana, August 19, 1920. 

• • • 

"Those now inveighing against an interest 
in affairs outside of America * * * charge 
experimentation, when we have as historical 
precedent the Monroe Doctrine, WHICH IS 
THE VERY ESSENCE OF ARTICLE X OF 
THE VERSAILLES COVENANT. Skeptics 
viewed Monroe's mandate with alarm, predict- 
ing recurrent wars in defense of Central and 
South American states, whose guardians they 
alleged we need not be. And yet not a shot 
has been fired in almost one hundred years 
in preserving sovereign rights on this hemi- 
sphere."— GOVERNOR COX in Speech of 
Acceptance. . . . 

"If we do not enter the League, hundreds of 
millions of dollars must be spent for arma- 
ments."— GOVERNOR COX in Speech of 
Acceptance. 



Isaac Goldmann Company, rrinters. New York 







WHERE DOES O 

ARDING STAND : 



TKZ3I2 



— 













"I promise you formal and effective peace 
(a separate peace) so quickly as a Repub- 
lican Congress can pass its declaration for a 
Republican executive to sign." — SENATOR 

HARDING in Speech of Acceptance. 

I 1 

"Accepting the challenge given by the 
Democratic Party and nominees to make the 
League the issue, Senator Harding laid down 
a completely new principle for his party. He 
asserted his leadership by throwing the 
League into the discard, going further with 
his reservations even than Senator Lodge or 
Senators Johnson and Borah ever thought of 
going." — The Sun and New York Herald. 



"Yesterday in his speech of acceptance, 
Senator Harding unequivocally took his 
stand upon the paramount issue in this cam- 
paign — the League of Nations. The Repub- 
lican Party stands committed by its platform. 
Its standard bearer has now accentuated 
that platform. There can be no misunder- 
standing his words."— SENATOR HIRAM 
JOHNSON in a newspaper interview on July 
23, 1920. 



"The Senators performed their duty faith- 
fully. We approve their conduct and honor 
their courage and fidelity." — From League 
Plank, Republican Platform. 




"Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable 
business." 



"Much of the sentiment uttered concern- 
ing our part in the war is balderdash." 



"He (Senator Hiram Johnson) appears at 
close view to be both a fakir and a black- 
guard." 

□ 

"In seeking a prototype for Colonel 
Roosevelt among public men of the coun- 
try, one finds the closest resemblance to 
Aaron Burr." 



"We are opposed to T. R. (Roosevelt) 
because he is an unsafe and dangerous 
leader, because he is lawless, insincere, sel- 
fish and unscrupulous." 



"i 



'1 am going to square myself with you 
Bull Moosers by stating that I have just as 
heartily applauded Colonel Roosevelt as you 
did. I have stood upon the platform and 
commended him to my fellow Americans. 
We owe him much for the awakening of the 
American conscience. But just the same I 
applauded Benedict Arnold at Saratoga, and 
did not at Tarrytown some time after. 3 



ft 



\ 



THE PLATFORMS 



Herewith are presented the platforms of the Democratic and 
republican parties. One looks forward; the other backward. 
The Democratic platform outlines the policies of a party with a 
constructive and progressive plan for future conduct. The plat- 
form of the Republican party comprises criticisms and promises. 
The former are based on jealousy of Democratic success in 
accomplishment. The promises are without specifications- for 
their fulfillment. Every American voter should study these two 
documents with the greatest care before voting. 



DEMOCRATIC 

The Democratic Party, in 
its National Convention now 
assembled, sends greetings to 
the President of the United 
States, Woodrow Wilson, and 
hails with patriotic pride the 
great achievements for coun- 
try and the world, wrought 
by a Democratic Administra- 
tion under his leadership. 

It salutes the mighty peo- 
ple of this great Republic, 
emerging with imperishable 
honor from the severe tests 
and grievous strains of the 
most tragic war in history, 
having earned the plaudits 
and the gratitude of all free 
nations. 

It declares its adherence to 
the fundamental progressive 
principles of social, economic 
and industrial justice and ad- 
vance, and purposes to re- 
sume the great work of 
translating these principles 
into effective laws, begun and 
carried far by the Demo- 
cratic Administration and in- 
terrupted only when the war 
claimed all the national ener- 
gies for the single task of 
victory. 



REPUBLICAN 

The Republican Party, as- 
sembled in representative na- 
tional convention, reaffirms 
its unyielding devotion to the 
Constitution of the United 
States, and to the guarantees 
of civil, political and religious 
liberty therein contained. It 
will resist all attempts to 
overthrow the foundations of 
the government or to weaken 
the force of its controlling 
principles and ideals, whether 
these attempts be made in 
the form of international pol- 
icy or domestic agitation. 

For seven years the nation- 
al government has been con- 
trolled by' the Democratic 
party. During that period a 
war of unparalleled magnitude 
has shaken the foundations 
of civilization, decimated the 
population of Europe, and 
left in its train economic mis- 
ery and suffering second only 
to the war itself. 

The outstanding features 
of the Democratic adminis- 
tration have been complete 
unpreparedness for war and 
complete unpreparedness for 
peace. 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

The Democratic Party fa- 
vors The League of Nations 
as the surest, if not the only, 
practicable means of main- 
taining the peace of the. 
world and terminating the 
insufferable burden of great 
military and naval establish- 
ments. It was for this that 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

The Republican party 
stands for agreement among 
the nations to preserve the 
peace of the world. We be- 
lieve that such an interna- 
tional association must be 
based upon international jus- 
tice, and must provide meth- 
ods which shall maintain tho 



THE PLATFORMS 



America broke away from 
traditional isolation and 
spent her blood and treas- 
ure to crush a colossal 
scheme of conquest. It was 
upon this basis that the Pres- 
ident of the United States, 
in pre-arrangement with our 
Allies, consented to a suspen- 
sion of hostilities against the 
Imperial German Govern- 
ment; the armistice was 
granted and a treaty of peace 
negotiated upon the definite 
assurance to Germany, as 
well as to the powers pitted 
against Germany, that "a 
general association of nations 
must be formed under spe- 
cific covenant, for the pur- 
pose of affording mU tiial 
guarantees of political inde- 
pendence and territorial integ- 
rity to great and small states 
alike." Hence, we not only 
congratulate the President on 
the vision manifested and the 
vigor exhibited in the pro- 
secution of the war, but we 
felicitate him and his asso- 
ciates on the exceptional 
achievement at Paris involv- 
ed in the adoption of a 
League and Treaty so near 
akin to previously expressed 
American ideals and so in- 
timately related to the aspi- 
rations of civilized peoples 
everywhere.. 



rule of public right by the 
development of law and the 
decision of impartial courts, 
and which shall secure in- 
stant and general interna- 
tional conference whenever 
peace shall be threatened by 
political action, so that the 
nations pledged to do and in- 
sist upon what is just and 
fair may exercise their in- 
fluence and power for the 
prevention of war. 

We believe that all this can 
be done without the com- 
promise of national independ- 
ence, without depriving the 
people of the United States 
in advance of the right to de- 
termine for themselves what 
is just and fair when the oc- 
casion arises, and without in- 
volving them as participants 
and not as peace-makers in a 
multitude of quarrels, the 
merits of which they are un- 
able to judge. 

The covenant signed by the 
President at Paris failed sig- 
nally to accomplish this great 
purpose, and contains stipula- 
tions, not only intolerable 
for an independent people, 
but certain to produce the in- 
justice, hostility, and contro- 
versy among nations which it 
proposed to prevent. 



We commend the Presi- 
dent for his courage and his 
high conception of good 
faith in steadfastly standing 
for the covenant agreed to 
x by all the associated and al- 
lied nations at war with Ger- 
many, and we condemn the 
Republican Senate for its re- 
fusal to ratify the Treaty 
merely because it was the 
product of Democratic states- 
manship, thus interposing 
partisan envy and personal 
hatred in the way of the 
peace and renewed prosperity 
of the world. 



That covenant repudiated, 
to a degree wholly unneces- 
sary and unjustifiable, the 
time-honored policies in fa- 
vor of peace declared by 
Washington, Jefferson, and 
Monroe, and pursued by all 
American administrations for 
more than a century, and it 
ignored the universal senti- 
ment of America for genera- 
tions past in favor of inter- 
national law and arbitration, 
and it rested the hope of the 
future upon mere expediency 
and negotiation. 

The unfortunate insistence 
of the President upon having 



THE PLATFORMS 



By every accepted standard 
of international morality the 
President is justified in as- 
serting that the honor of the 
country is involved in this 
business; and we point to the 
accusing fact that, before it 
was determined to initiate 
political antagonism to the 
Treaty, the now Republican 
Chairman of the Senate For- 
eign Relations Committee 
himself publicly proclaimed 
that any proposition for a 
separate peace with Ger- 
many, such as he and his 
party associates thereafter 
reported to the Senate, would 
make us "guilty of the black- 
est crime." 

On May 15 last, the Knox 
substitute for the Versailles 
Treaty was passed by the Re- 
publican Senate; and this 
Convention can contrive no 
more fitting characterization 
of its obloquy than that made 
in the Forum magazine of 
June, 1918, by Henry Cabot 
Lodge, when he said: 

"If we send our armies 
and young men abroad 
to be killed and wound- 
ed in northern France 
and Flanders with no re- 
sult but this, our entrance 
into war with such an in- 
tention was a crime which 
nothing can justify. The 
intent of Congress and 
the intent of the Presi- 
dent was that there 
could be no peace until 
we could create a situa- 
tion where no such war 
as this could recur. We 
cannot make peace ex- 
cept in company with 
our allies. It would 
brand us with everlasting 
dishonor and bring ruin 
to us also if we under- 
took to make a separate 
peace." 



his own way, without any 
change and without any re- 
gard to the opinions of a ma- 
jority of the Senate, which 
shares with him the treaty- 
making power, and the Presi- 
dent's demand that the Treaty 
should be ratified without any 
modification, created a situa- 
tion in which Senators were 
required to vote upon their 
consciences and their oaths 
according to their judgment 
against the Treaty as it was 
presented, or submit to the 
commands of a dictator in a 
matter where the authority 
and the responsibility under 
the Constitution were theirs, 
and not his. 

The Senators performed 
their duty faithfully. We ap- 
prove their conduct and hon- 
or, their courage and fidelity. 
And we pledge the coming 
Republican administration to 
such agreements with the 
other nations of the world 
as shall meet the full duty of 
America to civilization and 
humanity, in accordance with 
American ideals, and without 
surrendering the right of the 
American people to exercise 
its judgment and its power 
in favor of justice and peace. 



THE PLATFORMS 

Thus to that which Mr 

J-odge, m saner moments 

considered "the blackest 

crime" he and his party in 

madness sought to give the 

sanctity of law; that which 

eighteen months ago was of 

everlasting dishonor" the 

Republican party and its 

candidates to-day accept as 

the essence of faith. 

. w « endorse the President's 
view of our international ob- 
ligations and his firm stand 
against reservations designed 
to cut to pieces the vital pro- 
visions of the Versailles 
Treaty and we commend the 
Democrats in Congress for 
voting against resolutions for 
separate peace which would 
disgrace the nation. We ad- 
vocate the immediate ratifica- 
tion of the Treaty without 
reservations which would im- 
pair its essential integrity 
but do not oppose the accep- 
tance of any reservations mak- 
ing clearer or more specific 
the obligations of the United 
States to the League Asso- 
ciates. Only by doing this 
may we retrieve the reputa- 
tion of this nation among the 
powers of the earth and re- 

C °J e u i he moral leadership 
which President Wilson won 
and which Republican politi- 
c ' ans at Washington sacrific- 
ed. Only by doing this may 
we hope to aid effectively in 
the restoration of order 
throughout the world and to 
take the place which we 
should assume in the front 
rank of spiritual, commercial 
and industrial advancement. 

We reject as utterly vain 
if not vicious, the Republican 
assumption that ratification 
of the Treaty and member- 
ship m the League of Na- 
tions would in any wise im- 
pair the integrity or inde- 
pendence of our country. 
The fact that the Covenant 
has been entered into by 
twenty-nine nations, all as 
Jealous of their independence 



THE PLATFORMS 



as we are of ours, is a suffi- 
cient refutation of such 
charge. The President re- 
peatedly has declared, and 
this Convention reaffirms, 
that all our duties and obli- 
gations as a member of the 
League must be fulfilled in 
strict conformity with the 
Constitution of the United 
States, embodied in which is 
the fundamental requirement 
of declaratory action by the 
Congress before this nation 
may become a participant in 
any war. 



FOREIGN RELATIONS 

The foreign policy of the 
Administration has been 
founded upon no principle 
and directed by no definite 
conception of our nation's 
rights and obligations. It has 
been humiliating to America 
and irritating to other na- 
tions, with the result that 
after a period of unexampled 
sacrifice, our motives are sus- 
pected, our moral influence 
impaired, and our Govern- 
ment stands discredited and 
friendless among the nation? 
of the world. 

We favor a liberal and gen- 
erous foreign policy founded 
upon definite moral and poli- 
tical principles, characterized 
by a clear understanding of 
and a firm adherence to our 
own rights, and unfailing re- 
spect for the rights of others. 
We should afford full and 
adequate protection to the 
life, liberty, property and all 
international rights of every 
American citizen, and should 
requirt a proper respect for 
the American flag; but we 
should be equally careful to 
manifest a just regard for 
the rights of other nations. 
A scrupulous observance of 
our international engage- 
ments when lawfully assum- 
ed is essential to our own 
honor and self-respect, and 
the respect of other nations. 
Subject to a due regard for 
our international obligations. 



THE PLATFORMS 



CONDUCT OF THE WAR 

During the war President 
Wilson exhibited the very 
broadest conception of liberal 
Americanism. In his conduct 
of the war, as in the general 
administration of his high of- 
fice, there was no semblance 
of partisan bias. He invited 
to Washington as his coun- 
cillors and coadjutors hun- 
dreds of the most prominent 
and pronounced Republicans 
in the country. To these he 
committed responsibilities of 
the gravest import and most 
confidential nature. Many of 
them had charge of vital ac- 
tivities of the Government. 

And yet, with the war suc- 
cessfully prosecuted and glo- 
riously ended, the Republi- 
can party in Congress, far 
from applauding the masterly 
leadership of the President 
and felicitating the country 
on the amazing achievements 
of the American Government, 
has meanly requited the 
considerate course of the 
chief magistrate by savagely 
defaming the Commander- 
in-Chief of the Army and 
Navy and by assailing near- 
ly every public officer of 
every branch of the service 
intimately concerned in win- 
ning the war abroad and 
preserving the security of 
the Government at home. 



we should leave our country 
free to develop its civilization 
along lines most conducive 
to the happiness and welfare 
of its people, and to cast its 
influence on the side of jus- 
tice and right should occa- 
sion require. 

UNPREPAREDNESS FOR 
WAR 

Inexcusable failure to make 
timely preparation is the 
chief indictment against the 
Democratic administration in 
the conduct of the war. Had 
not our Associates protected 
us, both on land and sea, dur- 
ing the first twelve months 
of our participation, and fur- 
nished us to the very day of 
the Armistice with munitions, 
planes and artillery, this fail- 
ure would have been punish- 
ed with disaster. It directly 
resulted in unnecessary losses 
to our gallant troops, in the 
impenlment of victory itself, 
and in an enormous waste of 
public funds literally poured 
into the breach created by 
gross neglect. To-day it is 
reflected in our huge tax 
burden and in the high cost 
of living. 



We express to the soldiers 
and sailors and marines of 
America the admiration of 
their fellow countrymen. 
Guided by the genius of such 
commanders as General John 
J. Pershing, the armed forces 
of America constituted a de- 
cisive factor in the victory 
and brought new lustre to the 
flag. 



ARMY AND NAVY 

We feel the deepest pride 
in the fine courage, the reso- 
lute endurance, the gallant 
spirit of the officers and men 
of our army and navy in the 
World War. They were in 
all ways worthy of the best 
traditions of the nation's de- 
fenders, and we pledge our- 



THE PLATFORMS 



We commend the patriotic 
men and women who sustain- 
ed the efforts of their gov- 
ernment in the crucial hours 
of the war and contributed to 
the brilliant administrative 
success achieved under the 
broad-visioned leadership of 
the President 



selves to proper maintenance 
of the military and naval es- 
tablishments upon which our 
national security and dignity 
depend. 



UNPREPAREDNESS FOR 
PEACE 

Peace found the Adminis- 
tration as unprepared for 
peace as war found it un- 
prepared for war. The vital 
heeds of the country demand- 
ed the early and systematic 
return to a peace-time basis. 

This called for vision, lead- 
ership and intelligent plan- 
ning. All three have been 
lacking. While the country 
has been left to shift for it- 
self, the Government has con- 
tinued on a war-time basis. 
The Administration has not 
demobilized the army of 
place holders. It continued a 
method of financing which 
was indefensible during the 
period of reconstruction.^ It 
has used legislation passed to 
meet the emergency of war 
to continue its arbitrary and 
inquisitorial control over the 
life of the people in time of 
peace, and to "carry confusion 
into industrial life. Under 
the despot's plea of necessity 
or superior wisdom, execu- 
tive usurpation of legislative 
and judicial functions still 
undermines our institutions. 
Eighteen months after the 
Armistice, with its war-time 
power unabridged, its war- 
time departments undischarg- 
ed, its war-time army of 
place holders still mobilized, 
the Administration continues 
to flounder helplessly. 

The demonstrated incapaci- 
ty of the Democratic party 
has destroyed public confi- 
dence, weakened the author- 
ity of the Government, and 
produced a feeling of distrust 
and hesitation so universal as 



to 



THE PLATFORMS 



FINANCIAL 

ACHIEVEMENTS 

A review of the record of 
the Democratic Party during 
the administration of Wood- 
row Wilson presents a chap- 
ter of substantial achieve- 
ments unsurpassed in the his- 
tory of the republic. For 
fifty years before the advent 
of this administration period- 
ical convulsions had impeded 
the industrial progress of the 
American people and caused 
inestimable loss and distress. 
By the enactment of the Fed- 
eral Reserve Act the old sys- 
tem, which bred panics, was 
replaced by a new system, 
which insured confidence. It 
was an indispensable factor 
in winning the war, and to- 
day it is the hope and in- 
spiration of business. Indeed, 
one vital danger against 
which the American people 
should keep constantly on 
guard is the commitment of 
this system to partisan ene- 
mies who struggled against 
its adoption and vainly at- 
tempted to retain in.the hands 
of speculative bankers a mo- 



to increase enormously the 
difficulties of readjustment 
and to delay the return to 
normal conditions. 

Never has our nation been 
confronted with graver prob- 
lems.- The people are entitled 
to know in definite terms 
how the parties purpose solv- 
ing theseproblems. To that 
end, the Republican party de- 
clares its policies and pro- 
gram to be as follows: 

CONSTITUTIONAL 
GOVERNMENT 

We undertake to end exec- 
utive autocracy and to restore 
to the people their constitu- 
tional government. 

The policies herein declar- 
ed will be carried out by the 
Federal and state govern- 
ments, each acting within its 
constitutional powers. 

BANKING AND CURRENCY 

The fact is that the war, to 
a great extent, was financed 
by a policy of inflation 
through certificate borrow- 
ing from the banks, and 
bonds issued at artificial rates 
sustained by the low discount 
rates established by the Fed- 
eral Reserve Board. The con- 
tinuance of this policy since 
the Armistice lays the Ad- 
ministration open to severe 
criticism. Almost up to the 
present time, the practices of 
the Federal Reserve Board as 
to credit control have been 
frankly dominated by the 
convenience of the Treasury. 

The results have been a 
greatly increased war cost, a 
serious loss to the millions 
of people who in good faith 
bought Liberty Bonds and 
Victory Notes at par, and ex- 
tensive post-war speculation, 
followed to-day by a restrict- 
ed credit for legitimate in- 
dustrial expansion. As a 
matter of public policy, we 
urge all banks to give credit 
preference to essential indus- 
tries. 



THE PLATFORMS 



11 



nop oly of the currency credits 
oi the Nation. Already there 
are well-defined indications 
of an assault upon the vital 
principles of the system in 
the event of Republican suc- 
cess in the elections in No- 
vember. 

Under Democratic leader- 
ship the American people 
successfully financed their 
stupendous part in the great- 
est war of all time. The 
Treasury wisely insisted dur- 
ing the war upon meeting an 
adequate portion of the war 
expenditure from current 
taxes and the bulk of the bal- 
ance from popular loans, and, 
during the first full fiscal 
year after fighting stopped, 
upon meeting current ex- 
penditures from current re- 
ceipts notwithstanding the 
new and unnecessary burden 
thrown upon the Treasury by 
the delay, obstruction and 
extravagance of a Republican 
Congress. 

The non-partisan Federal 
Reserve authorities have been 
wholly free of political inter- 
ference or motive; and, in 
their own time and their own 
way, have used courageously, 
though cautiously, the instru- 
ments at their disposal to 
present undue expansion of 
credit in the country. As a 
result of these sound Trea- 
sury and Federal Reserve 
policies, the inevitable war 
inflation has been held down 
to a minimum, and the cost 
of living has been prevented 
from increasing here in pro- 
portion to the increase in 
other belligerent countries 
and in neutral countries which 
are in close contact with the 
world's commerce and ex- 
changes. 

After a year and a half of 
fighting in Europe, and de- 
spite another year and a half 
of Republican obstruction at 
home, the credit of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States 
stands unimpaired, the Feder- 
al Reserve note is the unit 



The Federal Reserve. Sys- 
tem should be free from po- 
litical influence, which is 
quite as important as its in- 
dependence of domination by 
financial combinations. 



12 



THE PLATFORMS 



of value throughout all the 
world, and the United States 
is the one great country in 
the world which maintains a 
free gold market. 

We condemn the attempt 
of the Republican party to 
deprive the American people 
of their legitimate pride in 
the financing of the war — an 
achievement without parallel 
in the financial history of this 
or any other country, in this 
or any other war. And in 
particular we condemn the 
pernicious attempt of the Re- 
publican party, to create dis- 
content among the holders 
of the bonds of the Govern- 
ment of the United States 
and to drag our public finance 
and our banking and currency 
system back into the arena 
of party politics. 

TAX REVISION 

We condemn the failure of 
the present Congress to re- 
spond to the oft-repeated de- 
mand of the President and 
the Secretaries of the Treas- 
ury to revise the existing tax 
laws. The cotinuance in force 
in peace times of taxes de- 
vised under pressure of im- 
perative necessity to produce 
a revenue for war purposes 
is indefensible and can only 
result in lasting injury to 
the people. The Republican 
Congress persistently failed, 
through sheer political cow- 
ardice, to make a single move 
toward a readjustment of tax 
laws which it denounced be- 
fore the last election and was 
afraid to revise before the 
next election. 

We advocate tax reform 
and a searching revision of 
the War Revenue Acts to fit 
peace conditions so that the 
wealth of the nation may not 
be withdrawn from produc- 
tive enterprise and diverted 
to wasteful or non-produc- 
tive expenditure. 

We demand prompt action 
by the next Congress for a 
complete survey of existing 



TAXATION 

The burden of taxation im- 
posed upon the American 
people is staggering; but in 
presenting a true statement 
of the situation we must face 
the fact that, while the char- 
acter of the taxes can and 
should be changed, an early 
reduction of the amount of 
revenue to be raised is not 
to be expected. The next 
Republican administration 
will inherit from its Demo- 
cratic predecessor a floating 
indebtedness of over three 
billion dollars, the prompt 
liquidation of which is de- 
manded by sound financial 
considerations. Moreover, the 
whole fiscal policy of the 
Government must be deeply 
influenced by the necessity of 
meeting obligations in excess 
of five billion dollars which 
mature in 1923. But sound 
policy equally demands the 
early accomplishment of that 
real reduction of the tax bur- 
den which may be achieved 
by substituting simple for 
complex tax laws and pro- 
cedure; prompt and certain 
determination of the tax lia- 
bility for delay and uncer- 



THE PLATFORMS 



13 



taxes and their modification 
and simplification with a view 
to secure greater equity and 
justice in tax burden and im- 
provement in administration. 



PUBLIC ECONOMY 

Claiming to have effected 
great economies in Govern- 
ment expenditures, the Re- 
publican party cannot show 
the reduction of one dollar in 
taxation as a corollary of this 
false pretence. In contrast, 
the last Democratic Congress 
enacted legislation reducing 
the taxes from eight billions, 
designed to be raised, to six 
billions for the first year after 
the armistice, and to four bil- 
lions thereafter; and there the 
total is left undiminished by 
our political adversaries. Two 
years after Armistice Day a 
Republican Congress pro- 
vides for expending the stu- 
pendous sum of $5,403,390,- 
327.30. 

Affecting great paper econ- 
omies by reducing depart- 
mental estimates of sums 
which would not have been 
spent in any event, and by 
reducing formal appropria- 
tions, the Republican state- 
ment of expenditures omits 



tainty; tax laws which do 
not, for tax laws which do, 
excessively mulct the con- 
sumer or needlessly repress 
enterprise and thrift. 

We advocate the issuance 
of a simplified form of in- 
come return; authorizing the 
Treasury Department to 
make changes in regulations 
effective only from the date 
of their approval; empower- 
ing the Commissioner of In- 
ternal Revenue, with the con- 
sent of the taxpayer, to make 
final and conclusive settle- 
ments of tax claims and as- 
sessments barring fraud, and 
the creation of a Tax Board 
consisting of at least three 
representatives of the tax- 
paying public and the heads 
of the principal divisions of 
the Bureau of Internal Rev- 
enue to act as a standing 
committee on the simplifica- 
tion of forms, procedure and 
law, and to make recommen 
dations to the Congress. 

NATIONAL ECONOMY 

A Republican Congress re- 
duced the estimates submit- 
ted by the Administration al- 
most three billion dollars. 
Greater economies could have 
been effected had it not been 
for the stubborn refusal of 
the Administration to co- 
operate with Congress in an 
economy program. The uni- 
versal demand for an execu- 
tive budget is a recognition 
of the incontrovertible fact 
that leadership and sincere 
assistance on the part of the 
executive departments are es- 
sential to effective economy 
and constructive retrench- 
ment. 

The Overman Act invested 
the President of the United 
States with all the authority 
and power necessary to re- 
store the Federal Government 
to a normal peace basis and 
to reorganize, retrench and 
demobilize. The dominant 
fact is that eighteen months 
after the Armistice, the 



14 



THE PLATFORMS 



the pregnant fact that the 
Congress authorized the use 
of one and a half billion dol- 
lars in the hands of various 
departments and bureaus, 
which should be added to the 
Republican total of expendi- 
tures. 



HIGH COST OF LIVING 

The high cost of living and 
the depreciation of bond 
values in this country are 
primarily due to war itself, 
to the necessary govern- 
mental expenditures for the 
destructive purpose of war, 
to private extravagance, to 
the world shortage of capital, 
to the inflation of foreign 
currencies and credits and in 
large degree, to conscience- 
less profiteering. 

The Republican party is 
responsible for the failure to 
restore peace and peace con- 
ditions in Europe, which is 
n principal cause of post- 



United States Government is 
still on a war-time basis, and 
the expenditure program of 
the Executive' reflects war- 
time extravagance rather than 
rigid peace-time economy. 

As an example of the fail- 
ure to retrench which has 
characterized the post-war 
policy of the Administration, 
we cite the fact that not in- 
cluding the War and Navy 
Departments, the executive 
departments and other estab- 
lishments at Washington ac- 
tually record an increase sub- 
sequent to the Armistice of 
2184 employees. The net de- 
crease in payroll costs con- 
tained in the 1921 demands 
submitted by the Administra- 
tion is only one per cent, 
under that of 1920. The an- 
nual expenses of the Federal 
Government can be reduced 
hundreds of millions of dol- 
lars without impairing the 
efficiency of the public ser- 
vice. 

We pledge ourselves to a 
carefully planned readjust- 
ment to a peace-time basis 
and to a policy of rigid econ- 
omy, to the better co-ordina- 
tion of departmental activi- 
ties, to the elimination of un- 
necessary officials and em- * 
ployees, and to the raising of 
the standard of individual 
efficiency. 

THE HIGH COST OF LIVING 

The prime cause of the 
"High Cost of Living" has 
been, first and foremost, a 
fifty per cent depreciation in 
the purchasing power of the 
dollar, due to a gross expan- 
sion of our currency and 
credit. Reduced production, 
burdensome taxation, swollen 
profits, and the increased de- 
mand for goods arising from 
a fictitious but enlarged buy- 
ing power have been con- 
tributing causes in a greater 
or less degree. 

We condemn the unsound 
fiscal policies of the Demo- 
cratic administration which 



THE PLATFORMS 



IS 



armistice inflation the world 
over. It has denied the de- 
mand of the President for 
necessary legislation to deal 
with secondary and local 
causes. The sound policies 
pursued by the Treasury and 
the Federal Reserve system 
have limited in this country, 
though they could not pre- 
vent, the inflation which was 
world-wide. 

Elected upon specific prom- 
ises to curtail public expendi- 
tures and to bring the 
country back to a status of 
effective economy, the Re- 
publican party in Congress 
wasted time and energy for 
more than a year in vain and 
extravagant investigations, 
costing the tax-payers great 
sums of money, while reveal- 
ing nothing beyond the in- 
capacity of Republican politi- 
cians to cope with the prob- 
lems. Demanding that the 
President, from his place at 
the Peace Table, call the 
Congress into extraordinary 
session for imperative pur- 
poses of readjustment, the 
Congress when convened 
spent thirteen months in par- 
tisan pursuits, failing to re- 
peal a single war statute 
which harassed business or 
to initiate a single construc- 
tive measure to help business. 
It busied itself making a 
pre-election record of pre- 
tended thrift, having not one 
particle *cf substantial exis- 
tence in fact. It raged against 
profiteers and the high cost 
of living without enacting a 
single statute to make the 
former afraid or doing a 
single act to bring the latter 
within limitations. 

The simple truth is that 
the high cost of living can 
only he remedied by increas- 
ed production, strict govern- 
mental economy and a relent- 
less pursuit of those who 
take advantage of post-war 
conditions and are demand- 
ing and receiving outrageous 
• r« fits 



have brought these things to 
pass, and their attempts to 
impute the consequences to 
minor and secondary causes. 
Much of the injury wrought 
is irreparable. There is no 
short way out, and we de- 
cline to deceive the people 
with vain promises or quack 
remedies. But as the politi- 
cal party that throughout its 
history has stood for honest 
money and sound finance, we 
pledge ourselves to earnest 
and consistent attack upon 
the high cost of living by rig- 
orous avoidance of further 
inflation in our government 
borrowing, by courageous 
and intelligent deflation of 
over-expanded credit and 
currency, by encouragement 
of heightened production of 
goods and services, by pre- 
vention of unreasonable prof- 
its, by exercise of public 
economy and stimulation of 
private thrift and by revision 
of war imposed taxes unsuit- 
ed to peace-time economy. 



16 



THE PLATFORMS 



We pledge the Democratic 
party to a policy of strict 
economy in government ex- 
penditures, and to the enact- 
ment and enforcement of 
such legislation as may be re- 
quired to bring profiteers be- 
fore the bar of criminal jus- 
tice. 



CONGRESS AND RECON- 
STRUCTION 

Despite the unconstitution- 
al and dictatorial course of 
the President and the parti- 
san obstruction of the Demo- 
cratic Congressional minor- 
ity, the Republican majority 
has enacted a program of 
constructive legislation which 
in great part, however, has 
been nullified by the vindic- 
tive vetoes of the President. 

The Republican Congress 
has met the problems pre- 
sented by the Administra- 
tion's unpreparedness for 
peace. It has repealed the 
greater part of the vexatious 
war legislation. It has en- 
acted a Transportation Act 
making possible the rehabili- 
tation of the railroad systems 
of the country, the operation 
of which under the present 
Democratic Administration, 
has been wasteful, extrava- 
gant and inefficient in the 
highest degree. The Trans- 
portation Act made provision 
for the peaceful settlement 
of wage disputes, partially 
nullified, however, by the 
President's delay in appoint- 
ing the Wage Board created 
by the act. This delay pre- 
cipitated the outlaw railroad 
strike. 

We stopped the flood of 
public treasure, recklessly 
poured into the lap of an 
inept Shipping Board, and 
laid the foundations for the 
creation of a great merchant 
marine; we took from the in- 
competent Democratic Ad- 
ministration the administra- 
tion of the telegraph and tel- 
ephone lines of the country 
and returned them to private 



THE \ATFORMS 17 

ownership; we reduced the 
cost of postage and increased 
the pay of the postal em- 
ployees — the poorest paid of 
all public servants; we pro- 
vided pensions for superan- 
nuated and retired civil ser- 
vants; and for an increase in 
pay of soldiers and sailors. 
We reorganized the Army on 
a peace footing, and provid- 
ed for the maintenance of a 
powerful and efficient Navy. 
The Republican Congress 
established by law a perma- 
nent Woman's Bureau in the 
Department of Labor; we 
submitted to the country the 
constitutional amendment for 
woman suffrage, and furnish- 
ed twenty-nine of the thirty- 
five legislatures which have 
ratified it to date. 

Legislation for the relief of 
the consumers of print pa- 
per, for the extension of the 
powers of the government 
under the Food Control Act, 
for broadening the scope of 
the War Risk Insurance Act, 
better provision for the dwin- 
dling number of aged vet- 
terans of the Civil War and 
for the better support of the 
maimed and injured of the 
Great War, and for making 
practical the Vocational Re- 
habilitation Act, has been en- 
acted by the Republican Con- 
gress. 

We passed an oil leasing 
and water power bill to un- 
lock for the public good the 
great pent-up resources of 
the country; we have sought 
to check the profligacy of the 
Administration, to realize up- 
on the assets of the govern- 
ment and to husband the rev- 
enues derived from taxation. 
The Republicans in Congress 
have been responsible for 
cuts in the estimates for 
government expenditure of 
nearly $3,000,000,000, since the 
signing of the Armistice. 

We enacted a national ex- 
ecutive budget law; we 
strengthened the Federal Re- 
serve Act to permit banks to 



18 



THE PLATFORMS 



THE TARIFF 

We reaffirm the traditional 
policy of the Democratic 
party in favor of a tariff for 
revenue only and we confirm 
the policy of basing tariff re- 
visions upon the intelligent 
research of a non-partisan 
commission, rather than up- 
on the demands of selfish in- 
terests, temporarily held in 
abeyance. 



BUDGET 

In the interest of economy 
and good administration, we 
favor the creation of an ef- 
fective budget system that 
will function in accord with 
the principles of the Consti- 
tution. The reform should 
reach both the executive and 
legislative aspects of the 
question. The supervision and 
preparation of the budget 
should be vested in the Sec- 
retary of the Treasury as the 
representative of the Presi- 
dent. The budget, as such, 
should not be increased by 
the Congress except by a 
two-thirds vote, each House, 
however, being free to exer- 
cise its constitutional privi- 
lege of making appropriations 
through independent bills. The 
appropriation bills should be 
considered by single Commit- 
tees of the House and Sen- 
ate. The audit system should 
be consolidated and its pow- 



lend needed assistance to 
farmers; we authorized finan- 
cial incorporations to develop 
export trade; and finally, 
amended the rules of the 
Senate and House, which will 
reform evils in procedure and 
guarantee more efficient and 
responsible government. 

INTERNATIONAL TRADE 

AND TARIFF 
The uncertain and unsettled 
condition of international 
balances, the abnormal eco- 
nomic and trade situation of 
the world, and the impossi- 
bility^ of forecasting accu- 
rately even the near future, 
preclude the formulation of 
a definite program to meet 
conditions a year hence. But 
the Republican party re- 
affirms its belie'f in the pro- 
tective principle and pledges 
itself to a revision of the 
tariff as soon as conditions 
shall make it necessary for 
the preservation of the home 
market for American labor, 
agriculture and industry. 

THE EXECUTIVE BUDGET 

We congratulate the Re- 
publican Congress on the 
enactment of a law providing 
for the establishment of an 
Executive Budget as a neces- 
sary instrument for a sound 
and business-like administra- 
tion of the national finances; 
and we condemn the veto of 
the President which defeated 
this great financial reform. 



THE PLATFORMS 



19 



ers expanded so as to pass 
upon the wisdom of, as well 
as the authority for, expendi- 
tures. 

A budget bill was passed 
in the closing days of the 
second session of the Sixty- 
sixth Congress which, invali- 
dated by the plain constitu- 
tional defects and defaced by 
considerations of patronage, 
the President was obliged to 
veto. The House amended 
the bill to meet the Execu- 
tive objection. We condemn 
the Republican Senate for 
adjourning without passing 
the amended measure, when 
by devoting an hour or two 
more to this urgent public 
business a budget system 
could have been provided. 



REORGANIZATION OF 

FEDERAL DEPARTMENTS 

AND BUREAUS 

We advocate a thorough 
investigation of the present 
organization of the Federal 
departments and bureaus, 
with a view to securing con- 
solidation, a more business- 
like distribution of functions, 
the elimination of duplication, 
delays and over-lapping of 
work, and the establishment 
of an up-to-date and efficient 
administrative organization. 

WAR POWERS OF THE 
PRESIDENT 

The President clings tena- 
ciously to his autocratic war- 
time powers. His veto of 
the Resolution declaring 
peace and his refusal to sign 
the bill repealing war-time 
legislation, no longer neces- 
sary, evidence his determina- 
tion not to restore to the 
Nation and to the States the 
form of government provided 
for by the Constitution. This 
usurpation is intolerable and 
deserves the severest con- 
demnation. 



SENATE RULES 

We favor such alteration of 
the rules of procedure of the 



zX) 



THE PLATFORMS 



Senate of the United States 
as will permit the prompt 
transaction of the nation's 
legislative business. 



AGRICULTURAL 
INTERESTS 

To the great agricultural 
interests of the country the 
Democratic party does not 
find it necessary to make 
promises. It already is rich 
in its record of things actual- 
ly accomplished. For nearly 
half a century of Republican 
rule not a sentence was writ- 
ten into the Federal Statutes 
affording one dollar of bank 
credits to the farming inter- 
est of America. In the first 
term of this Democratic ad- 
ministration the National 
Bank Act was so altered as 
to authorize loans of five 
years maturity on improved 
farm lands. Later was estab- 
lished a system of farm loan 
banks, from which the bor- 
rowings already exceed three 
hundred millions of dollars 
and under which the interest 
rate to farmers has been so 
materially reduced as to drive 
out of business the farm loan 
sharks who formerly subsist- 
ed by extortion upon the 
great agricultural interests of 
the country. 

Thus it was a Democratic - 
Congress in the administra- 
tion of a Democratic Presi- 
dent which enabled the farm- 
ers of America for the first 
time to obtain -credit upon 
reasonable terms and insured 
their opportunity for the fu- 
ture development of the na- 
tion's agricultural resources. 
Tied up in Supreme Court 
proceedings, in a suit by hos- 
tile interests, the Federal 
Farm Loan system, original- 
ly opposed by the Republican 
candidate for the Presidency, 
appealed in vain to a Repub- 
lican Congress for adequate 
financial assistance to tide 
over the interim between the 
beginning and the ending of 
the current year, awaiting a 



AGRICULTURE 

The farmer is the backbone 
of the nation. National great- 
ness and economic independ- 
ence demand a population 
distributed between industry 
and the farm, and sharing on 
equal terms the prosperity 
which is wholly dependent 
upon the efforts of both. 
Neither can prosper at the 
expense of the other without 
inviting joint disaster. 

The crux of the present 
agricultural condition lies in 
prices, labor and credit. 

The Republican party be- 
lieves that this condition can 
be improved by: practical 
and adequate farm represen- 
tation in the appointment of 
governmental officials and 
commissions; the right to 
form co-operative associa- 
tions for marketing their 
products, and protection 
against discrimination; the 
scientific study of agricultural 
prices and farm production 
costs, at home and abroad, 
with a view to reducing the 
frequency of abnormal fluc- 
tuations; the uncensored pub- 
lication of such reports; the 
authorization of associations 
for the extension of personal 
credit; a national inquiry on 
the co-ordination of rail, 
water and motor transporta- 
tion with adequate facilities 
for receiving, handling and 
marketing food; the encour- 
agement of our export trade; 
an end to unnecessary price- 
fixing and ill-considered 
efforts arbitrarily to reduce 
prices of farm products which 
invariably result to the dis- 
advantage both of producer 
and consumer; and the en- 
couragement of the produc- 
tion and importation of fer- 
tilizing material and of its 
extensive use. 
The Federal Farm Loan 



THE PLATFORMS 



21 



final decision of the highest 
court on the validity of the 
contested act. We pledge 
prompt and consistent sup- 
port of sound and effective 
measures to sustain, amplify 
and perfect the Rural Credits 
Statutes and thus to check 
and reduce the growth and 
course of farm tenancy. 

Not only did the Demo- 
cratic party put into effect a 
great Farm Loan system of 
land mortgage banks, but it 
passed the Smith-Lever agri- 
cultural extension act, carry- 
ing to every farmer in every 
section of the country, 
through the medium of train- 
ed experts and by demon- 
stration farms, the practical 
knowledge acquired by the 
Federal Agricultural Depart- 
ment in all things relating to 
agriculture, horticulture and 
animal life; it established the 
Bureau of Markets, the Bu- 
reau of Farm Management 
and passed the Cotton Fu- 
tures Act, the Grain Grades 
bill, the Cooperative Farm 
Administration Act and the 
Federal Warehouse Act. 

The Democratic party has 
vastly improved the rural 
mail system and has built up 
the parcel post system to 
such an extent as to render 
its activities and its practical 
service indispensable to the 
farming community. It was 
this wise encouragement and 
this effective concern of the 
Democratic party for the 
farmers of the United States 
that enabled this great inter- 
est to render such essential 
service in feeding the armies 
of America and the allied na- 
tions of the war and succor- 
ing starving populations since 
Armistice Day. 

-Meanwhile the Republican 
leaders at Washington have 
failed utterly to propose one 
single measure to make rural 
life ©more tolerable. They 
have signalized their fifteen 
months of Congressional 
power by urging schemes 



Act should be so adminis- 
tered as to facilitate the ac- 
quisition of farm land by 
those desiring to become 
owners and proprietors and 
thus minimize the evils of 
farm tenantry, and to furnish 
such long time credits as 
farmers may need to finance 
adequately their larger and 
long time production oper- 
ations. 



THE PLATFORMS 



which would strip thi farms 
of labor by assailing the 
principles of the Farm Loan 
system and seeking to impair 
its efficiency; by covertly at- 
tempting to destroy the great 
nitrogen plant at Muscle 
Shoals upon which the gov- 
ernment has expended $70,- 
000,000 to supply American 
farmers with fertilizers at 
reasonable cost; by ruthlessly 
crippling nearly every branch 
of agricultural endeavor, lit- 
erally cramping the produc- 
tive mediums through which 
the people must be fed. 

We favor such legislation 
as will confirm to the primary 
producers of the nation the 
right of collective bargaining 
and the right of cooperative 
handling and marketing of 
the products of the workshop 
and the farm and such legis- 
lation as will facilitate the 
exportation of our farm prod- 
ucts. 

We favor comprehensive 
studies of farm production 
costs and the uncensored 
publication of facts in such 
studies. 



CONSERVATION 

Conservation is a Repub- 
lican policy. It began with 
the passage of the Reclama- 
tion Act signed by President 
Roosevelt. The recent pas- 
sage of the coal, oil and 
phosphate leasing act by a 
Republican Congress and the 
enactment of the waterpower 
bill fashioned in accordance 
with the same principle, are 
consistent landmarks in the 
development of the conserva- 
tion of our national resources. 
We denounce the refusal of 
the President to sign the 
waterpower bill, passed after 
ten years of controversy. The 
Republican party has taken 
an especially honorable part 
in saving our national forests 
and in the effort to establish 
a national forest policy. Our 
most pressing conservation 
question relates to our for- 



THE PLATFORMS 



23 



csts. We are using our for- 
est resources faster than they 
are being renewed. The re- 
sult is to raise unduly the cost 
of forest products to consum- 
ers and especially farmers, 
who use more than half the 
lumber produced in America, 
and in the end to create a 
timber famine. The Federal 
Government, the States and 
private interests must unite in 
devising means to meet the 
menace. 



LABOR AND INDUSTRY 

The Democratic party is 
now, as ever, the firm friend 
of honest labor and the pro- 
moter of progressive indus- 
try. It established the De- 
partment of Labor at Wash- 
ington and a Democratic 
President called to his official 
council board the first practi- 
cal workingman who ever 
held a cabinet portfolio. 
Under this administration 
have been established em- 
ployment bureaus to bring 
the man and the job to- 
gether; have been peaceably 
determined many bitter dis- 
putes between capital and 
labor; were passed the child- 
labor act, the workingman's 
compensation act (the extenr 
sion of which we advocate so 
as to include laborers en- 
gaged in loading and unload- 
ing ships and in interstate 
commerce), the eight-hour 
law, the act for vocational 
training and a code of other 
wholesome laws affecting the 
liberties and bettering the 
conditions of the laboring 
classes. In the Department 
of Labor the Democratic Ad- 
ministration established a 
Woman's Bureau, which a 
Republican Congress de- 
stroyed by withholding ap- 
propriations. 

Labor is not a commodity; 
it is human. Those who la- 
bor have rights and the na- 
tional security and safety de- 
pend upon a just recognition 
of those rights and the con- 



INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS 

There are two different 
conceptions of the relations 
of capital and labor. The one 
is contractual and emphasizes 
the diversity of interests of 
employer and employee. The 
other is that of co-partner- 
ship in a common task. 

We recognize the justice of 
collectice bargaining as a 
means of promoting good 
will, establishing closer and 
more harmonious relations 
between employers and em- 
ployees, and realizing the 
true ends of industrial justice. 

The strike or the lockout, 
as a means of settling indus- 
trial disputes, inflicts such 
loss and suffering on the 
community as to justify gov- 
ernment initiative to reduce 
its frequency and limit its 
consequences. 

We deny the right to strike 
i gainst the government; but 
the rights and interests of all 
government employees must 
be safeguarded by impartial 
laws and tribunals. 

In public utilities we favor 
the establishment of an im- 
partial tribunal to make an 
investigation of the facts and 
to render a decision to the 
end that there may be no or- 
ganized interruption of ser- 
vice necessary to the lives, 
health and welfare of the 
people. The decisions of the 
tribunals should be morally 
but not legally binding, and 
an informed public sentiment 
be relied on to secure their 



24 



THE PLATFORMS 



servation of the strength of 
the workers and their fami- 
lies in the interest of sound- 
hearted and sound-headed 
men, women and children. 
Laws regulating hours of la- 
bor and conditions under 
which labor is performed, 
when passed in recognition 
of the conditions under which 
life must be lived to attain 
the highest development and 
happiness, are just assertions 
of the national interest in the 
welfare of the people. 

At the same time, the na- 
tion depends upon the prod- 
ucts of labor; a cessation of 
production means a loss and, 
if long continued, disaster. 
The whole people, therefore, 
have a right to insist that jus- 
tice shall be done to those 
who work, and in turn that 
those whose labor creates the 
necessities upon which the 
life of the nation depends 
must recognize the reciprocal 
obligation between the work- 
er and the State. They 
should participate in the for- 
mulation of sound laws and 
regulations governing the 
conditions under which labor 
is performed, recognize and 
obey the laws so formulated 
and seek their amendment 
when necessary by the proc- 
esses ordinarily addressed to 
the laws and regulations af- 
fecting the other relations of 
life. 

Labor, as well as capital, 
is entitled to adequate com- 
pensation. Each has the in- 
defeasible right of organiza- 
tion, of collective bargaining 
and of speaking through rep- 
resentatives of their own se- 
lection. Neither class, how- 
ever, should at any time nor 
in any circumstances take ac- 
tion that will put in jeopardy 
the public welfare. Resort to 
strikes and lockouts which 
endanger the health or lives 
of the people is an unsatis- 
factory device for determining 
disputes, and the Democratic 
party pledges itself to con- 



acceptance. The tribunals, 
however, should refuse to ac- 
cept jurisdiction except for 
the purpose of investigation, 
as long as the public service 
be interrupted. For public 
utilities we favor the type of 
tribunal provided for in the 
Transportation Act of 1920. 

In private industries we do 
not advocate the principle of 
compulsory arbitration, but 
we favor impartial commis- 
sions and better facilities for 
voluntary mediation, concilia- 
tion and arbitration, supple- 
mented by that full publicity 
which will enlist the influence 
of an aroused public opinion. 
The Government should take 
the initiative in inviting the 
establishment of tribunals or 
commissions for the purpose 
of voluntary arbitration and 
of investigation of disputed 
issues. 

We demand the exclusion 
from interstate commerce of 
the products of convict labor. 



THE PLATFORMS 



» 



trive, if possible, and put into 
effective operation a fair and 
comprehensive method of 
composing differences of this 
nature. 

In private industrial dis- 
putes, we are opposed to 
compulsory arbitration as a 
method plausible in theory 
but a failure in fact. With 
respict to government ser- 
vice, we hold distinctly that 
the rights of the people are 
paramount to the right to 
strike. However, we profess 
scrupulous regard for the 
conditions of public employ- 
ment and pledge the Demo- 
cratic party to instant inquiry 
into the pay of Government 
employees and equally speedy 
regulations designed to bring 
salaries to a just and proper 
level. 



WOMAN SUFFRAGE 

We endorse the proposed 
19th Amendment of the Con- 
stitution of the United States 
granting equal suffrage to 
women. We congratulate the 
legislatures of the 35 States 
which have already ratified 
said Amendment and we urge 
the Democratic Governors 
and legislatures of Tennes- 
see, North Carolina and Flor- 
ida and such States as have 
not yet ratified the Federal 
Suffrage Amendment to unite 
in an effort to complete the 
process of ratification and se- 
cure the 36th State in time 
for all the women of the 
United States to participate 
in the Fall election. We com- 
mend the effective advocacy 
of the measure by President 
Wilson. 



LYNCHING 

We urge Congress to con- 
sider the most effective means 
to end lynching in this coun- 
try which continues to be a 
terrible blot on our American 
civilization. 

WOMAN SUFFRAGE 

We welcome women into 
full participation in the affairs 
of government and the activi- 
ties of the Republican party. 
We earnestly hope that Re- 
publican legislatures in states 
which have not yet acted on 
the Suffrage Amendment will 
ratify the amendment, to the 
end that all of the women of 
the nation of voting age may 
participate in the election of 
1920 which is so important to 
the welfare of our country. 



SOCIAL PROGRESS 

The supreme duty of the 
nation is the conservation of 



26 



THE PLATFORMS 



WELFARE OF WOMEN 

AND CHILDREN 

We urge cooperation with 
the States for the protection 
of child life through infancy 
and maternity care; in the 
prohibition of child labor and 
by adequate appropriations 
for the Children's Bureau and 
the Woman's Bureau in the 
Department of Labor. 

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY 

We advocate full represen- 
tation of women on all com- 
missions dealing with wo- 
men's work or women's in- 
terests and a reclassification 
of the Federal Civil Service 
free from discrimination on 
the ground of sex; a continu- 
ance of appropriations for 
education in sex hygiene; 
Federal legislation which 
shall insure that American 
women residents in the 
United States, but married to 
aliens, shall retain their 
American citizenship and that 
the same process of natural- 
ization shall be required for 
women as for men. 



EDUCATION 

Co-operative Federal as- 
sistance to the States is im- 
mediately required for the re- 



human resources through an 
enlightened measure of social 
and industrial justice. Al- 
though the Federal jurisdic- 
tion over social problems is 
limited, they affect the wel- 
fare and interest of the nation 
as a whole. We pledge the 
Republican party to the so- 
lution of these problems 
through national and state 
legislation in accordance with 
the best progressive thought 
of the country. . 

CHILD LABOR 

The Republican party 
stands for a Federal child la- 
bor law and for its rigid en- 
forcement. If the present law 
be found unconstitutional or 
ineffective, we shall seek 
other means to enable Con- 
gress to prevent the evils of 
child labor. 



WOMEN IN INDUSTRY 

Women have special prob- 
lems of employment which 
make necessary special study. 
We commend Congress for 
the permanent establishment 
of the Women's Bureau in 
the United States Depart- 
ment of Labor to serve as a 
source of information to the 
States and to Congress. 

The principle of equal pay 
for equal service should be ap- 
plied throughout all branches 
of the Federal government 
in" which women are em- 
ployed. 

Federal aid for vocational 
training should take into con- 
sideration the special apti- 
tudes and needs of women 
workers. 

We demand Federal legis- 
lation to limit the hours of 
employment of women eft- 
gaged in intensive industry^ 
the product of which enters 
into interstate commerce. 

EDUCATION AND HEALTH 

We endorse the principle 
of Federal aid to the States 
for the purposes of vocation- 



THE PLATFORMS 



27 



moval of illiteracy, for the in- 
crease of teachers' salaries 
and instruction in citizenship 
for both native and foreign- 
born; increased appropriation 
for vocational training in 
home economics, re-establish- 
ment of joint Federal and 
State . employment service 
with women's departments 
under the direction of techni- 
cally qualified women. 



DISABLED SOLDIERS 

The Federal Government 
should treat with the utmost 
consideration every disabled 
soldier, sailor and marine of 
the world's war, whether his 
disability be due to wounds 
received in line of action or 
to health impaired in service; 
and for the dependents of the 
brave men who died in line of 
duty the government's ten- 
derest concern and richest 
bounty should be their re- 
quital. The fine patriotism 
exhibited, the heroic conduct 
displayed by American sol- 
diers, sailors and marines at 
home and abroad, constitute 
a sacred heritage of posterity, 
the worth of which can never, 
be recompensed from the 
Treasury and the glory of 
which must not be dimin- 
ished. 



al and agricultural training. 

Wherever Federal money 
is devoted to education, such 
education must be so directed 
as to awaken in the youth 
the spirit of America and a 
sense of patriotic duty to the 
United States. 

A thorough system of 
physical education for all 
children up to the age of 19, 
including adequate health su- 
pervision and instruction, 
would remedy conditions re- 
vealed by the draft and would 
add to the economic and in- 
dustrial strength of the na- 
tion. National leadership and 
stimulation will be necessary 
to induce the States to adopt 
a wise system of physical 
training. 

The public health activities 
of the Federal government 
are scattered through numer- 
ous departments and bureaus, 
resulting in inefficiency, du- 
plication and extravagance. 
We advocate a greater cen- 
tralization of the Federal 
functions, and in addition 
urge the better co-ordination 
of the work of the Feder- 
al, State and local health 
agencies. 

THE SERVICE MEN 

We hold in imperishable 
remembrance the valor and 
the patriotism of the soldiers 
and sailors of America who 
fought in the great war for 
human liberty, and we pledge 
ourselves to discharge to the 
fullest the obligations which 
a grateful nation justly should 
fulfill, in appreciation of the 
services rendered by its de- 
fenders on sea and on land. 

Republicans are not un- 
grateful. Throughout their 
history they have shown 
their gratitude toward the 
nation's defenders. Liberal 
legislation for the care of the 
disabled and infirm and their 
dependents has ever marked 
Republican policy toward the 
soldier and sailor of all the 
wars in which our country 
has participated. The present 



28 



THE PLATFORMS 



The Democratic Adminis- 
tration wisely established a 
War Risk Insurance Bureau, 
giving four and a half mil- 
lions of enlisted men insur- 
ance at unprecedentedly low 
rates and through the me- 
dium of which compensation 
of men and women injured in 
service is readily adjusted, 
and hospital facilities for 
those whose health is im- 
paired are abundantly af- 
forded. 

The Federal Board for Vo- 
cational Education should be 
made a part of the War Risk 
Insurance Bureau, in order 
that the task may be treated 
as a whole, and this machin- 
ery of protection and assis- 
tance must receive every aid 
of law and appropriation nec- 
essary to full and effective 
operation. 

We believe that no higher 
or more valued privilege can 
be afforded to an American 
citizen than to become a free- 
holder in the soil of the 
United States and to that end 
we pledge our party to the 
enactment of soldier settle- 
ments and home aid legisla- 
tion which will afford to the 
men who fought for America 
the opportunity to become 
land and home owners under 
conditions affording genuine 
Government assistance unen- 
cumbered by needless difficul- 
ties of red tape or advance 
financial investment. 



Congress has appropriated 
generously for the disabled 
of the World War. 

The amounts already ap- 
plied and authorized for the 
fiscal year 1920-21 for this 
purpose reached the stupen- 
dous sum of $1,180,571,893. 
This legislation is significant 
of the party's purpose in gen- 
erously caring for the maim- 
ed and disabled men of the 
recent war. 



THE RAILROADS 

The railroads were sub- 
jected to Federal control as 
a war measure without other 
idea than the swift transport 
of troops, munitions and sup- 
plies. When human life and 
national hopes were at stake 
profits could not be consid- 
ered and were not. Federal 
operation, however, was 
marked by an intelligence 
and efficiency that minimized 
loss and resulted in many and 
marked reforms. The equip- 
ment taken over was not 



RAILROADS 

We are opposed to govern- 
ment ownership and opera- 
tion or employee operation 
of the railroads. In view of 
the conditions prevailing in 
this country, the experience 
of the last two years, and the 
conclusions of which may 
fairly be drawn from an ob- 
servation of the transporta- 
tion systems of other coun- 
tries, it is clear that adequate 
transportation service both 
for the present and future can 
be furnished more certainly, 



THE PLATFORMS 



29 



only grossly inadequate, but 
shamefully outworn. Unifi- 
cation practices overcame 
these initial handicaps and 
provided additions, better- 
ments and improvements. 
Economies enabled opera- 
tion without the rate raises 
that private control would 
have found necessary, and 
labor was treated with an 
exact justice that secured the 
enthusiastic co-operation that 
victory demanded. The fun- 
damental purpose of Federal 
control was achieved fully 
and splendidly, and at far less 
cost to the taxpayer than 
would have been the case 
under private operation. In- 
vestments in railroad proper- 
ties were not only saved by 
Government operation, but 
Government management re- 
turned these properties vastly 
improved in every physical 
and executive detail. A great 
task was greatly discharged. 

The President's recommen- 
dation of return to private 
ownership gave the Republi- 
can majority a full year in 
which to enact the necessary 
legislation. The House took 
six months to formulate its 
ideas, and another six months 
was consumed by the Repub- 
lican Senate in equally vague 
debate. As a consequence, 
the Esch-Cummins bill went 
to the President in the clos- 
ing hours of the time limit 
prescribed, and he was forced 
to a choice between the chaos 
of a veto and acquiescence in 
the measure submitted how- 
ever grave may have been his 
objections to it. 

There should be a fair and 
complete test of the law and 
until careful and mature 
action by Congress may cure 
its defects and insure a thor- 
oughly effective transporta- 
tion system under private 
ownership without Govern- 
ment subsidy at the expense 
of the taxpayers of the 
country. 



economically and efficiently 
through private ownership 
and operation under proper 
regulation and control. 

There should be no specu- 
lative profit in rendering the 
service of transportation; but 
in order to do justice to the 
capital already invested in 
railway enterprises, to restore 
railway credit, to induce fu- 
ture investment at a reason- 
able rate, and to furnish en- 
larged facilities to meet the 
requirements of the constant- 
ly increasing development 
and distribution, a fair return 
upon actual value of the rail- 
way property used in trans- 
portation should be made 
reasonably sure, and at the 
same time provide constant 
employment to those engaged 
in transportation service, 
with fair hours and favorable 
working conditions, at wages 
or compensation at least 
equal to those prevailing in 
similar lines of industry. 

We endorse the Transpor- 
tation Act of 1920 enacted by 
the Republican Congress as a 
most constructive legislative 
achievement. 



ao 



THE PLATFORMS 



IMPROVED HIGHWAYS 

Improved roads are of vi- 
tal importance not only to 
commerce and industry, but 
also to agriculture and rural 
life. The Federal Road Act 
of 1916, enacted by the Dem- 
ocratic Congress, represent- 
ed the first systematic effort 
of the Government to insure 
the building of an adequate 
system of roads in this coun- 
try. The act, as amended, 
has resulted in placing the 
movement for improved high- 
ways on a progressive and 
substantial basis in every 
State in the Union and in 
bringing under actual con- 
struction more than 13,000 
miles of roads suited to the 
traffic needs of the commu- 
nities in which they are lo- 
cated. 

We favor a continuance of 
the present Federal aid plan 
under existing Federal and 
State agencies amended so as 
to include as one of the ele- 
ments in determining the ra- 
tio in which the several states 
shall be entitled to share in 
the fund, the area of any 
public lands therein. 

Inasmuch as the postal 
service has been extended by 
the Democratic party to the 
door of practically every 
producer and every consum- 
er in the country (rural free 
delivery alone having been 
provided for 6,000,000 addi- 
tional patrons within the past- 
eight years without material 
added cost), we declare that 
this instrumentality can and 
will be used to the maximum 
of its capacity to improve 
the efficiency of distribution 
and reduce the cost of living 
to consumers while increas- 
ing the profitable operations 
of producers. 

We strongly favor the in- 
creased use of the motor 
vehicle in the transportation 
of the mails and urge the 
removal of the restrictions 
imposed by the" Republican 
Congress on the use of mo- 



PUBLIC ROADS AND 
HIGHWAYS 

We favor liberal appropria- 
tions in co-operation with the 
States for the construction of 
highways, which will bring 
about a reduction in transpor- 
tation costs, better marketing 
of farm products, improve- 
ment in rural postal delivery, 
as well as meet the needs of 
military defense. 

In determining the propor- 
tion of Federal aid for 
road construction among the 
States, the sums lost in tax- 
ation to the respective States 
by the setting apart of large 
portions of their area as for- 
est reservations should be 
considered as a controlling 
factor. 



THE PLATFORMS 



31 



or devices in mail transpor- 
ation in rural territories. 

MERCHANT MARINE 

We desire to congratulate 
he American people upon 
he re-birth of our Merchant 
Marine which once more 
naintains its former place in 
he world. It was under a 
Democratic Administration 
hat this was accomplished 
fter seventy years of indif- 
erence and neglect, thirteen 
nillion tons having been con- 
tracted since the act was 
•assed, in 1916. We pledge 
he policy of our party to the 
ontinued growth of our 
Merchant Marine under prop- 
er legislation so that Amer- 
can products will be carried 
o all ports of the world by 
essels built in American 
rards, flying the American 
lag. 



MERCHANT MARINE 

The national defense and 
our foreign commerce require 
a merchant marine of the best 
type of modern ship flying 
the American flag, manned 
by American seamen, owned 
by private capital, and oper- 
ated by private energy. We 
endorse the sound legislation 
recently enacted by the Re- 
publican Congress that will 
insure the promotion and 
maintenance of the American 
merchant marine. 

We favor the application of 
the Workmen's Compensa- 
tion Acts to the merchant 
marine. 

We recommend that all 
ships engaged in coastwise 
trade and all vessels of the 
American merchant marine 
shall pass through the Pana- 
ma Canal wi^iout payment 
of tolls. 



PORT FACILITIES 

The urgent demands of the 

/ar for adequate transporta- 
-ion of war material as well 

s for domestic need, reveal- 
ed the fact that our port fa- 
cilities and rate adjustment 
were such as to seriously af- 

ect the whole country in 
times of peace as well as 
var. 

We pledge our party to 
stand for equality of rates, 
joth import and export, for 
+ he ports of the country, to 
rhe end that there may be 

dequate and fair facilities 
..nd rates for the mobiliza- 
tion of the products of the 
country offered for ship- 
ment. 






HOUSING 

The housing shortage has 
not only compelled careful 
study of ways of stimulating 
building, but it has brought 
into relief the unsatisfactory 
character of the housing ac- 
commodations of large num- 
bers of the inhabitants of 



32 



THE PLATFORMS 



our cities. A nation of home 
owners is the best guaranty 
of the maintenance of those 
principles of liberty, law and 
order upon which our gov- 
ernment is founded. Both na- 
tional and state governments 
should encourage in all prop- 
er ways the acquiring of 
homes by our citizens. The 
United States Government 
should make available the val- 
uable information on housing 
and town planning collected 
during the war. This infor- 
mation should be kept up to 
date and made currently 
available. 



INLAND WATERWAYS 

We call attention to the 
failure of the Republican Na- 
tional Convention to recog- 
nize in any way the rapid 
development of barge trans- 
portation on our inland 
waterways, which develop- 
ment is the result of the con- 
structive polices of the Dem- 
ocratic administration. And 
we pledge ourselves to the 
further development of ade- 
quate transportation facili- 
ties on our rivers and to the 
further improvement of our 
inland waterways; and we 
recognize the importance of 
connecting the Great Lakes 
with the sea by the way of 
the Mississippi River and its 
tributaries, as well as by 
the St. Lawrence River. 
We favor an enterprising 
Foreign Trade Policy with 
all nations, and in this con- 
nection we favor the full 
utilization of all Atlantic, 
Gulf and Pacific Ports, and 
an equitable distribution of 
shipping facilities between 
the various ports. 

Transportation remains an 
increasingly vital problem in 
the continued development 
and prosperity of the Nation. 
Our present facilities for 
distribution by rail are in- 
adequate and the promotion 
of transportation by water is 
imperative. 



WATERWAYS 

We declare it to be our 
policy to encourage and de- 
velop water transportation 
service and facilities in con- 
nection with the commerce of 
the United States. 



V 



THE PLATFORMS 



33 



We therefore favor a liber- 
l1 and comprehensive policy 
or development and utiliza- 
;ion of our harbors and in- 
erior waterways. 

FLOOD CONTROL 

We commend the Demo- 
cratic Congress for the re- 
lemption of the pledge con- 
tained in our last platform 
oy the passage of the Flood 
Control Act of March 1, 
1917, and point to the suc- 
cessful control of floods of 
the Mississippi River and the 
Sacramento River, California, 
under the policy of that law, 
or its complete justification. 
We favor the extension of 
this policy to other flood 
control problems wherever 
the Federal interest involved 
justifies the expenditure re- 
quired. 



RECLAMATION OF ARID 

LANDS 

By wise legislation and 
progressive administration, 
we have transformed the 
Government reclamation pro- 
jects, representing an invest- 
ment of $100,000,000, from a 
condition of impending fail- 
ure and loss of confidence in 
the ability of the Govern- 
ment to carry through such 
large enterprises, to a condi- 



CIVIL SERVICE r 

We renew our repeated 
declaration that the civil ser- 
vice law shall be thoroughly 
and honestly enforced and 
extended wherever practica- 
ble. The recent action of 
Congress in enacting a com- 
prehensive civil service re- 
tirement law and in working 

-out a comprehensive employ- 
ment and wage policy that 
will guarantee equal and just 
treatment to the army of 

. government workers, and in 
centralizing the administra- 
tion of the new and progres- 
sive employment policy in the 
hands of the Civil Service 
Commission ia> worthy of all 
praise. 

RECLAMATION 

We favor a fixed and com- 
prehensive policy of reclama- 
tion to increase national 
wealth and production. 

We recognize' in the de- 
velopment ' of reclamation 
through Federal action with 
its increase of production and 
taxable wealth a safeguard 
for the nation. 

We commend to Congress 
a policy to reclaim lands and 



34 



THE PLATFORMS 



tion of demonstrated success, 
whereby formerly arid and 
wholly unproductive lands 
now sustain 40,000 prosper- 
ous families and have an an- 
nual crop production of over 
$70,000,000, not including the 
crops grown on a million 
acres outside the projects 
supplied with storage water 
from Government works. 

We favor ample appropria- 
tions for the continuation 
and extension of this great 
work of home-building and 
internal improvement along 
the same general lines, to the 
end that all practical projects 
shall be built, and waters 
now running to waste shall 
be made to provide homes 
and add to the food supply, 
power resources, and taxable 
property, v/ith the Govern- 
ment ultimately reimbursed 
for the entire outlay. 



the establishment of a fixed 
national policy of develop- 
ment of natural resources 
in relation to reclamation 
through the now designated 
government agencies. 



THE TRADE 

COMMISSION 

The Democratic party 
heartily endorses the crea- 
tion and work of the Federal 
Trade Commission in estab- 
lishing a fair field for com- 
petitive business, free from 
restraints of trade and mon- 
opoly, and recommends am- 
plification of the statutes 
governing its activities so as 
to grant it authority to pre^ 
vent the unfair use of patents 
in restraint of trade. 



REGULATION OF INDUS- 
TRY AND COMMERCE 

We approve in general the 
existing Federal legislation 
against monopoly and com- 
binations in restraint of trade, 
but since the known certainty 
of a law is the safety of all, 
we advocate such amendment 
as will provide American 
business men with better 
means of determining in ad- 
vance whether a proposed 
combination is or is not un- 
lawful. The Federal Trade 
Commission, under a Demo- 
cratic administration, has not 
accomplished the purpose for 
which it was created. This 
Commission properly organ- 
ized and its duties efficiently 
administered should afford 
protection to the public and 
legitimate business interests. 
There should be nb persecu- 
tion of honest business, but to 
the extent that circumstances 
warrant we pledge ourselves 
to strengthen the law against 
unfair practices. 

We pledge the party to an 
immediate resumption of 
trade- relations with every na-| 



THE PLATFORMS 



35 



tion with which we are at 
peace. 



LIVE STOCK MARKETS 

For the purpose of insur- 
ing just and fair treatment in 
the great interstate live stock 
market, and thus^ instilling 
confidence in growers through 
which production will be 
stimulated and the price of 
meats to consumers be ulti- 
mately reduced, we favor the 
enactment of legislation for 
the supervision of such mar- 
kets by the national Govern- 
ment. 

MEXICO 

'The- United States is the 
neighbor and friend of the 
nations of the three Amer- 
icas. In a very special sense, 
our international relations in 
this hemisphere should be 
characterized by good will 
and free from any possible 
suspicion as to our national 
purpose. 

The Administration, re- 
membering always that Mex- 
ico is an independent nation 
and that permanent stability 
in her government and her 
institutions could come only 
from the consent of her own 
people to a government of 
their own making, has been 
unwilling either to profit by 
the misfortunes of the people 
of Mexico or to enfeeble 
their future by imposing from 
the # outside a rule upon their 
temporarily distracted coun- 
cils. As a consequence, or- 
der is gradually reappearing 
in Mexico; a* no time in 
many years* have American 
lives and interests been so 
safe as they now are; peace 
reigns along the border and 
industry is resuming. 

When the new Government 
of Mexico shall have given 
ample proof of its ability per- 
manently to maintain law 
and order, signified its will- 
ingness to meet its interna- 
tional obligations and written 
upon its statute books just 



MEXICO 

The ineffective policy of 
the present Administration in 
Mexican matters has been 
largely responsible for the 
continued loss of American 
lives in that country and up- 
on our border; for the enor- 
mous loss of American and 
foreign property; for the low- 
ering of American standards 
of morality and social rela- 
tion with Mexicans, and for 
the bringing of American 
ideals of justice, national hon- 
or and political integrity into 
contempt and ridicule in Mex- 
ico and throughout the world. 

Th,e policy of wordy, futile 
written protests against the 
acts of Mexican officials, ex- 
plained the following day by 
the President himself as be- 
ing meaningless and not in- 
tended to be considered se- 
riously, or enforced, has but 
added in degree to that con- 
tempt, and has earned for us 
the sneers and jeers of Mexi- 
can bandits, and added insult 
upon insult against our na- 
tional honor and dignity. 

We should not recognize 
any. Mexican government, un- 
less it be a responsible gov- 
ernment willing and able to 
give sufficient guarantees that 
the lives and property of 
American citizens are re- 
spected and protected; that 
wrongs will be promptly cor- 
rected and just compensation 



36 



THE PLATFORMS 



laws under which foreign in- 
vestors shall have~ rights as 
well as duties, that Govern- 
ment should receive our rec- 
ognition and sympathetic as- 
sistance. Until these proper 
expectations have been met, 
Mexico must realize the 
propriety of a policy that as- 
serts the right of the United 
States to demand full protec- 
tion for its citizens. 



PETROLEUM 

The Democratic party rec- 
ognizes the importance of the 
acquisition by Americans of 
additional sources of supply 
of petroleum and other min- 
erals and declares that such 
acquisition both at home and 
abroad should be fostered 
and encouraged. We urge 
such action, legislative and 
executive, as may secure to 
American citizens the same 
rights in the acquirement of 
mining rights in foreign coun- 
tries as are enjoyed by the 
citizens or subjects of any 
other nation. 



will be made for injury sus- 
tained. The Republican party 
pledges itself to a consistent, 
firm and effective policy to- 
wards Mexico that shall en- 
force respect lor the Ameri- 
can flag and that shall protect 
the fights of American citi- 
zens lawfully in Mexico to 
security of life and enjoy-, 
ment of property, in accord- 
ance with established princi- 
ples of international law and 
our treaty rights. 

The Republican party is a 
sincere friend of the Mexican 
people. In its insistence up- 
on the maintenance of order 
for the protection of Ameri- 
can citizens within its borders 
a great service will be render- 
ed the Mexican people them- 
selves; for a continuation of 
present conditions means dis- 
aster to their interests and 
patriotic aspirations. 



NEW NATIONS . 

The Democratic party ex- 
presses its active sympathy 
with the people of China, 
Czecho-Slovakia, Finland, Ju- 
go-Slava, Poland, Persia and 
others who have recently es- 
tablished representative gov- 
ernment and who are striving 
to develop the institutions of 
true Democracy. 

IRELAND 

The great principle of na- 
tional self-determination has 



THE PLATFORMS 



37 



received constant reiteration 
as one of the chief objectives 
for which this country enter- 
ed the war and victory estab- 
lished this principle. 

Within the limitations of 
international comity and us- 
age, this Convention repeats 
the several previous expres- 
sions of the sympathy of the 
Democratic Party of the 
United States for the aspira- 
tions of Ireland for self- 
government. 

ARMENIA 

We express our. deep and 
earnest sympathy for the un- 
. fortunate people of Armenia, 
and we believe that our gov- 
ernment, . consistent with its 
constitution and principles, 
should render evejy possible 
and proper aid to them in 
their efforts to establish and 
maintain a government of 
their own. 



MANDATE FOR ARMENIA 

We condemn President 
Wilson for asking Congress 
to empower him to accept a 
mandate for Armenia. We 
commend the Republican Sen- 
ate for refusing the Presi- 
dent's request to empower 
him to accept the mandate 
for Armenia. The acceptance 
of such mandate would throw 
the United States into the 
very maelstrom of European 
quarrels. According to the 
estimate of the Harbord Com- 
mission, organized by author- 
ity of President Wilson, we 
would be called upon to send 
59,000 American boys to po- 
lice Armenia and to expend 
$276,000,000 in the first year 
and $756,000,000 in five years. 
This estimate is made upon 
the basis that we would have 
only roving bands to fight; 
but in case of serious trouble 
with the Turks or with Rus- 
sia, a force exceeding 200,000 
would be necessary. 

No more striking illustra- 
tion can be found of Presi- 
dent Wilson's disregard of 
the lives of American boys 
or of American interests. 

We deeply sympathize with 
the people of Armenia and 
stand ready to help them .in 
all proper ways, but the Re- 
publican party will oppose 
now and hereafter the accept- 
ance of a mandate for any 
country in Europe or Asia. 



THE PHILIPPINES 

We favor the granting of 
independence without unnec- 



38 



THE PLATFORMS 



essary delay to the 10,500,000 
inhabitants of the Philippine 
Islands. 

HAWAII 

We favor a liberal policy 
of homesteading public lands 
in Hawaii to promote a larger 
middje-class citizen popula- 
tion, with equal rights to all 
citizens. , , 

The importance of Hawaii 
as an outpost on the Western 
Frontier of the United States 
demands adequate appropria- 
tions by Congress for the de- 
velopment of our harbors and 
highways there. 

PORTO RICO 

We favor granting to the 
people of Porto Rico the tra- 
ditional territorial form of 
government, with a view to 
ultimate statehood, accorded 
to all territories of the United 
States since the beginning of 
our government, and we be- 
lieve that the officials ap- 
pointed to administer the 
government of such territo- 
ries should be qualified by 
previous bona-fide residence 
therein. 

ALASKA 

We commend the Demo- 
cratic Administration for in- 
augurating a new policy as to 
Alaska as evidenced by the 
construction of the Alaska 
railroad and opening of the 
coal and oil fields. 

We declare for the modifi- 
cation of the existing coal 
land law, to promote devel- 
opment without disturbing 
the features intended to pre- 
vent monopoly. 

For such changes in the 
policy of forestry control as 
will permit the immediate in- 
itiation of the paper pulp in- 
dustry. 

For^ relieving the territory 
fronfethe. evils of long-dis- 
tance government by arbitra- 
ry and interlocking bureau- 
cratic regulation, and to that 
end we urge the speedy pas- 



HAWAII 

For Hawaii we recommend 
Federal assistance in Ameri- 
canizing and educating their 
greatly disproportionate for- 
eign population; home rule; 
and the rehabilitation of the 
Hawaiian race. 



THE PLATFORMS 



39 



I 



ge of a law containing the 
ssential features of the 
ane-Curry bill now pending 

i-ordinating and consolidat- 

g all Federal control of 
atural resources under one 
epartment to be administer- 
by a non-partisan board 
ermanently resident in the 
;rritory. 

For the fullest measure of 

jrritorial self - government 

ith the view to ultimate 

tatehood, with jurisdiction 

ver. all matters not of pure- 

y Federal concern, including 

sheries and game, and for 

n intelligent administration 

>f Federal control we believe 

lat all officials appointed 

lould be qualified by previ- 

>us bona-fide residence in the 

erritory. 

For a comprehensive sys- 
;tem of road construction 
vith increased appropriations 
ind the full extensions of the 
federal Road Aid Act to 
Uaska. 

For the extension to Alas- 
ka of the Federal Farm Loan 
^ct 



ASIATIC IMMIGRANTS 

The policy of the United 
States with reference to the 
non-admissjon of Asiatic Im- 
migrants is a true expression 
of the judgment of our peo- 
ple, and to the several states 
whose geographical situation 
or internal conditions make 
this policy and the enforce- 
ment - of the laws" enacted 
pursuant thereto of particu- 
lar concern, v/e pledge our 
support. 



IMMIGRATION 

The standard of living and 
the standard of citizenship pf 
a nation are its most precious 
possessions, and the preser- 
vation and elevation of those 
standards is the first duty of 
our government. The immi- 
gration policy of the United 
States should be such as to 
insure that the number of for- 
eigners in the country at any 
time shall not exceed that 
which can be assimilated with 
reasonable rapidity, and to 
favor immigrants 'whose 
standards are similar to ours. 

The selective tests that are 
at present applied should be 
improved by requiring a 
higher physical standard, a 
more complete exclusion of 
mental defectives and of 
criminals, and a more effect- 
ive inspection applied as 
near the source of immigra- 
tion as possible, as well as at 



40 



THE PLATFORMS 



THE POSTAL SERVICE 

The efficiency of the Post 
Office Department has been 
vindicated against a malicious 
and designing assault by the 
efficiency of its operation. 
Its record refutes its assail- 
ants. Their voices are silenc- 
ed and their charges have 
•collapsed. 

We commend the work of 
the Joint Commission on the 
Re-classification of Salaries 
of Postal Employes, recently 
concluded, which Commission' 
was created by a Democratic 
administration. The Demo- 
cratic party has always fa- 
vored and will continue to 
favor the fair and just treat- 
ment of all Government em- 
ployes. 

FREE SPEECH AND PRESS 

We resent the unfounded 
reproaches directed against 



the port of entry. Justice U 
the foreigner and to our 
selves demands provision fo; 
the guidance, protection an< 
better economic distributioi 
of our alien population. Tg 
facilitate government super- 
vision, all aliens should b< 
required to register annuallj 
until they become natural; 
ized. 

The existing policy of tht 
United States for the practii 
cal exclusion of Asiatic immi- 
grants is sound, and shouh 
be maintained. 

NATURALIZATION 

There is urgent need of im. 
provement in our naturaliza-_ 
tion law. No alien should! 
become a citizen until he has! 
become genuinely American,! 
and adequate tests for detei 
mining the alien's fitness fori 
American citizenship should! 
be provided for by law.. 

We advocate, in addition,] 
the independent naturaliza- 5 
tion of married women. Anl 
American woman, resident inf 
the United States, should not] 
lose her citizenship by mar- 
riage to an alien. 

POSTAL SERVICE 

We condemn the present] 
administration for its destruc- 
tion of the efficiency of tht 
postal service, and the tel< 
graph and teleph&ne servic 
when controlled by the gov-] 
ernment and for its failure 
to properly compensate, em- 
ployees whose expert knowl- 
edge is essential to the proper- 
conduct of the affairs of th< ' 
postal system. We commeni 
the Republican Congress for 
the enactment of legislation^ 
increasing the pay* of postal 
employees, who up to that 
time were the poorest paid in 
the government service. 



FREE SPEECH AND ALIEN 
AGITATION 

We demand that every 



THE PLATFORMS 



41 



the Democratic Administra- 
tion for alleged interference 
with the freedom of the press 
and freedom of speech. 

No utterance from any 
quarter has been assailed, 
and no publication has been 
repressed which has not been 
animated by treasonable pur- 
pose^ and directed against the 
nation's peace, order and .se- 
curity in time of war. 

We reaffirm our respect 
for the great principles of 
free speech and a free press, 
t but assert as an indisputable 
proposition that they afford 
no toleration of enemy prop- 
aganda or the advocacy of 
the overthrow of the Govern- 
ment of the state or nation 
by force or violence. 



American citizen shall enjoy 
the ancient and constitutional 
right of free speech, free 
press and free assembly and 
the no less sacred right of 
the qualified voter to be rep- 
resented by his duly chosen 
representatives; but no man 
may advocate resistance to 
the law, and no man may ad- 
vocate violent overthrow of 
the government. 

Aliens with the jurisdiction 
of the United States are not 
entitled of right to liberty of 
agitation directed against the 
government or American in- 
stitutions. 

Every government has the 
power to exclude and deport 
those aliens who constitute 
a real menace to its peace- 
ful existence. But in view of 
the large numbers of people 
affected by the immigration 
acts and in view of the vig- 
orous malpractice of the De- 
partments of Justice and 
Labor, an adequate public 
hearing before a competent 
administrative tribunal should 
be assured to all. 



IN MEMORIAM! 

Sacred to the mem- 
ory of the "Law and 
Order" Plank contain- 
ed in the National Re- 
publican Platform as 
carried in the press re- 
ports of the Chicago 
Convention, but which 
has mysteriously disap- 
peared from the official 
copies of that docu- 
ment. 



REPUBLICAN 

CORRUPTION 

The shocking disclosure of 
the lavish use of money by 
aspirants for the Republican 
nomination for the highest 
office in the gift of the peo- 
ple has created a painful im- 
pression throughout the coun- 
try. Viewed in connection 



42 



THE PLATFORMS 



with the recent conviction of 
a Republican Senator from 
the State of Michigan for the 
criminal transgression of the 
law limiting expenditures on 
behalf of a candidate for the 
United States Senate, it indi- 
cates the re-entry, under Re- 
publican auspices, of money 
as 'an influential factor in 
elections, thus nullifying the 
letter and flaunting the spirit 
of numerous laws, enacted by 
the people, to protect the bal- 
lot from the contamination 
of corrupt practices. We de- 
plore these delinquencies and 
invoke their stern popular re- 
buke, pledging our earnest 
efforts to a strengthening of 
the present statutes against 
corrupt practices, and their 
rigorous enforcement. 

We remind the people that 
it was only by the return of 
a Republican Senator ' in 
Michigan, who is now under 
conviction and sentence for 
the criminal misuse of money 
in his election, that the pres- 
ent organization of the Sen- 
ate with a Republican major- 
ity was made possible. 



CONCLUSION 

Believing that we have kept 
the Democratic faith and 
resting our claims to the con- 
fidence of the people not up- 
on grandiose promises, but 
upon the solid performances 
of our party, we submit our 
record to the nation's con- 
sideration and ask that the 
pledges of this platform be 
appraised in the light of that 
record. 



PROFITEERING 

We condemn the Demo- 
cratic administration for fail- 
ure impartially to enforce the 
anti-profiteering laws enacted 
by the Republican Congress. 



Pointing to its history and 
relying on its fundamental 
principles, we declare that 
the Republican party has the 
genius, courage and construc- 
tive abMity to end executive 
usurpation and restore con- 
stitutional government; to 
fulfill our world obligations 
without sacrificing our na- 
tional standards of education, 
health and general welfare; 
to re-establish a peace-time 
administration and to substi- 
tute economy and efficiency 
for extravagance and chaos; 
to restore and maintain the 
m jional credit; to reform un- 



THE PLATFORMS 43 

equal and burdensome taxes; 
to free business from arbitra- 
ry and unnecessary official 
control; to suppress disloyal- 
ty without the denial of jus- 
tice; to repel* the arrogant 
challenge of any class and to 
maintain a government of all 
the people *as contrasted with 
government for some of the 
people, and finally, to allay 
unrest, suspicion and strife, 
and to secure the co-opera- 
. tion and unity of all citizens t 
in the solution of the com- 
plex problems of the day; to 
the end that our country, 
happy and prosperous, proud 
of its past, sure of itself and 
of its institutions, may look 
forward with confidence to 
the future. 



The platform of the Demo- 
cratic party is a promissory 
note, and I shall see to it that 
it will be paid in full — every 
dollar, every cent. 

— James M. Cox. 



44 



"If I am elected 
resident, during 
e next four 
years no American 
soldiers will go 
abroad unless you 
direct me to send 
them/ 9 

—JAMES M. COX, in 
speech at Orville, O., 
August 21, 1920. 



OV. COX SOUNDS 

BATTLE SUMMONS 



)emocratic Nominee for Presidency, in Ac- 
ceptance Speech, Gives Unqualified In- 
dorsement to Leagvie of Nations and 
Outlines Progressive Legislative 
Policy 



(The following speech accepting the Democratic nomination for 
he Presidency was delivered by Gov. James M. Cox of Ohio, at 
Jayton, on August 7, 1920, in reply to the address of Senator 
oseph T. Robinson of Arkansas, chairman of the committee ap- 
pointed at the National Democratic Convention to notify Mr. Cox 
)f his nomination. Copies of the address in pamphlet form may 
e obtained on application to the headquarters of the Democratic 
Vational Committee at New York or Chicago.) 

HAIRMAN ROBINSON, and members of the Noti- 
fication Committee : The message which you bring 

rom the great conference of progressive thought as- 
sembled under the formal auspices of the Democratic 
party inspires within me a pride and an appreciation 
which I cannot voice. At the same time I am mind- 

ul of the responsibility which this function now offi- 
cially places upon me. As I measure my own limita- 
tion the task ahead of us should be approached with 
more than a feeling of diffidence if I were not strength- 
ened and reassured by the faith that one has only to 
practice true fidelity to conscience. It is not the diffi- 
cult thing to know what we ought to do; the sense of 
right and wrong has been given with Divine equality. 
The mistakes of history are the result of weakness in 
the face of tempting interests. I thank God, there- 
fore, that I take up the standard of Democracy a free 
man, unfettered by promises and happy in the con- 
sciousness of untrammeled opportunity to render a ser- 
vice in the name of government that will hold for it 
the confidence which it deserves. 

. NO TIME FOR WOBBLING 
We are in a time which calls for straight thinking, 
straight talking and straight acting. This is no time 
for wobbling. Never in all our history has more been 
done for government. Never was sacrifice more sub- 
lime. The most precious things of heart and home 
were given up in a spirit which guarantees the per- 
petuity of our institutions — if the faith is kept with 
those who served and suffered. The altar of our re- 
public is drenched in blood and tears, and he who 
turns away from the tragedies and obligations of the 

45 



46 GOV. COX'S SPEECH- OF ACCEPTANCE 

war, not consecrated to a sense of honor and of dutj 
which resists every base suggestion of personal or po- 
litical expediency, is unworthy of the esteem of hid 
countrymen. 

The men and women who by expressed policy at 
the San Francisco convention charted our course in] 
the open seas of the future sensed the spirit of the 
hour and phrased it with clarity and courage. It is] 
not necessary to read and re-read the Democratic plat-] 
form to know its meaning. It is a document clear irij 
its analysis of conditions and plain in the pledge of 
service made to the public. It carries honesty of word] 
and intent. Proud of the leadership and achievement 
of the party in war, Democracy faces unafraid the 
problems of peace. Indeed, its pronouncement has] 
but to be read along with the platform framed by Re-j 
publican leaders in order that both spirit and purpose 
as they dominate the opposing organizations may be 
contrasted. On the one hand we see pride expressed] 
in the nation's glory and a promise of service easily^ 
understood. On the other a captious, unhappy spirit 
and the treatment of subjects vital to the present andj 
future, in terms that have completely confused the] 
public mind. It was clear that the senatorial oligarchy 
had been given its own way in the selection of the' 
presidential candidate, but it was surprising that it was] 
able to fasten into the party platform the creed of hate 
and bitterness and the vacillating policy that pos-j 
sesses it. 

REPUBLICAN OBSTRUCTIONISTS OF PEACE 

In the midst of war the present senatorial cabal, led] 
by Senators Lodge, Penrose and Smoot, was formed.! 
Superficial evidence of loyalty to the President was] 
deliberate in order that the great rank and file of their! 
party, faithful and patriotic to the very core, might 
not be offended. But underneath this misleading ex-j 
terior, conspirators planned and plotted, with bigoted 
zeal. With victory to our arms they delayed and ob-d 
structed the works of peace. If deemed useful to the< 
work in hand no artifice for interfering with our con-j 
stitutional peace-making authority was rejected. Be- 
fore the country knew, yes, before these men them-j 
selves knew the details of the composite plan, formed' 
at the peace table, they declared their opposition to it. 
Before the treaty was submitted to the Senate in the; 
manner the Constitution provides, they violated every 
custom and every consideration of decency by present-] 
ing a copy of the document, procured unblushingly! 
from enemy hands, and passed it into the printed rec- 
ord of senatorial proceedings. From that hour dated 
the enterprise of throwing the whole subject into a 
technical discussion, in order that the public might be 
confused. The plan has never changed in its ob- 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 47 

jective, but the method has. At the outset there was 
the careful insistence that there was no desire to inter- 
fere with the principle evolved and formalized at Ver- 
sailles. Later, it was the form and not the substance 
that professedly inspired attack. But pretense was fu- 
tile when proposals later came forth that clearly emas- 
culated the basic principle of the whole peace plan. 
It is not necessary to recall the details of the contro- 
versy in the senate. Senator Lodge finally crystallized 
his ideas into what were known as the Lodge reserva- 
tions, and when Congress adjourned these reservations 
held the support of the so-called regular Republican 
leaders. 

From that time the processes have been interesting. 
Political expediency in its truest sense dwarfed every 
consideration either of the public interest or of the 
maintenance of the honor of a great political party. 
The exclusive question was how to avoid a rupture in 
the Republican organization. The country received 
with interest, to say the least, the announcement from 
Chicago, 'where the national convention was assem- 
bled, that a platform plank, dealing with the subject 
of world peace, had been drawn, leaving out the 
Lodge reservations, and yet remaining agreeable to 
all interests, meaning thereby, the Lodge reservation- 
ists, the mild reservationists and the group of Repub- 
lican senators that openly opposed the League of Na- 
tions in any form. + 

EVASION IN REPUBLICAN PLATFORM 

m 

As the platform made no definite commital of pol- 
icy and was, in fact, so artfully phrased as to make 
almost any deduction possible, it passed through the 
convention with practical unanimity. Senator John- 
son, however, whose position has been consistent and 
whose opposition to the league in any shape is well 
known, withheld his support of the convention's choice 
until the candidate had stated the meaning of the plat- 
form, and announced definitely the policy that would 
be his, if elected. 

The Republican candidate has spoken and his utter- 
ance calls forth the following approval from Senator 
Johnson : 

"Yesterday in his speech of acceptance 
Senator Harding unequivocally took his stand 
upon the paramount issue in this campaign — the 
League of Nations. The Republican party stands 
committed by its platform. Its standard-bearer 
has now accentuated that platform. There can 
be no misunderstanding his words." 

Senator Harding, as the candidate of the party, and 
Senator Johnson are as one on this question, and, as 
the latter expresses it, the Republican party is com- 



48 GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

mitted both by platform in the abstract and by its can- 
didate in specification. The threatened revolt among 
leaders of the party is averted, but the minority po- 
sition as expressed in the senate prevails as that of 
the party. In short, principle, as avowed in support 
of the Lodge* reservations, or of the so-called mild 
reservations, has been surrendered to expediency. 

Senator Harding makes this new pledge of policy 
in behalf of his party: 

"1 promise you formal and effective peace so 
quickly as a Republican Congress can pass its de- 
claration for a Republican executive to sign." 

REPUBLICANS FOR SEPARATE PEACE 

This means but one thing — a separate peace with 

f 



This would be the most disheartening event in civil- 
ization since the Russians made their separate peace 
with Germany, and infinitely more unworthy on our 
part than it was on that of the Russians. They were 
threatened with starvation and revolution had swept 
their country. Our soldiers fought side by side with 
the Allies. So complete was the coalition of strength 
and purpose that General Foch was given supreme 
command, and every soldier in the allied cause, no 
matter what flag he followed, recognized him as his 
chief. We fought the war together, and now before 
the thing is through* it is proposed to enter into a sep- 
arate peace with Germany! In good faith we pledged 
our strength with ..pur associates for the enforcement 
of terms upon offending powers, and now it is sug- 
gested that this be withdrawn. Suppose Germany, 
recognizing the first break in the Allies, proposes 
something we cannot accept. Does Senator Harding 
intend to send an army to Germany to press her to 
our terms ? Certainly the Allied army could not be ex- 
pected to render aid. If, on the other hand, Germany 
should accept the chance we offered 'of breaking the 
bond it would be for the express purpose of insur- 
ing a German-American alliance, recognizing that the 
Allies—in fact no nation In good standing — -would 
have anything to do with either of us. 

This plan would not only be a piece of bungling 
diplomacy, but plain, unadulterated dishonesty, as 
well. 

No less an authority than Senator Lodge said, be- 
fore the heat of recent controversy, that to make peace 
except in company with the Allies would "brand us 
everlastingly with dishonor and bring ruin to us." 

And then after peace is made with Germany, Sen- 
ator Harding would, he says, "hopefully approach the 
nations of Europe and of the earth, proposing, that 
understanding which makes us a willing participant 
in the consecration of nations to a new relationship." 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 49 

In short, America, refusing to enter the League of 
Nations (now already established by twenty-nine* na- 
tions) and bearing and deserving the contempt of the 
world, would submit an entirely new project, this 
act would either be regarded as arrant madness or 
attempted international bossism. 

The plain truth is, that the Republican leaders, ob- 
sessed with a determination to win the presidential 
election, have attempted to satisfy too many divergent 
views. Inconsistencies, inevitable under the circum- 
stances, rise to haunt. them on every hand, and they 
find themselves arrayed in public thought at least, 
against a great principle. More than that, their con- 
duct is opposed to the idealism upon which their party 
prospered in other days. 

Illustrating these observations by concrete facts, let 
it be remembered that those now inveighing against 
an interest in affairs outside of America, criticised 
President Wilson in unmeasured terms for not resent- 
ing the invasion of Belgium in 1914. They term the 
League of Nations a military alliance, which, except 
for their opposition, would envelop our country, when, 
as a matter of truth, the subject of a League of Na- 
tions has claimed the best thought of America for 
years, and the League to Enforce Peace was presided 
over by so distinguished a Republican as Ex-President 
Taft, who, before audiences in every section, advo- 
cated the principle and the plan of the present League. 
They chftrge experimentation, when we have as his- 
torical precedent the Monroe Doctrine, which is the 
very essence of Article X of the Versailles covenant. 
Skeptics viewed Monroe's mandate with alarm, pre- 
dicting recurrent wars in defense of Central and South 
American states, whose guardians they alleged we 
need not be. And yet not a' shot has been fired in 
almost one hundred years in preserving sovereign 
rights on this hemisphere. They hypocritically claim 
that the League of Nations will result in our boys be- 
ing drawn into military service, but they fail to realize 
that every high school youngster in the land knows 
that no treaty can override our Constitution, which 
reserves to Congress, and to Congress alone, the power 
to declare war. They preach Americanism with a 
meaning of their own invention, and artfully appeal 
to a selfish and provincial spirit, forgetting that Lin- 
coln fought a war over the purely moral question of 
slavery, and that McKinley broke the fetters of our 
boundary lines, spoke the freedom of Cuba, and car- 
ried tne torch of American idealism to the Philip- 
pines. ^ They lose memory of Garfield's prophecy that 
America, under the blessings of God-given oppor- 



* The latest authentic information from the Secretariat of the League is 
that there are now THIRTY-SEVEN NATIONS THAT ARE MEM- 
BERS OF THE LEAGUE. 



SO GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

tunity, would by her moral leadership and cooperation 
become a Messiah among the nations of the earth. 

. SUPREME ISSUE OF THE CENTURY 

These are fateful times. Organized government has 
a definite duty all over the world. The house of civil- 
ization is to be put in order. The supreme issue of 
the century is before us and the nation that halts and 
delays is playing with fire. The finest impulses of 
humanity, rising above national lines, merely seek to 
make another horrible war impossible. Under the old 
order of international anarchy war came overnight, 
and the world was on fire before we knew it. It 
sickens our senses to think of another. We saw one 
conflict into which modem science brought new forms 
of destruction in great guns, submarines, airships, and 
poison gases. It is no secret that our chemists had 
perfected, when the contest came to a precipitate 
close, gases so deadly that whole cities could be wiped 
out, armies destroyed, and the crews of battleships 
smothered. The public prints are filled with the 
opinions of military men that in future wars the 
method, more effective than gases or bombs, will be 
the employment of the germs of diseases, carrying 
pestilence and destruction. Any nation prepared un- 
der these conditions, as Germany was equipped in 
1914, could* conquer the world in a year. 

LEAGUE IS IN OPERATION • 

It is planned now to make this impossible. A defi- 
nite plan has been agreed upon. The League of Na- 
tions is in operation. A very important work, under 
its control, just completed, was participated in by the 
Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of State under the Roose- 
velt administration. At a meeting of th£ Council of 
the League of Nations, February 11, an organizing 
committee of twelve of the most eminent jurists in the 
world was selected. The duty of this group was to 
devise a plan for the establishment of a Permanent 
Court of International Justice, as a branch of the 
League. This assignment has been concluded by 
unanimous action. This augurs well for world prog- 
ress. The question is whether we shall or shall not 
join in this practical and humane movement. Presi- 
dent Wilson, as our representative at the peace table, 
entered the League in our name, in so far as the execu- 
tive authority permitted. Senator Harding, as the Re- 
publican candidate for the presidency, proposes in 
plain words that we remain out of it, As the Demo- 
cratic candidate, I AM IN FAVOR OF GOING IN. 
This is the supreme test. Shall we act in coniert with 
the free nations of the world in setting up a tribunal 
which will avert wars in the future? This question 
must be met and answered honestly and not by 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 51 

equivocation. We must 'say in language which the 
world can understand, whether we shall participate in 
the advancement of a cause which has in it the hope 
of peace and World reconstruction or whether we pro- 
pose to follow the old paths trod by the nations of 
Europe — paths which always led to fields of blood. 
We must say in language which our own people can 
understand, whether we shall unite with our former 
Allies to make effective the only plan of peace and 
reconstruction which lias been formulated or whether 
we propose to play a lone hand in the world and guard 
our isolation with a huge army and an ever-increasing 
navy, with all the consequent burdens of taxation. I 
repeat: I AM IN FAVOR QF GOING IN. Let us 
analyze Senator Harding's plan of making a German- 
American peace, and then calling for a "new relation- 
ship among nations," assuming for the purpose of 
argument only, that the perfidious hand that dealt with 
Germany would possess the power or influence to 
draw twenty-nine nations away from a plan already 
at work, and induce them to retrace every step and 
make a new beginning. This would entail our ap- 
pointing another commission to assemble with those 
selected by the other powers. With the Versailles 
instrument discarded, the whole subject of partitions 
and divisions of territory on new lines would be re- 
opened. The difficulties in this regard, as any fair 
mind appreciates, would be greater than they were at 
the peace session, and we must not attempt to con- 
vince ourselves that they did not try the genius, pa- 
tience, and diplomacy of statesmen at that time. His- 
tory will say that great as was the Allied triumph in 
war, no less a victory was achieved at the peace table. 
The Republican proposal means dishonor, world con- 
fusion and delay. It would keep us in permanent 
company with Germany, Russia, Turkey and Mexico. 
It would entail, in the ultimate, more real injury than 
the war itself. The Democratic position on the ques- 
tion, as expressed in the platform, is: 

"We advocate immediate ratification of the 
Treaty without reservations which would impair 
its essential integrity, but do not oppose the ac- 
ceptance of any reservation making clearer or 
more specific the obligations of the United States 
to the League associates." 

CONFIDENT Of RATIFICATION 

The first duty of the new administration clearly will 
be the ratification of the Treaty. The matter should 
be approached without thought of the bitterness of 
the past. The public verdict will have been rendered, 
and I am confident that the friends of world peace as 
it will be promoted by the League, will have in num- 
bers the constitutional requisite to favorable senatorial 



52 GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

action. The captious may say that our platform refer- 
ence to reservations is vague and indefinite. Its mean- 
ing, in brief, is that we shall state our interpretation 
of the covenant as a matter of good fatth to our asso- 
ciates and as a precaution against any misunderstand- 
ing in the future. The point is, that after the people 
shall have spoken, the League will be in the hands of 
its friends in the Senate, and a safe index as to what 
they will do is supplied by what reservations they have 
proposed in the past. Some months ago, in a con- 
tributed article to the New York Times, I expressed 
my own opinion of the situation as it then was. I 
reproduce it here: 

"There can be no doubt but that some senators 
have been conscientious in their desire to clarify 
the provisions of the Treaty. Two things ap- 
parently have disturbed them: First, they wanted 
to make sure that the League v/as not to be an 
alliance, and that its basic purpose was peace and 
not controversy. Second, they wanted the other 
powers signing the instrument to understand 
our constitutional limitations beyond which the 
treaty-making power cannot go. Dealing with 
these two questions in order, it has always seemed 
• to me that the interpretation of the function of 
the League might have been stated in these 
words : 

" 'In giving its assent to this treaty, the Senate 
has in mind the fact that the League of Nations 
which it embodies was devised for the sole pur- 
pose of maintaining peace and comity among the 
nations- of the earth and preventing the recur- 
rence of such destructive conflicts as that through 
which the world has just passed. The coopera- 
tion of the United States with the League and its 
continuance as a member thereof, will naturally 
depend upon the adherence of the League to that 
fundamental purpose.' 

"Such a declaration would at least express the 
view of the United States and justify the course . 
which our nation would unquestionably follow if 
the basic purpose of the League were at any time 
distorted. It would also appear to be a simple 
matter to provide against any misunderstanding 
in the future and at the same time to meet the ob- 
jections of those who believe that we might 
be inviting a controversy over our constitutional 
rights, by making a senatorial addition in words 
something like these: 

" 'It will of course be understood that in car- 
rying out the purpose of the League, the govern- 
ment of the United States must at all times act in 
strict harmony with the terms and intent of the 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 53 

United States Constitution which cannot in any 
way be altered by the treaty-making power.' " 

Unquestioned friends of the League have made other 
proposals. Our platform clearly lays no bar against 
any additions that will be helpful, but it speaks in a 
firm resolution to stand against anything that disturbs 
the vital principle. We hear it said that interpreta- 
tions are unnecessary. That may be true, but they 
will at least be reassuring to many of our citizens, who 
feel that in signing the treaty, there should be no men- 
tal reservations that are not expressed in plain words, 
as a mafter of good faith to our associates. Such in- 
terpretations possess the further virtue of supplying a 
base upon which agreement can be reached, and 
agreement, without injury to the covenant, is now of 
pressing importance. It was the desire to get things 
started that prompted some members of the Senate to 
vote for the Lodge reservations. Those who con- 
scientiously voted for them in the final roll calls real- 
ized however that they acted under duress, in that a 
politically bigoted minority was exercising the arbi- 
trary power of its position to enforce drastic condi- 
tions. Happily the voters of the republic, under our 
system of government, can remedy that situation, and 
I have the faith that they will, at the election this fall. 
Then organized government will be enabled to com- 
bine impulse and facility in the making of better world 
conditions. The agencies of exchange will automatic- 
ally adjust themselves to the opportunities of com- 
mercial freedom. . New life and renewed hope will 
take hold of every nation. Mankind will press a reso- 
lute shoulder to the task of readjustment, and a new 
era will have dawned upon the earth. 

PRESSING DOMESTIC PROBLEMS 

We have domestic problems to be settled. They 
are most pressing. Many conditions growing out of 
the war will not and should not continue. The work 
of readjustment will call for our best energy, in- 
genuity, unselfishness and devotion to the idea that it 
is the" general welfare we must promote. One of the 
first things to be done is the repeal of waf taxes. The 
entry of America into the world war projected our 
people into an unparalleled financial emergency, which 
was faced with a determination to make every sacri- 
fice necessary to victory. Billions in Liberty loans sub- 
scribed by patriots regardless of their financial condi- 
tion were instantly placed at the disposal of the gov- 
ernment, and other billions were gladly paid into the 
treasury through many forms of taxation. To have 
paid by current taxes more than one-third of the ex- 
pense of the greatest war in the history of mankind, 
is a reflection of the high sense of national duty with 
which we of America view the obligations of this gen- 



54 GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

eration. Immediately following the armistice, meas- 
ures to modify onerous and annoying taxation should 
have been taken but the Republican Congress in which 
all tax laws must originate, and which for almost two 
years has exclusively held the power to ameliorate this 
condition, has not made a single effort or passed a 
single law to lift from the American people a load of 
war taxation that cannot be tolerated in a time of 
peace. Federal taxation must be heavily reduced, and 
it will be done at once, if a Democratic administration 
is chosen in November. Without hampering essential 
national administrative departments, by the© elimina- 
tion of all others and strict economy everywhere, na- 
tional taxes can be reduced in excess of two billion 
dollars yearly. Annoying consumption taxes, once 
willingly borne, now unjustified, should be repealed. 
The incomes from war-made fortunes, those of non- 
producers and those derived from industries that exist 
by unfair privilege may be able to carry their present 
load, but taxes on the earnings of the wage-earner, of 
the salaried and professional man, of the agricultural 
producer and of the small tradesman should be sharply 
modified. I believe that a better form of taxation 
than the so-called excess profits tax may be found and 
I suggest a small tax, probably one to one and one- 
half per Cent, on the total business of every going con- 
cern. It is to be understood that the term "business" 
as used does not include income received by wage- 
earners, salaried men, agriculturists and the small busi- 
ness man who should be exempt from this tax. The 
profiteer and some of the highly capitalized unjts have 
used the excess profits tax as a favorite excuse for 
loading on the consumer by means of highly inflated 
selling prices many times the amount actually paid the 
government. A necessary condition to the national 
contentment and sound business is a just proportion 
between fair profits to business and fair prices to the 
consumer. It is unquestioned^ that the enormous ex- 
pansion of public and private credit made necessary 
as a part of war financing, the diversion of the prod- 
ucts of many industries from their usual channels, as 
well as the disturbance to general business caused by 
the withdrawal of millions of men from producing 
fields, all contributed to the rise in prices. Reversion 
of these various agencies to a more stable condition 
will tend toward a recession in the enormously inflated 
present prices of many commodities and property 
values and there are now evidences .that a sane adjust- 
ment is not far distant. Deep patriotic sentiment en- 
thralled our people during the war and slight atten- 
tion was given to the enormous economic changes 
that were then in progress and when observed these 
changes were generally accepted as one of the trials 
necessary to be endured and they were submerged in 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 55 

he thought and purpose for victory. While millions 
f free men, regardless of wealth or condition, were 
,iving of their blood and substance, many corpora- 
ions and men seized the very hour that civilization 
lay prostrate to secure for themselves fortunes wrung 
from the public and from the government, by the levy- 
ing of prices that in many cases were a crime. Under 
present taxation laws much capital is drawing out of 
industry and finding investment in non-taxable secu- 
rities. This will cease if the changes suggested are 
made. 

ONE YARDSTICK FOR BUSINESS 
In the analysis of government, as the events of to- 
day enable us to penetrate the subject, we see the dif- 
ference between the old and the progressive kinds of 
thinking. The belief of the reactionaries is that gov- 
ernment should not function more widely than it did 
in the past, but they seem to forget that the funda- 
mental of our plan is equal rights for all and special 
privileges for none. Modern life has developed new 
problems. Civilization continues to build along the 
same basic lines and altruistic as we may all be dis- 
posed to be, the fact remains that except for the ex- 
change of* products between individuals, commercial 
units and nations, our development would be slow. 
All of this growth goes on under the protection of and 
with the encouragement of government. The least, 
therefore, that might be rendered unto government for 
this continuous service is a policy of fair-deajing. Too 
often the genius of man prompts him to play for gov- 
ernmental advantage, and the success which has been 
achieved in this particular, has led to the formation 
of groups which seek this very advantage. We are a 
busy people, preoccupied in too large degree with 
purely commercial considerations, and we have not 
recognized as we should, that the failure of govern- 
ment to prevent inequalities has made it possible for 
mischievous spirits to develop prejudice against the 
institutions of government, rather than against admin- 
istrative policy. There is a very important difference 
here. This difference bears directly on profiteering, 
which is to-day the most sinister influence in American 
life. It is not a new thing in America. The tribe of 
profiteers has simply multiplied under the favoring cir- 
cumstances of war. For years, large contributions have 
been made to the Republican campaign fund for no 
purpose except to buy a governmental underhold, and 
to make illegal profits as the result of preference. 
Such largesses are to-day a greater menace to our con- 
tentment and our institutions than the countless tem- 
porary profiteers who are making a mockery of hon- 
est business, but who can live and fatten only in time 
of disturbed prices. If I am called to service as Presi- 



56 GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

dent means will be found, if they do not already exist, 
for compelling these exceptions to the great mass 
square dealing American business men, to use tl 
same yardstick of honesty that governs most of us 
our dealings with our fellow men, or in language that 
they may understand, to suffer the penalty of crimi-j 
nal law. 

POWER OF PUBLIC OPINION 

There is another reason for the fabulous contribu- 
tions to the present Republican campaign fund. Mud 
money, of course, has been subscribed in proper par- 
tisan zeal, but the great bulk has been given with th< 
definite idea of gaining service in return. Many cap- 
tains of industry, guided by a most dangerous indus-' 
trial philosophy, believe that in controversy between 
employer and employee their will should be enforced, 
even at the point of the bayonet. I speak knowingly. 
I have passed through many serious industrial troubles. 
I know something of their psychology, the stages 
through which they pass, and the dangerous attempts 
that are sometimes made to end them. Disputes be- 
tween labor and capital are inevitable. The dispo- 
sition to gain the best bargain possible characterizes 
the whole field of exchange, whether it be product for 
product, or labor for money. If strikes are prolonged 
public opinion always settles them. Public opinion 
should determine results in America. Public opinion 
is the most interesting characteristic of a 'democracy, 
and it is the real safety valve to the institutions of a 
free goverment. It may, at times, be necessary for 
government to inquire into the facts of a tie-up, but 
facts and not conclusions should be submitted. The 
determining form of unprejudiced thought will do the 
rest. Dturing this process, governmental agencies must 
give a vigilant eye to the protection of life and prop- 
erty, and maintain firmness but absolute impartiality. 
This is always the real test, but if official conduct com- 
bines courage and fairness, our governmental institu- 
tions come out of these affairs untarnished by distrust. 
This is not an academic observation. It is the mere 
recital of experience. Unrest has been reinforced in 
no small degree by the great mass of unassimilated 
aliens. Attracted by an unprecedented demand for 
labor, they have come to our shores by the thousands. 
As they have become acquainted with the customs and 
opportunities of American life, thousands of them 
have become citizens and are owners of their own 
homes. However, the work of assimilation too long 
was merely automatic. One million six hundred thou- 
sand foreign born in this country cannot read or write 
our language. Our interest in them in the main has 
been simply as laborers, assembled in the great trade 
centers, to meet the demand of the hour. Without 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 57 

home or community ties, many have been more or less 
nomadic, creating the problem of excessive turn-over, 
which has perplexed manufacturing plants. But this 
has not been the worst phase of the situation. Un- 
familiar with law, having no understanding of the 
principles of our government, they have fallen an easy 
prey to unpatriotic and designing persons. Public 
opinion has had no influence upon them, because they 
have been isolated from the currents of opinion, all 
due to their not being able to read or write our lan- 
guage. It is the duty of the Federal government to 
stimulate the work of Americanization on the part of 
church, school, community agencies, state govern- 
ments and industry itself. In the past, many indus- 
tries that have suffered from chronic restlessness have 
been the chief contributors to their own troubles. The 
foreigner v/ith European standards of living was wel- 
comed, but too often no attempt was made to educate 
him to domestic ideals, for the simple reason that it 
adversely affected the ledger. It has been my obser- 
* vation that the man who learns our language, yields 
to a controlling public opinion and respects our laws; 
besides, in proportion as his devotion to American life 
develops, his interest in the impulsive processes of 
revolution diminishes. We must be patient in the work 
of assimilation and studiously avoid oppressive meas- 
ures in the face of mere evidence of misunderstand- 
ing. We have a composite nation. The Almighty 
doubtless intended it to be such. We will not, how- 
ever, develop patriotism unless we demonstrate the 
difference between despotism and democracy. The 
necessity for the drastic laws of war days is not present 
now, and we should return at the earliest oppor- 
tunity, to the statutory provisions passed in time of 
peace for the general welfare. There is no condition 
now that warrants any infringement on the right of 
free speech and assembly nor on the liberty of the 
press. The greatest measure, of individual freedom 
consistent with the" safety of our institutions should be 
given. Excessive regulation causes manifestations that 
compel restraint. The police power, therefore, is 
called to action because the legislative authority acted 
unwisely. 

LAW MUST BE ENFORCED 

A forbearing policy is not the proper one for the 
deliberate enemy of our institutions. He is of the kind 
that knows conditions abroad and here. The dif 
ence between autocracy and democracy is well marked 
in his mind.' Ke is opposed to government in i 
form, and he hates ours because it appeals to those 
whom he would convert to his creed. Any policy of 
terrorism is fuel to his flame of anarchy. Those whom 
he seeks to arouse in time realize the difference be- 



58 GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

tween his and their mental attitude, so that when the 
law lays hand upon his wilful menace to government, 
the purpose of it becomes plain to them. Official con- 
tempt for the law is a harmful exhibition to our people. 
It is difficult to follow the reasoning of anyone who 
would seek to make .an issue of the question of law- 
enforcement. The executive obligation, both national 
and state, on assuming the oath of office is to "pre- 
serve, protect and defend the constitution of the 
United States." The constitution, in its essence, is the 
license and limitation given to and placed upon the 
law-making body. The legislative branch of govern- 
ment is subjected to the rule of the majority. The 
public official who fails to enforce the law is an 
enemy both to the constitution and to the American 
principle of majority rule. It would seem quite unnec- 
essary for any candidate for the presidency to say that 
he does not intend to violate his oath of office. Any- 
one who is false to that oath is more unworthy than 
the law violator himself. 

Morals cannot easily be produced by statute. The 
writ of injunction should not be abused. Intended as 
a safeguard to person and property, it could easily by 
abuse cease to be the protective device it was intended 
to be. 

RIGHTS OF LABOR 

Capital develops into large units without* violence to 
public sentiment or injury to public interest — -the same 
principle should not be denied to labor. Collective 
bargaining through the means of representatives se- 
lected by the employer and employee, respectively, will 
be helpful, rather than harmful to the general interest. 
Besides, there is no ethical objection that can be raised 
to it. We should not, by law, abridge a man's right 
either to labor or to quit his employment. However, 
neither labor nor capital should at any time or in any 
circumstances, take action that woujd put in jeopardy 
the public welfare. Government, however, should 
provide the means, in the treatment of its employees, to 
keep in touch with conditions and to rectify wrong. It 
is needless to say that in order to be consistent, facts 
should at all times justify the pre-supposition that the 
government employees are properly compensated. 

We need a definite and precise statement of policy 
as to what business men and working-men may do and 
may not do by way of combination and collective 
action. The law is now so nebulous that it almost 
turns upon the economic predilections of the judge or 
jury. This does not make for confidence in the courts 
nor respect for the laws, nor for a healthy activity in 
production and distribution. There surely will be 
found ways by which cooperation may he encouraged 
without the ..destruction of enterprise. The rules of 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 



59 



msiness should be made more certain so that on a 
table basis men may move with confidence. 

The child life of the nation should be conserved; 
f labor in immature years is permitted by one genera- 
ion, it is practicing unfairness to the next. - 

SHOULD STIMULATE AGRICULTURE 
Agriculture is but another form of industry. In fact, 
it is the •basis of industry because upon it depends the 
food supply. The drift from countryside into the 
City carries disquieting portents. If our growth in 
manufacturing in the next few years holds its present 
momentum, it will be necessary for America to import 
foodstuffs. It therefore devolves upon government, 
through intensive scientific cooperation, to help m 
maintaining as nearly as possible the existing balance 
between food production and consumption, farming 
will not inspire individual effort unless profits, all things 
considered, are equal to those in other activities. An 
additional check to depleted ranks in the fields would 
be the establishment of modern state rural school codes. 
The Federal government should maintain active spon- 
sorship of this. Rural parents would be lacking in the 
element which makes civilization enduring if they did 
not desire for their children educational opportunities 
comparable to those in the cities. 

The price the consumer pays for foodstuffs is no 
indication of what the producer receives. There are 
too many turn-overs between the two. Society and 
government, particularly local and state, have been 
remiss in not modernizing local marketing facilities. 
Municipalities must in large measure interest them- 
selves in, if not ^directly control, community markets. 
This is a, matter of such importance that the Federal 
government can profitably expend money and effort 
in helping to evolve methods and to show their virtues. 
The farmer raises his crop and the price which he re- 
ceives is determined by supply and demand. His 
products in beef and pork and produce, pass into cold 
storage and ordinarily when they reach the consumer 
the law of supply and demand does not obtain. The 
'preservation of foodstuffs by cold storage is a boon to 
humanity, and it should be encouraged. However, the 
time has come for its vigilant regulation, and inasmuch 
as it becomes a part of interstate commerce, the re- 
sponsibility is with the Federal government. Supplies 
are gathered in from the farm in times of plenty. They 
can easily be fed out. to the consumer in such manner 
as to keep the demand in excess of that part of 
the supply which is released from storage. This 
is an unfair practice' and should be stopped. Be- 
sides, there should be a time limit beyond which 
perishable foodstuffs should not be stored. Every 
successful modern business enterprise has its pur- 



60- ' GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

chasing, producing and selling departments. The| 
farmer has maintained only one, the producing: 
department. It is not only fair • that he be en<4 
ahled both to purchase and to sell advantageously, bud 
it is absolutely necessary because he has become a 
competitor with the manufacturer for labor. He has 
been unable to compete in the past and his help in 
consequence has been insufficient. Therefore, the right 
of cooperative purchasing and selling in the. modern^ 
view, should be removed from all question. Agricul-^ 
tural -thought has not been sufficiently represented in 
affairs of government. Many of the branches of the 
government which deal remotely or directly with the 
soil and its problems and its possibilities would be 
more valuable to the general welfare if the practical^ 
experience of the farmer were an element in their ad-f 
ministration. To be specific, the Interstate Commerce 
Commission, the Federal Reserve Board, the Federal 
Trade Commission and the United States Tariff Com- 
mission are administered by business men. Does any- 
one contribute more to the making and success of rail- 
roads than the farmer or to the creation and prosperity 
of the banks, or to the stability of manufacturing and 
trade units, or to the agencies interested in exporting ? 

SHOULD DECREASE TENANTRY 

^ Our objective should be a decreased tenantry. With 
the period of occupancy uncertain, the renter strips 
land of its fertile elements, and each year diminishes 
our national assets. Under the operation of the Fed- 
eral Reserve and the Farm Loan acts, encouragement 
has come to thousands who find that industry, charac- 
ter and intelligence are a golden security to the people's 
banker, the government of the United States. Multiply 
our home owners, and you will make the way of the 
seditious agitator more difficult. Bring into the picture 
of American life more families, happily a part of gar- 
den and flowers all their own, and you will find new 
streams running into the national current of patriotism. 
Help to equalize the burdens of taxation by making 
the holders of hidden wealth pay their share with those 
whose property is in sight. In short, remove the pen- 
alty imposed upon home-building thrift, and thousands 
of contented households under the shelter of their 
own roof, will look upon government with affection, 
recognizing that in protecting it, they protect them- 
selves, There are more home owners in America than 
ever before. The prosperity of the country under 
Democratic rule has been widely diffused. Never be- 
fore has the great mass of the people shared in the 
blessings of plenty. There is much to be done, how- 
ever, in multiplying our home owners. Nothing will 
bring more golden return to the welfare of the re- 
public. 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 61 

Common prudence would suggest that we increase 
o our utmost our area of tillable land. The race be- 
ween increased consumption and added acreage has 
>een an unequal one. Modern methods of soil treai- 
nent have been helpful, but they have their limitations. 
There are still vast empires in extent, in our country, 
>erf orming no service to humanity. They require only 
he applied .genius of men, to cover them with the 
doom and harvest of human necessities. The govern- 
nent should turn its best engineering talent to the task 
>f irrigation projects. Every dollar spent will yield 
;ompensating results. 

TRANSPORTATION 

Any discussion of the question of food supply leads 
very quickly to the closely related matter of transporta- 
ion. There is no one thing which brings us so inter- 
mittently to critical conditions as the insufficiency of 
our transportation facilities. Both the railroads and 
the public are to blame. There has been no material 
addition to the total mileage in the last ten years, and 
the increase in terminals has been much less than re- 
quired. At the beginning of the war, the roiling stock 
was sadly reduced and inadequate. The public had 
not given in pay for service, sufficient revenues on 
which credit could be allowed by the banks. Moral 
assistance was withheld because of railroad policies 
that did not bring approval. Many of these corpora- 
ions had made themselves a part of political activities, 
ocal, state and national. Then there were more or less 
sporadic instances of stock-watering operations, and 
:he exploitation of utility properties for personal gain* 
Abuses were not general, but they were sufficient to 
aring the entire railroad systems of the country in dis- 
repute. The good suffered with the evil. When the 
iransportation lines were taken over by the govern- 
ment, they were barely able to limp through the task 
of the day. Unity in operation, the elimination of the 
long haul, and the merging of every mile of track and 
terminal and every car and engine into a co-ordinated 
plan of operation, enabled the government to transport 
troops and supplies, at the some time affording, under 
great stress, a satisfactory outlet for our industries. It 
should be remembered in this connection that except 
for the motor truck which supplemented transportation 
by rail, and except for .the 'great pipe lines which con- 
veyed oil for commercial purposes, we should not, in 
all probability, have been able to throw our deciding 
strength into the balance and win the war. Any at- 
tempt to discredit the Federal operation of railroads 
during the years of grave emergency is unfair. In the 
case of those who know the facts it is insincere. Too 
much cannot be said in praise of those who directed 
this work 1 nor of the men who physically operated the 






(xl GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

lines under the discouraging conditions of poor equi 
ment. But all of this is water over the wheel. Th 
problem of the railroads is still with us, The gove 
ment and the public should render every cooperatio 
in the utmost good faith, to give thorough test to p 
vate ownership. The railroads have had their lesso 
Government regulation is accepted now as not only 
safeguard to the public, but as a conserving process ti 
the utility. Financial credit is necessary to physica 
rehabilitation and it should be sufficient for the periods! 
of maximum demand. 

We should not lose si^ht, however, of the vast pos* I 
sibilities of supplementary service by water. The Great 
Lakes and St. Lawrence navigation . project, particu- ' 
larly, should claim the interest of the government, 1 
About one-third of our states would be supplied with 
an outlet for every ton of their exports. The oppor- 1 
tunity to make of the lake harbors great ocean ports 
of entry is inspiring to contemplate. In the crop- 
moving period, the call on the railroads is staggering.! 
Grain piles up in the elevators. With stagnation more| 
or less general, the farmer sells his product under the J 
most unfavorable conditions. The trackage and the J 
terminals in middle states particularly, are clogged with 
this traffic and interference with local movements of 
freight is inevitable. The solution would be simplified 
by utilizing the waterways. Aside from this, t 
accruing gain from every crop would be a consider 
tion for the reason that the price of grain in this count 
is made by the Chicago market and it is determin 
by the London quotations. The price in the Britis 
metropolis is a stated figure less the cost of transporta 
tion, The routing of these commodities by wate 
would effect a saving of approximately eight cents 
bushel, which means that American grain would ne* 
just that much more. 

• 
FEDERAL RESERVE ACT 

For more than forty years before Woodrow Wilson] 
was elected president in 1912, a reform of our banking 
anxl currency system had heen almost universally de-; 
manded and had been year after year deferred or re-j 
fused by the stand-pat element of the Republican party 
in obedience to orders. The control of money and 
interest rates had long been held by favored groups 
who were thus able to 'dominate markets, regulate 
prices, favor friends, destroy rivals, precipitate and end 
panics and in short through their financial, social and 
political outposts, be the real rulers of America. The 
Federal Reserve act was originated, advocated and 
made a law by a Democratic President and Congress, 
against the bitter protests of the Republican stand- 
patters, who almost without exception voted against it. 
Among these men are the familiar names of Senators 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 63 

Lodge, Penrose and Smoot, the inside Senate cabal 
responsible for the existing status in the leadership of 
their party. The Federal Reserve act is admitted to 
be the most constructive monetary legislation in history. 
At a stroke it transferred the power over money and 
credit and all they represent, from one financial dis- 
trict out into the keeping of the people themselves and, 
instead of one center to which all paid tribute, there 
are 12 citadels of financial freedom where every citi- 
zen has an equal right and where the principle that the 
credit of American business shall be free is the basis 
of administration. Every citizen should be alert to 
guard this great institution which is his guarantee of 
credit independence. It should be kept from the hands 
of those who have never been its friends, and who 
by changes in a few obscure phrases could translate 
it into a greater power for evil than it ever has been for 
good. It is almost unnecessary to speak of the Federal 
Reserve system in connection with the winning of the 
war, as, next to the consecration of our manhood and 
womanhood itself, the greatest factor was the mar- 
shalling into one unit through the Federal Reserve 
banks of the stupendous wealth of America. To those 
of vision who look out beyond our shores into that 
commercial domain where we are so justly entitled to 
enter in a time of peace, latent power of the Federal 
Reserve system can be seen promoting in every quarter 
of the globe an ever-widening flow df American com- 
merce. We will soon have a merchant marine fleet of 
11,000,000 tons aggregate, every ship flying the 
American flag and carrying in American bottoms the 
products of mill and mine and factory and farm. 
This would seem to be a guarantee of continued pros- 
perity. Our facilities for exchange and credit, how- 
ever, in foreign parts, should be enlarged and under the 
Federal Reserve system, banks should be established 
in important trading centers. I am impressed, also, 
with the importance of improving, if not reorganizing 
our consular service. The certain increase in foreign 
trade would seem to demand it. This suggests another 
change. Our ambassadors to foreign countries have 
had assigned to them a military and a naval attache. 
The staff should be enlarged so as to include an officer 
of the government whose exclusive duty would be to 
make observation and report development and im- 
provement in educational and social problems gen- 
erally. 

BUDGET SYSTEM ESSENTIAL 

Government Bureaus during the war had close con- 
tact with the business organization of the country. 
That experience revealed the modern need of reorgan- 
ization along purely business lines. The advantages of 
a democracy in government need not be recounted. It 



64 GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

has been held by experts that it involves the disadvan- 
tage of disbursements, authorized by the law-making 
power without sufficient knowledge of the need of the 
service, or the possibilities of extravagance. The 
answer to this is the budget system. No successful 
business system of any size can operate without it. For 
a hundred years, the federal unit, and the states as well, 
made appropriations without determining the differ- 
ence between department need and caprice, at the 
same time paying little attention to the relation as be- 
tween income and expense. Many of the states have 
adopted a budget system, and with a success that car- 
ries no exception. Efficiency has been improved — de- 
partmental responsibility has been centered, and econ- 
omies have been effected. The same can be done by 
the Federal government. The system will reveal at 
once, as it did in the states, a vast surplusage of em- 
ployees. It awakens individual interest, encourages 
greater effort, and gives opportunity for talent to assert 
itself. The normal course of least resistance develops 
in government bureaus a hardpan which retards prog- 
ress. When the reorganization is made, pay should be 
commensurate with service. Many Federal depart- 
ments whose ramifications touch the country generally, 
have lost valuable men to business. This has badly 
crippled postoffices, the railway mail service and other 
branches. 

I am convinced after considerable study of the sub- 
ject that the .expense of the government can, without 
loss of efficiency, be reduced to a maximum of four 
billion dollars, including sinking fund and interest on 
the national debt. When we enter the League of 
Nations, we should at the same time diminish our cost 
for armament. To continue expenditures in either the 
War or the Navy departments on a vast scale, once our 
membership in the League is assured, would seem to 
be a very definite refutation of the advantages of the 
world plan which we believe it possesses. An appeal- 
ing fundamental in the League method is the reduction 
of armaments. We cannot afford to do it, until other 
nations do likewise. If we do not e'nter the League, 
hundreds of millions of dollars must be spent for arma- 
ments. If we go in, and I believe the people will insist 
on it, then we can count on economies. 

AMERICA'S GREAT WAR RECORD 

Since the last national conventions of the two great 
parties, a world war has been fought, historic, unprece- 
dented. For many, many months, civilization hung in 
the balance. In the despair of dark hours, it seemed 
as though a world dictator was inevitable, and that 
henceforth men and women who had lived in freedom 
would stand at attention, in the face of the drawn 
sword of military autocracy. The very soul of America 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 65 

was touched as never before with a fear that our lib- 
erties were to be taken away. What America did need* 
no reiteration here. It is known of all men. History 
will acclaim it — poets will find it an inspiration 
throughout the ages. And yet there is not a line in the 
Republican platform that breathes an emotion of pride, 
or recites our national achievement. In fact, if a man 
from Mars were to depend upon the Republican plat- 
form or its spoken interpretatka, by the candidate of 
that party, as his first means of information, he would 
not find a syllable telling him 'that the war had been 
won, and that America had saved the world. How 
ungenerous, how ungracious all of this is ! How unfair 
that a mere group of leaders should so demean them- 
selves in the name of the party of Lincoln and Mc- 
Kinley and Roosevelt! 

The discourtesy to the President is an affair of po- 
litical intrigue. History will make it odious. As well 
might it be directed at a wounded soldier of the war. 
One fell in the trench; the strength of the other was 
broken in the enormous labors of his office. But others 
were ignored — the men and women who labored at 
home with an industry and a skill that words cannot 
recount! What of the hands that moved the lathe 
by day and the needle by night? What of the organi- 
zations, superbly effective, that conserved food and 
fed the world— that carried nourishment 'to the very 
front trench in the face of hell's furies — that nursed 
the wounded back to life- — that buried the dead in 
the dark shelter of the night — that inspired business 
men and artisans of all parties to work in harmony? 
What of the millions of men, women and children of 
all creeds, . religious and otherwise, who stood in the 
ranks as firm as soldiers overseas, undivided by things 
they once quarreled about? What of the government 
itself — confirming the faith of our fathers as sufficient 
to meet the storms of time? Why the sneer. at labor 
with the veiled charge that it was a mere slacker? The 
spectacle is sufficient to convince any unprejudiced 
man that the Republican leaders who have taken charge 
of their party and nominated its candidate, are no more 
possessed of the spirit of the hour than they were in 
1912 when they precipitated a revolution within the 
rank and file of a great organization. If further proof 
were needed, the action of the present Congress sup- 
plies it. Not a constructive law can be cited. Money 
and time were wasted in seeking to make a military tri- 
umph an odious chapter in history — and yet is it net 
significant that after two years of sleuthf ul inquiry 
there was nothing revealed in that vast enterprise, 
carrying billions of dollars in expense, upon "which 
they could base even a whisper of dishonesty ? 

The Mexican situation, trying to our patience for 
years, begins to show signs of improvement. Not the 



66 .GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE . 

least of the things that have contributed to it is a reali- 
zation by the people of that country, that we have 
neither the lust for their domain, nor disposition to dis- 
turb their sovereign rights. Peace smiles upon the 
border and incentive to individual effort seems to be 
making a national aspiration. 

justice; for ex-soldiers 

Many elements have made our republic enduring; 
not the least of which is a sustained gratitude. The 
richest traditions of our land are woven from historic 
threads that tell the bravery of our soldiers of every 
war. They make the«first impressions of history upon 
the minds of our children and bind the hearts of gen- 
erations together. Never in all time will the perform- 
ance of our soldiers in the late war be 'surpassed. 
From farm, forest and factory they gathered, together 
in the training camps — from countryside and city — 
men whose hands were calloused by labor, others 
whose shoulders showed the stoop of office task — -the 
blood of many nations flowing in their veins — and the 
same impulse ran from the front trench in Europe back 
to the first day in training. We must not forget that 
war breaks into the plans of young men, and their first 
chart of life is in a sense more important than any cal- 
culation lajer on. In college and shop — in every call- 
ing, they were building the base for their careers. 
Thousands of them by the circumstance of injury or 
the disturbance of domestic conditions which war al- 
ways brings, were compelled to change their whole 
course of life. We owe a debt to those who died, and 
to those the honored dead left dependent. We owe 
a debt to the wounded; but we must realize that con- 
siderable compensation is due those also who lost much 
by the break in their material hopes and aspirations. 
The genius of the nation's mind and the sympathy of 
its heart must inspire- intensive, thoughtful effort to as- 
sist those who saved our all. I feel deeply that the 
rehabilitation of the disabled soldiers of the recent 
war is one of the most vital issues before the people, 
and I, as a candidate, pledge myself and my party to 
those young Americans to do all in my power to se- 
cure for them without unnecessary delay, the immedi- 
ate training which is so necessary to fit them to com- 
pete in their struggle to overcome that physical handi- 
cap incurred while in the service of their government. 
I believe also that the Federal Board of Vocational Re- 
habilitation, as far as possible, should employ disabled 
soldiers themselves to supervise the rehabilitation of 
disabled soldiers, because of their known sympathy 
and understanding. The board itself and all agencies 
under it should be burdened with the care of securing 
for the disabled soldier who has finished his training 
adequate employment. These men will inspire future 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 67 

enerations no less than they have themselves been 
^spired by the heroes of the past. No greater force 
or patriotic effort was found when we were drawn 
nto the late conflict than the example and activity of 
>ur veterans of previous wars. Under the colors they 
oved, gathered the soldiers of the past, bringing 
juickly to their support the new army of the republic. 
Response in the southland by veterans who wore the 
ray inspired the youth with a zeal which aided greatly 
i the quick mobilization of our forces. 

WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
The women of America, in emotion and constructive 
service, measured up during the war to every reqmre- 
nent, and emergency exacted much of them. ^ eir 
nitiative, their enthusiasm, and their sustained industry, 
^hich carried many of them to the heavy burdens of 
oil form an undying page in the annals of the tune, 
Krhile the touch of the mother heart in camp and hos- 
pital gave a sacred color to the tragic picture that 
eeble words should not even attempt to portray. 
They demonstrated not only willingness but capacity. 
They helped win the war, and they are entitled to a 
voire in the readjustment now at hand. Their intui- 
tion, their sense of the humanitarian in government, 
heir unquestioned progressive spirit will be helpful in. 
problems that require public judgment. Therefore 
they are entitled to the privilege of voting as a matte* 
of right and because they will be helpful in maintain- 
ing wholesome and patriotic policy. ,It requires but 
one more state to ratify the national amendment and 
thus bring a long-delayed justice. I have the same 
earnest hope as our platform expresses, that some one 
of the remaining states will promptly take favorable 
action. 

"GOVERNMENT BY PARTY" 

Senator Harding's theory of the great office to which 
he aspires, putting a thoroughly fair interpretation on 
his own words, is that the government of this- country , 
so far as it is embodied in the executive, should be 
what he is pleased to call "government by party,' as in 
contrast with the exercise by the President of his own 
best final judgment under the responsibility assumed 
by his solemn oath of office, taking, into consideration 
the views of others, o£ course, in arriving at that final 
judgment, but recognizing no group of any kind, not 
sworn, as he is, to the faithful performance of the par- 
ticular duties in question, and not subject to impeach-, 
ment, as he is, in case of serious malfeasance in the 
performance of those duties. The latter is the concep- 
tion of the presidency held by Washington, John 
Adams and Thomas Jefferson in initiating our great ex- 
periment in political and personal freedom under the 



68 GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

constitution. It is the conception held by Lincoln and 
Roosevelt, by Cleveland and Wilson, and all other 
Presidents of the past to whom history has assigned 
a significant place in the normal growth of our free in- 
stitutions. It is the conception of the presidency to 
which, in case of success of the Democratic party in 
the coming election, my own best efforts shall be dedi- 
cated, with a solemn sense of responsibility to the 
Power above, to the people of the United States as a 
whole, and to the sacred oath of allegiance to the con- 
stitution and the laws. There is, and will always be, a 
useful place for parties in the conduct of a free gov 
eminent; but any theory of a "government by party," 
which must weaken this solemn sense of~personal re- 
sponsibility, or alter its traditional direction and turn 
it toward party . or faction, can only accentuate the 
possible evils of party, and thwart its possible advan- 
tages. I am sincerely grateful to the Democratic party 
for the opportunities of public service which it has 
brought to me in the past, and for the willingness 
which it has shown to extend those opportunities to a 
still greater field; but I am glad to say that it has al- 
ways recognized that my official duties were to the 
people as a whole, and has in no case attempted to 
interfere, under pretext of party responsibility, with my 
right of personal judgment, under oath, in, the per 
formance of those duties. * 

EDUCATION 

There must be an awakened interest in education. 
The assumption that things are all right is an error. 
There is more or less of a general idea that because 
our school system generally is satisfactory, and in 
most instances excellent, sufficient progress is being 
made. The plain fact reveals two startling things, one, 
a growing decimation in the ranks of teachers and the 
other, the existence of five and one-half million illiter- 
ates. It is true that 1,600,000 of these are foreign 
born. The army of instructors has been more or less 
demoralized through financial temptation from other 
activities which pay much better. We owe too much 
to the next generation to be remiss in this matter. 
Very satisfactory progress is being made in several 
states in the teaching of native born illiterates. The 
moonlight school in Kentucky has, in fact, become a 
historic institution. The practice has spread into other 
commonwealths, and bands of noble men and women 
are rendering great service. There should be no en- 
croachment by the Federal government on local con- 
trol. It is the healthful, reasonable individualism of 
American national life that has enabled the citizens of 
this republic to think for themselves, and, besides, 
state and community initiative would be impaired by 
anything approaching dependence. The central gov- 



GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 69 

ment, however, can inventory the possibilities of 
>gressive education, and in helpful manner create 
enlarged public interest in this subject. 

CAMPAIGN EXPENDITURES 

There will be no attempt in this campaign to com- 
e by dollars with our opposition. So many people 
ire been in the money-gathering business for the re- 
ionary cause that the millions already, in hand are 
re or less a matter of general information. All that 
ask is that both parties deal in the utmost good faith 
h the electorate and tell the plain truth as to the 
ounts received, the contributors, and the items of 
bursements. The public judgment in elections 
>uld be rendered after the fullest hearing possible, 
ch side has the right to properly present its case. This 
legitimate expense. There is no narrow dividing 
e between the legitimate- and illegitimate in political 
npaigns. One contemplates the organization and 
intenance of such facilities as are necessary to advise 
people of the facts bearing upon the issues; the 
ler carries the deliberate purpose to interfere with 
honest rendering of a verdict. How misguided 
ne of our people are ! Recognizing that readjustment 
ist be made, they believe that they will fare better 
:hey cast their fortunes with those with whom they 
alt on the base of campaign contributions in days 
tie by. They do not sense the dangers that threaten, 
e sort of readjustment whkh will appeal to our 
f-respect and ultimately to our general prosperity is 
i honest readjustment. Any unfair adjustment sim- 
' delays the ultimate process and we should remem- 
r the lesson of history that one extreme usually leads 
another. We desire industrial peace. We want our 
3ple to have ah abiding confidence in government, 
t no readjustment made under reactionary auspices 
I carry with it the confidence of the country. If I 
re asked to name in these trying days the first es- 
itial overshadowing every other consideration, 
j 'response would be confidence in government, 
would be. nothing less than a calamity if the next ad- 
tiistration were elected under corrupt auspices, 
ere is unrest in the country; our people have passed 
ough a -trying experience. The European War, ]je- # 
'e it engulfed us, aroused every racial throb in a 
ion of composite citizenship. The conflict in which 
I participated carried anxieties into every community 
d thousands upon thousands of homes were touched 
tragedy. The inconveniences incident to the war 
/e been, disquieting;, the failure of the Republican 
ngress to repeal annoying taxes has added to our 
•ubles. The natural impulse is to forget the past, to 
velop new interests, to create a refreshened and re- 
shing atmosphere in life. We want to forget war and 



70 GOV. COX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

be free from the troubling thought *of its possibility in 
the future. We want the dawn and the dews of a new 
morning. We want happiness in the land, the feeling 
that the square deal amongpnren and between men and 
government is net to be interfered with by a purchased 
preference. We want a change from the old world of 
yesterday, where international intrigue made tin 
people mere pawns on the chessboard of war. W< 
want a change from the old industrial world, where th< 
man who toiled was -assured "a full dinner pail" as his 
only lot and portion. But how are we to make th< 
change? Which way shall we go? We stand at th< 
forks of the road and must choose which to follow. 
One leads to a higher citizenship, a freer expression of 
the individual and a fuller life for all. The other leads 
to reaction, the rule of the few over the many and th< 
restriction of the average man's chances to grow up- 
ward. Cunning devices backed by unlimited prodiga 
expenditures will be used to confuse and to lure.. Bui 
I have an abiding faith that the pitfalls will be avoided 
and the right road chosen. The leaders opposed to 
Democracy promise to put the country "back to nor- 
mal." This can only mean the so-called normal of 
former reactionary administrations,, the outstanding 
feature of which was a pittance for farm produce and 
a small wage for a long day of labor. My vision does 
not turn backward to the "normal" desired by the sena- 
torial .oligarchy, but to a future in which all shall have 
a|nOrmal opportunity to cultivate a higher stature 
amidst better environment than that of the past. Our 
view is toward the sunrise of to-morrow wiS^i its prog^ 
ress and its eternal promise of better things. The op- 
position stands in the skyline of the setting sun, look- 
ing backward to the old days of reaction. 

I accept the nomination of our party, obedient to 
the Divine Sovereign of all peoples, and hopeful that 
by trust in Him the way will be shown for helpful ser^ 
vice. 



CANNOT ALTER CONSTITUTION 

"fc will, of course, be understood,, that in carrying out thi 
purpose of the League, the Government of the United Statei 
must at all times act in strict harmony with the terms an" 
intent of the United States Constitution which cannot in an 
, way be altered by the treaty-making power." — From JAMES 
M. COX'S Speech of Acceptance, August 7, 1920. 



The truth is mighty and will prevail — when known. 
When the people know the truth of the mighty achieve- 
ments of the Democratic Party in war and peace, there 
will be no doubt of their judgment. 



■RANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT 

PICTURES NATION'S IDEALS 



acceptance Speech of Democratic Nominee 
for Vice-President Portrays Opportunities 
for Great Service Now Open to America 



(The following address was delivered by Mr. Franklin D. 
ooscvelt af Hyde Park, New York, August 9, 1920, upon being 
otified by a committee, under the chairmanship of Mr. Hontcr S. 
ummings, of Connecticut, of his nomination by the Democratic • 
National Convention as the party's candidate for Vice-President, 
opies of the address in pamphlet form may be obtained on 
pplication to the New York or Chicago headquarters of the 
democratic National Committee.) 

I" R. CUMMINGS and Ladies and Gentlemen of the Com- 

A mittee: I accept the nomination for the office of Vice- 
resident with humbleness and w^h a deep wish to give to 
ur beloved country the best that is in me. No one could 
eceive a higher privilege or opportunity than to be thus 
ssociated with men and ideals which I am confident will 
oon* receive the support of the majority of our citizens. 

In fact, I could not conscientiously accept it if I had not 
orae to know by the closest intimacy that he who is our 
election for the Presidency, and who is my chief and yours, 

a man possessed of ideals which are also mine. He will 
ive to America that kind of leadership which will make us 
espect him and bring further greatness to our land. In 
ames M. Cox I recognize one who can lead this nation for- 
ward in an unhalting march of progress. 

TWO GREAT PROBLEMS 

Tv/o great problems will confront the next administration: 
ur relations with the world and the pressing need of organ- 
ied progress at home. The latter includes a systematized 
nd intensified development of " our resources and a pro- 
ressive betterment of our citizenship. These matters will 
equire the guiding hand of a President who can see his* 
ountry above his party, and who, having a clear vision of 
hings as they are, has also the independence, cqurage and 
kill to g£uide us along the road to things as they should be 
without swerving one footstep at the dictation of narrow par- 
sans who whisper "party" or of selfish interests that mur- 
lur "profits." 

In our world problems, we must either shut our eyes, sell 
ur newly-built merchant marine to more far-seeing foreign 
owers, crush utterly by embargo and harassing legislation 
ur foreign trade, close our ports, build an impregnable wall 
f costly armaments and live, as the Qrient used to live,, a 
ermit nation, dreaming of the past; or, we must "open our 
yes and see that modern civilization has become so c3m- 
lex and the lives of civilized men so interwoven with the 
Ives of other men in other countries as to make it impossible 
o be in this world and not of it. We must see that it is 
mpossible to avoid, except by monastic seclusion, those hon- 
rable and intimate foreign, relations which the fearful- 

71 



72 MR. ROOSEVELT'S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH 

hearted shudderingly miscall by that devil's catchword "in- 
ternational complications." • 

As for our home problem, we have been awakened by this 
war into a startled realization of the archaic shortcomings 
of our governmental machinery and of the need for the kind 
of reorganization which only a clear thinking business man, 
experienced in the technicalities of governmental procedure, 
can carry out. Such a man we have. One who has so suc- 
cessfully reformed the business management of his own great 
State is obviously capable of doing greater things. This is 
no time to experiment with men who believe that their party 
can do no wrong and that what is good for the selfish inter- 
ests of a political party is of necessity good for the nation 
as weil. I as a citizen believe that this year we should choose 
"as President a proved executive. We need to do things; not 
to talk about them. 

; OPPORTUNITY FOR GOOD AMERICANISM 

Much has been said of late about good Americanism. It is 
right that it should have been said, and it is right tnat eyery 
chance should be seized to repeat the basic truths underlying 
our prosperity and our national existence itself. But it would 
be an unusual and much-to-be-wished-for thing if in the com- 
ing presentation of the issues a new note of fairness and gen- 
erosity could be struck. Littleness, meanness, falsehood, ex- 
treme partisanship — these are not in accord with the Ameri- 
can .spirit. I like to think that in this respect also we are 
moving forward. 

Let us be definite? We have passed through a great war, 
an armed conflict which called forth every effort on the part 
of the whole population. The war was won by Republicans 
?.s well as by Democrats. Men of all parties served in our 
armed forces. Men and women of all parties served £he gov- 
ernment at home. They strived honestly as Americans, not 
as mere partisans. Republicans and Democrats alike worked 
in administrative positions, raised Liberty loans, adminis- 
tered food control, toiled in munition plants, built ships. 
The war was brought to a successful conclusion by a glorious 
common effort— ^one which in the years to come will be a 
national pride. I feel very certain that our children will come 
to regard our participation as memorable for the broad honor 
and honesty which marked it, for the absence of unfortunate 
scandal, and for the splendid unity of action which extended 
to every portion of the nation. It would, therefore, not 
only serve little purpose, but would conform ill to our high 
standards if any person should in the heat of political rivalry 
seek to manufacture political: advantage out of a nationally 
conducted struggle. We have seen things on too large a 
scale to listen in this day to trifles, or to believe in the ade- 
quacy of trifling men. 

It is that same vision of the bigger outlook of national and 
individual life which will, I am sure, lead us to demand that 
the men who represent us in the affairs of our government 
shall be more than politicians or the errand boys of politi- 
cians — that they shall subordinate always the individual am- 
bitidh and the party advantage to the national good. In the 
long-run the true statesman and the honestly forward looking 
party will prevail. 

AMERICA'S IDEAL MUST NOT DIE 

Even as the nation entered the war for an ideal, so it has 



MR. ROOSEVELT'S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH 73 

emerged from the war with the determination that the ideal 
shall not die. It is idle to pretend that the war declaration 
of April 6, 1917, was a mere act of self-defense, or that the 
object of our participation was solely to defeat the military 
power of the Central Nations of Europe. We knew them 
as a nation, even as we know to-day, that success on land and 
sea could be but half a victory. The other half is not won 
yet. To the cry of the French at Verdun: "They shall not 
pass"; the cheer of our own men in the Argonne: "We shall 
go through," we must add this: "It shall not*occur again." 
This is the positive declaration of our own wills: that the 
world shall be saved from a repetition of this crime. 

To this end the Democratic party offers a treaty of peace, 
which, to make it a real treaty for a real peace, MUST in- 
clude a League of Nations; because this peace treaty, if 
our best and bravest are not to have died in vain, must be 
no thinly disguised armistice devised by cynical statesmen 
to mask their preparations for a renewal of greed-inspired 
conquests later on. "Peace" must mean peace that will last. 
A practical, workable, permanent, enforcible kind of peace 
that will hold as tightly as* the business contracts of the in- 
dividual. We must indeed be, above all things, businesslike 
and practical in this peace treaty making business of ours. 
The League of Nations is a practical solution of a practical 
situation. It is no more perfect than our original Constitu- 
tion, which has been amended eighteen times and will soon, 
we hope, be amended the nineteenth; was perfect. It is not 
anti-national, it. is anti-war. No super-nation, binding us to 
the decisions of its tri'punals, is suggested, but the method 
and machinery by which the opinion of civilization may be- 
come effective against those who seek war is at last within 
the reach of humanity. Through it we may with nearly every 
other ,duly constituted government in the whole world throw 
our moral"* force and our potential power into the scale of 
peace. That such an object should be contrary to American 
policy is unthinkable; but if there be any citizen who has 
honest fears that it may be perverted from its plain intent so 
( as to conflict with our' established form of government, it 
will be simple to declare to « him and to the other nations 
that the Constitution of the United States is in every way 
supreme. There must be no equivocation, no vagueness, no 
double - dealing with the people on this issue. The League 
will not die. An idea does not die which meets the call of 
the hearts of cur mothers. 

CANNOT "DECLARE" PEACE 

So, too, with peace. War may be "declared"; peace- cannot. 
It must be established by mutual consent, by a meeting of 
the minds of the parties in interest. From, the practical point 
of view alone a peace by resolution of Congress is unwork- 
able. From the point of view of the millions of splendid 
Americans who served in that whirlwind of war, and of those 
other millions at home who saw, in our part of the conflict, 
the splendid hope of days of pedce for future generations, a 
peace by resolution of Congress is an insult and a denial of 
our national purpose. 

To-day we - are offered a seat at the table of the family of 
nations to the end- that smaller peoples may be truly safe 
to work out their own destiny, to the end that the sword shall 
not follow on the heels of the merchant, to the end that the 



74 MR. ROOSEVELT'S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH 

burden of increasing armies and navies shall be lifted from 
the shoulders of a world already staggering under the weight 
of taxation. We shall take that place. I say so because I 
have faith — faith that this nation has no selfish destiny,, faith 
that our people are looking into the years beyond for better 
things, and that they are not afraid to do their part. 

The fundamental outlook on the associations between this 
Republic and the other nations can never be very different 
in character from the principles which one applies to our 
own purely internal affairs. A man who opposes concrete 
reforms and improvements in international relations is of 
necessity a reactionary, or at least a conservative in viewing 
his home problems. 

We can well rejoice in our great land, in our great citizen- 
ship brought hither out of many kindreds and tongues, but 
to fulfil our true destiny we must be glad also for the oppor- 
tunity for greater service. So much calls to us for action, 
and the need is so pressing that the slacker of peace is a 
greater menace than the slacker of war. Progress will come 
not through the talkers, but through the doers. 

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM DEFINITE 

It is for this reason that I am especially Happy in* the 
pledges given in the platform .of the. Democratic party. That 
document is definite. It is a solemn pledge that, given the 
authority, our party will accomplish clear aims. 

Among the most pressing of these national needs I place 
the bettering of our citizenship, the extension of teaching 
to over 5,000,000 of ou^r population alcove the age of ten who 
are illiterate, the strengthening of our imigration laws to ex- 
clude the physically and morally unfit, the improvement of 
working conditions, especially in the" congested centers, the 
extension of communications to make rural life more ^trac- 
tive, the further protection of child life and of*women in 
industry. All of these demand action. If we raise the stand- ■ 
ard of education, of physical fitness, of moral sense, the 
generations to come will have no difficulty in coping with the 
problems of material economies'. 

So also with regard to the further development of our nat- 
ural resources we offer a constructive and definite objective. 
We begin to appreciate that as a nation we have been waste- 
ful of our opportunities. We need* not merely thrift by sav- 
ing, but thrift by the proper use of what we have at hand. 
Our efforts in the past have been scattered. It is now time to 
undertake a well considered, co-ordinated plan of develop- 
ment, so that each year will see progress along definite lines. 
The days ok "pork-barrel" legislation are over. Every dollar 
of our expenditures for port facilities, for inland waterways, 
for flood control, for the reclamation of swamp and arid 
lands, for highways, for public buildings, shall be expended 
only by trained men in accordance with a continuing plan. 

GOLDEN RULE OF PUBLIC SERVICE 

The golden rule of the true public servant is to give to his 
work the same or even higher interest and efficiency than he 
would give to his private affairs. There is nd* reason why the 
effectiveness of the National Government should not at least 
approximate that of well-conducted private business. To-day 
this is not the case. I may be pardoned if I draw on my ex- 
perience of over seven years in an administrative position to 



MR. ROOSEVELT'S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH 75 

state unequivocally that the governmental machinery re- 
quires reorganization. The system, especially since the war, 
has become antiquated. No mere budget system, much as we 
need that, will correct the faults. 

First of all, the methods of the legislative branch of the 
National Government, especially in the Upper House, re- 
quire drastic changes. It is safe to say that the procedure 
of the Congress has progressed less with the times than in 
any other business body in the country. Yet it is upon the 
Congress that every executive department must wait. Ap- 
peals to the House and Senate in the last session fell on 
apparently deaf ears. 

ADMINISTRATIVE CHANGES NEEDED 

In the administrative branch also great changes must take 
place. The functions of the departments should be redis- 
tributed along common-sense lines and methods provided to 
standardize and prevent duplication of effort. Further, it is 
high time that government employment be placed upon a 
proper level. Under the safeguard of civil service the salaries 
must approximate those paid in private employ. To-day we 
are faced with the fact that the majority of the most efficient 
government employees leave the .service when they are be- 
coming most valuable. The less useful remain. Many mil- 
lions, of dollars could be saved to the taxpayers by reclassi- 
fication of the service, by the payment of adequate compen- 
sation and by the rigid elimination of those who fail to mea- 
sure up to a high standard. All of this also has been called 
to the attention of the present Congress without result, and 
Congress only can authorize the remedy. 

It is a particular pleasure to know that if we are sustained 
by the people in the election, the country will have as its* 
chief executive a man who has already amply established his 
reputation as a successful administrator by the reorganization 
of the business methods of a great state. He is an engineer- 
statesman. The task before the National Government can 
also be assisted by a sympathetic cooperation between the 
executive and the legislative branches, and in this work par- 
tisanship must not enter. 

In the consideration of the needs "of the country and the 
conduct of its affairs I like to dwell particularly on that part 
of Lincoln's immortal phrase which speaks of "Government 
FOR the People." Service on the part of men and women 
in the government is not enough; it must be unselfish ser- 
vice, it must be service with sufficient breadth of view to 
include the needs »and conditions of every kind of citizen, of 
every section of the land. Such a body of workers, would 
make impossible a return to the conditions of twenty years 
ago, when men in* the halls of the Congress and in the execu- 
tive branches almost openly represented special interests <jr 
considered the obtaining of appropriations for their own 
localities as of more weight than the welfare of the United 
States as a whole. Such a spirit of unselfishifess would pre- 
vent also the formation of cliques or oligarchies in the Senate 
for the retarding of public business. i * 

CAN NEVER GO BACK 

Some people have been saying of late: "We are tired of 
progress, we want to go back to where we were before; to 
go about our own business; to restore 'normal' condition's." 



76 MR. ROOSEVELT'S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH 

They are wrong. This is not the wish of America. We can 
never go back. The "good old days" are gone past forever; 
we have no regrets. For our eyes are trained ahead — forward 
to better new days. In this faith I am strengthened by the 
firm belief that the women of this nation, now about to re- 
ceive the National franchise, will throw their weight into the 
scale of progress and will be unbound by partisan prejudices 
and a too narrow outlook on national problems. We cannot 
anchor our ship of 4 state in this world tempest, nor can we 
return to the placid harbor of long years ago. We must go 
forward or founder. 

America's opportunity is at hand. We can lead the world 
by a great example, we can prove this nation a living, grow- 
ing thing, with policies that are adequate to new conditions. 
In a thousand ways this is our hour of test. The Demo- 
cratic program offers a larger life for our country, a richer 
destiny for our people. It is a plan of hope. In this, chiefly 
let it be our aim to build up, not to tear down. Our opposi- 
tion is to the things which once existed, in order that they 
may never return. We oppose money in politics, we oppose 
the private control of national finances, we oppose the treat- 
ing of human beings as commodities', we oppose the saloon- 
bossed city, we oppose starvation wages, we oppose rule by 
groups or cliques. In the same way we oppose a mere pe- 
riod of coma in our national life. 

GREATER AMERICA OUR OBJECTIVE 

A greater America is our objective. Definite arid continu- 
ing study shall be made of our industrial, fiscal and social 
problems. Definite and continuing action shall result there- 
from, and neither the study nor the action shall be left to 
emotional caprice or the. opportunism of any groups of men. 
We need a cooperation of the'ablest and the wisest heads in 
the land, irrespective of their politics. So shall we grow — 
sanely, humanly, honorably, happily— conscious at the end 
that we handed on to those that follow us the knowledge that 
we have not allowed to grow dim the light of the American 
spirit brought hither three hundred years ago by the Pilgrim 
Fathers. 

The coming years are laden with significance, and much 
will depend on the immediate decision of America. This is 
the time when men and women must determine for them- 
selves wherein our future lies. I look to that future for prog- 
ress: in the establishment of good-will and mutual help 
among nations, in the ending of wars and the miseries that 
wars bring, in the extension of honorable commerce, in the 
international settlement which will make it unnecessary to 
send again two millions of our men across t^e sea. I look 
to our future for progress: in better citizenship, in less waste, 
in fairer remuneration for our labor, in more efficient gov- 
erning, in higher standards of living. 

To this future I dedicate myself, willing, whatever may be 
the choice of the people, to continue to help as best I am 
able. It is"\he faith which is in me that makes me very cer- 
tain that America will choose the path of progress and set 
aside the doctrines of despair, the whispering of cowardice, 
the narrow road to yesterday. May the Guiding Spirit of our 
land keep our feet on the broad road that leads to a better 
to-morrow and give us strength to carry on. 



CUMMINGS' CHALLENGE 

TO REPUBLICAN PARTY 



Temporary Chairman of Democratic National 

Convention Outlines Party's Matchless 

Record and Denounces President's 

G. O. P. Defamers 



(Following is the addreas delivered by Homer S. Cummings, 
temporary chairman of the Democratic National Convention 
at San Francisco, June 28, 1920. The speech is a "ringing 
challenge to the Republican party to battle. Convincing in its 
recital -of the achievements of the Democratic administration, 
clear in its interpretation of the ideals and motives that have 
actuated President Wilson, and damning in its denunciation 
of his Republican defamers and critics, the speech will not 
fail to make an impressive appeal to the voters of the nation. 
Copies of this address in pamphlet form may be obtained on 
application to the Democratic National Committee Head' 
quarters at New York or Chicago.) ^ 

T ADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVEX- ' 
-^ TION: 

At this high hour when the destinies not only of political 
parties but of peoples are at stake; when social unrest is 
everywhere apparent; when existing forms of government 
are being challenged, and their very foundations disturbed 
or swept away, it is well for us, here in America, to pause 
for a period of solemn deliberation. 

We, who assemble in this great convention, counsel to- 
gether, not merely as members of a party, but as children 
of the Republic. Love of country and devotion to human 
service should purge our hearts of all unworthy or mis- 
leading motives. 

Let us fervently pray , for a Divine Blessing upon all that we 
do or undertake. Let us pledge ourselves anew to equality of 
opportunity; the unity of our country above the interests of 
groups or classes; and the maintenance of the high honor of 
America in her dealings with other nations. 

The people will shortly determine which political instru- 
mentality is best suited to their purposes, most responsive 
to their needs. They will have before them many platforms 
and many promises. In what direction will they turn? 
There is no betteT way of judging the future than by the 
past. We ask, therefore, that the people turn from the 
passions and the prejudices of the day to the consideration 
of a record as clear as it is enduring. 

REPUBLICAN LEADERSHIP 

The Republican party was unsuccessful in the elections of 
1912 because it had persistently served special interests and 
had lost touch with the spirit of the time. Those who con- 
trolled its destiny derived their political inspiration from 
"the good old 'days of Mark Hanna" and neither desired a 

77 



78 CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 

new day nor were willing to recognize a new day when it 
had dawned. To each pressing problem* they sought merely 
to reapply the processes of antiquity. 

There were elements in the Republican party which were 
intolerant of its mental sloth and moral irresponsibility. 
These influences sought to gain party control in 1912 and 
again, in 1916. They renewed the hopeless struggle at the 
convention recently held at Chicago. 

Despite these efforts, the leaders who have manipulated the 
party mechanism for more than a generation, are still in undis- 
puted control. 

THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM, REACTIONARY 
AND PROVINCIAL, IS THE VERY APOTHEOSIS OF 
POLITICAL EXPEDIENCY. FILLED WITH PRE- 
MEDITATED SLANDERS AND VAGUE PROMISES, 
IT WILL BE SEARCHED IN VAIN FOR ONE CON- 
STRUCTIVE SUGGESTION FOR THE REFORMA- 
TION OF THE CONDITIONS WHICH IT CRITICIZES 
AND DEPLORES. The oppressed peoples of the earth 
will look to it in vain. It contains no message of hope for 
Ireland; no word of mercy for Armenia; and it conceals a 
sword for Mexico. IT IS THE WORK OF MEN CON- 
CERNED MORE WITH MATERIAL THINGS. THAN 
-WITH HUMAN RIGHTS. It contains no thought, -no pur- 
pose which can give impulse or thrill to those who love 
liberty and hope to make the world a safer and happier 
place for the average man. > 

DEMOCRATIC ACHIEVEMENTS 

The Democratic party is an unentangled party — a free 
. party — owing no allegiance to any class or group of special 
interest. We were a"ble to take up and carry through to 
success the great progressive program outlined in our plat- 
form of 1912. During the months which intervened between 
March 4th, 1913, and the outbreak of the World War, we 
placed upon the statute books of our country MORE EF- 
FECTIVE, CONSTRUCTIVE AND REMEDIAL LEGIS- 
LATION THAN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY HAD 
'PLACED THERE IN A GENERATION. 

The Income Tax was made a permanent part of the rev- 
enue-producing agencies of the country, thereby relieving 
our law of the reproach of being unjustly burdensome to the 
poor. Th^e extravagances and inequities of the tariff system 
were removed; and a non-partisan tariff commission was 
established so that future revisions might be made in the 
light^ of accurate information? scientifically and impartially 
obtained. Pan- Americanism was encouraged; and the bread 
thus cast upon the international waters came back to us 
many fold. The great reaches of Alaska were opened up to 
commerce and development. Dollar diplomacy was de- 
stroyed. A corrupt 'lobby was driven from the national capi- 
tol. An effective Seaman's Act was adopted. The Federal 
Trade Commission was created. Child labor legislation was 
enacted. The Parcel I*ost and Rural Free Delivery were 
developed. A Good Roads Bill and Rural Credits Act were 
passed. A Secretary* of Labor was given a seat in the 
Cabinet of the President. Eight-hour laws were adopted. 
The Clayton Amendment to the Sherman Anti-Trust Act 
was passed, freeing American labor and taking it from the 



CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 79 

itegory of ^commodities. The Smith-Lever bill for the 
nprovement of agricultural conditions was enacted. A 
orrupt Practice Apt was adopted. A well considered Ware- 
ouse Act was passed. Federal Employment Bureaus were 
reated. Farm Loan Banks, Postal Savings Banks and the 
ederal Reserve System were established. 

These enactments, and many other provisions of % reme- 
ial character, 3 had a cleansing and quickening effect upon 
le economic life of our country. The farmer was freed 

om the deadening effects of usurious financial control, 
rabor was given its Magna Charta of liberty. Business and 
nance were released from the thraldom of uncertainty and 
azard. The economic life of America was refreshed by the 
; ng. breath of economic freedom. 

This extraordinary narration sounds lij^e a platform of 
romise§. The sober fact is that it is an inadequate recital 
f actual performance. 

It constitutes Democracy's response to the demands 
>f social justice. It is our answer to the antiquated 
lander that the Democratic party is unable to under- 
tan d the great affairs of the country. 

THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM 

If the Democratic party had accomplished nothing more 
lan the passage of the Federal Reserve Act, it would be 
ntitled to the enduring gratitude of the* nation. This Act 
upplied the country with an elastic currency controlled by 
le American people. Panics — the recurring phenomena of 
isaster which the Republican party could neither control 
or explain — are now but a memory. Under the Republican 
ystem there was an average of one bank failure every 
wenty-one days for a period of nearly forty years. After 
le passage of the Federal Reserve System, there were, in 
915, four bank failures; in ,1916 and 1917, three bank failures; 
n 1918, one bank failure; and in 1919, no bank failures at all. 
The Federal Reserve System, passed over the opposition of 
he leaders of the Republican party, enabled America to with- 
tand the strain of war without shock or panic; and ulti- 
nately made our country the greatest creditor nation of the 
vorld. 

ACHIEVEMENTS IN WA*R 

And then the Great War came on. Ultimately, by the logi- 

al^teps of necessity, our peace-loving nation was drawn 

nto the conflict. The necessary war legislation was quickly 

upplied. 

A War Finance Corporation was created. War Risk Iri- 

urance was provided. Shipbuilding laws re-established 

America's supremacy upon the seas. The office of Alien 

Property Custodian was created. A War Industries Board 

ivas established. A War Trade Board was created. Food 

nd fuel regulations were formulated. Vast loans were suc- 

essfirily floated. Vocational training was provided. A 

National Council of Defense was created. Industry was suc- 

essfully mobilized. • 

Almost over night, the factories of the nation were made a 

part of the war machiney and the miraculous revival of the 

hipping industry filled the oc%an lanes with our transports. 

Our fleet laid the North Sea mine barrage. We sent §ght- 



80 CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 

ing craft to every sea and brought new courage ami inventive 
genius to the crucial fight against the U-boatt 

In transporting our troops to France, we never lost a man 
in a ship convoyed by the American Navy. 

One of the first decisions was between the "volunteer 
system" and the selective draft. Many patriotic citizens 
strongly deprecated conscription and dreaded its, possibilities. 
The Administration, however, placed its influence behind the 
measure, secured its passage, and made possible the winning 
of the war. 

It proved a democratic system assuring equal service, 
equal danger and equal opportunity. At one stroke of the 
pen, bounty jumping, and the hired substitutes that had dis- 
graced the management of the Civil War were made im- 
possible. The selection of men to go to the front was 
placed not merely in the hands of the civil authorities, but 
actually in the hands ©f the friends and neighbors of the 
men eligible for service. NO FUNDAMENTAL LAW 
WAS EVER ADMINISTERED WITH SUCH SCRUPU- 
LOUS HONOR. NOT O^E BREATH OF SCANDAL 
TOUCHED THIS LEGISLATION; and so cheerfully was 
it accepted that to-day, the term "draft dodger" is an epithet 
of reproach in any community. 

PARTISANSHIP PUT ASIDE 

Partisanship was put aside in the selection of General 
Pershing as leader of our forces and no military com- 
mander in history was ever given a freer hand or more 
unflagging support. The policy of selecting officers through 
training camps avoided the use of political favorites and 
guaranteed competent leadership for the youth of the land. 
Ten million men were registered within three months from 
the declaration of war and thirty-two camp cities, complete 
in every municipal detail, were built in ninety days. 

In France, we had to construct our own docks, railroad 
lines, storage depots, hospitals and ordnance bases. We had 
v to cut down the forests for our barracks. In June, two 
months'after the declaration of war, our fighting men were 
in France; in October, Americans were on the firing line; in 
scarcely more than a year, we had two million men in France, 
had whipped the enemy at Belleau Wood, beaten them back 
at Chateau Thierry, wiped out 9 the St. Mihiel salient and 
delivered the terrimc hammer blow at Sedan that virtually 
ended the war. 

Less than two years ago, General. Haig, with the bluntnoss 
of a soldier, said: "The British Army is fighting with its back 
to the wall"; Lloyd George was crying: "It is a race between 
Wilson and Hindenburg"; and France clung like a drowning 
man to the Rock of Verdun, turning agonized eyes toward 
America. And America came. WE CHALLENGE THE 
CRITICS OF THE ADMINISTRATION TO POINT 
OUT HOW, WITHIN THE LIMITS OF HUMAN POS- 
SIBILITY, THE WAR COULD HAVE BEEN WON 
MORE PROMPTLY OR WITH LESS LOSS OF AMERI- 
CAN LIFE. 

Itnvas not by mere chance that these things were accom- 
plished. To readjust the processes of peace so as to serve 
the activities of war required leadership of unexampled skill. 
Petty criticism of minor defects and individual officials may 
for a jtime attract superficial attention, but the significant 



CUMMJNGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 81 

things, the great outstanding facts plead eloquently for the 
Democratic cause. 

, Let no one misunderstand us. These great affairs were 
carried forward under the stimulus of American patriotism, 
supported by the courage and the spirit of our people. All 
this is freely and gladly acknowledged, but surely the time 
has come when, because of the calculated criticism and the 
premeditated calumnies of the opposition, we are entitled to 
call attention to the fact that ALL OF THESE THINGS 
WERE ACCOMPLISHED UNDER THE LEADERSHIP 
OF A GREAT DEMOCRAT AND A GREAT DEMO- 
CRATIC ADMINISTRATION. We have no apologies to 
make — not one. We are proud of our great Navy; we are 
proud of our splendid Army; we are proud of the pov/er of 
our country and the manner in which that power has been 
used; we are proud of the work that America has done in 
the world; we are proud of the heroism of American men 
and women; and we are proud of the inspired and incom- 
parable leadership of Woodrow "Wilson. 

Has not the time come when all Americans, irrespective of 
party, should begin to praise the achievements of our country 
rather than to criticise them? Surely a just and righteous 
sense of national pride should protect us from the insensate 
assaults of mere partisans. We fought a great war, for a 
great cause, and we had a leadership that carried America 
to greater heights of honor and power and glory than she 
has ever known before in her entire history. IF THE 
AMERICAN FLAG MUST BE LOWERED, IT WILL 
BE HAULED DOWN IN A REPUBLICAN CONVEN- 
TION, AND NOT IN A DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION. 

PARTISAN INVESTIGATIONS 

IT IS THIS SHINING RECORD OF TREMENDOUS 
ACHIEVEMENT THAT REPUBLICAN MANAGERS 
AND THE CHICAGO PLATFORM SEEK TO SHAME 
AND BESMIRCH. Various Congressional committees, 
which for want of a more appropriate term, are called 
"smelling committees" were appointed for the purpose 6f 
ascertaining whether or not there was any graft in the 
conduct of the Great War. Over eighty investigations have 
been made, over two million dollars have been wasted, and 
THE ONE RESULT HAS BEEN TO PROVE THAT IT 
WAS THE CLEANEST WAR EVER FOUGHT IN THE 
HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION. 

Through the hands of a Democratic Administration, there 
have passed more than forty billions of dollars, and THE 
FINGER OF SCORN DOES NOT POINT TO ONE 
SINGLE DEMOCRATIC OFFICIAL IN ALL AMERICA. 
IT IS A RECORD NEVER BEFORE MADE BY ANY 
POLITICAL PARTY IN ANY COUNTRY THAT EVER 
CONDUCTED A WAR. 

If Republican leaders are not able to rejoice with us in 
this American triumph, they should have the grace to remain 
silent, for it does not lie in the mouths of those who con- 
ducted the Spanish-American War to indulge in the luxury 
of criticism. What was there in this war to compare with 
the typhoid infested camps and the paper soled shoe con- 
troversy of 1898? What was there in this war to compare 
to the embalmed beef scandal of the Spanish-American War? 
Despite all their investigations, not One single Democratic 



82 CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 

official has either been indicted or accused or even suspected; 
and the only dignitary in America, of any outstanding politi- 
cal significance, who is moving in the direction of the peni- 
tentiary, is Truman Newberry, of Michigan. % 

The very power of the. Republican party to conduct a par- 
tisan investigation of the war, to criticise the President, to 
control the organization of the Senate and to wreck the pros- 
pect of the world peace, rests upon a bare majority of one, 
secured through the tainted senatorial vote from Michigan. 

The Republican party beCarrie so fixed in its incorrigible 
habit of conducting investigations that it finally yrfurneM to 
the fruitful task of investigating itself. For the first time 
since they entered upon this program, they discovered fraud 
and graft and gross and inexcusable expenditures. The rev- 
elations disclose the fact, long understood by the initiated, 
that THE MEETING AT CHICAGO WAS NOT A "CON- 
VENTION BUT AN AUCTION. The highest bidder, 
however, did not get the prize. The publicity which overtook 
the proceedings frustrated the initial purpos'e. In more 
senses than one, the recent Chicago Convention has left the 
Democratic party as the sole custodian. of the honor of the 
country. * 

THE COST OF THE WAR 

There are men so small in spirit, so pitifully cramped in 
soul, that they suggest that tjie war cost too much. The 
Republican platform echoes this complaint. It was indeed, 
an expensive war. War is the most wasteful thing in the 
world. But is money to be measured against the blood of 
American soldiers? Would it not be better to spend a 
billion dollars for shells that were never exploded, than to 
have one American boy on the firing line minus an essential 
cartridge? Was it not better to prepare for a long war and 
make it short, than to prepare for a short war and make it 
long? 

When criticism is made of the expense of war, let us not 
forget that we bought with it the freedom and the safety of 
the civilization of the world. 

PREPAREDNESS 

Again, they say that we were not prepared for war. In a 
strict military sense, a democracy is never prepared for war; 
but America made ready in a way tliat was far more effective 
than by maintaining, at enormous cost, great armaments, 
which neither party ever advocated and which our people 
would never approve. 

Wars are not fought by armies alone. They are fought 
by nations. It is a measuring of the economic strength of 
nations. The front line trench is no stronger than the forces 
which lie behind the trench. The line of communication 
reaches back to every village, farm, counting house, factory 
and hoTne. America prepared by making the i economic life 
of the country sound. 

What would have been our situation if, prior to the out- 
break of the war, we had not prepared so that our farmers 
were able to feed the armies of the world? What would 
have been our situation if labor had not been willing to follow 
the leadership of the President? Wliat would have been the 



CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 83 



* 



situation if we had not established a currency system which 
made it possible fo*r us to finance the war? What would 
have been the situation if the Republican party had been in 
control and had maintained its old attitude toward legisla- 
tion? There would have been an inevitable breaking down 
of the economic structure of our country.. We would have 
been caught in the throes of a panic more devastating than 
any we had ever known. Industrial life would have been 
disorganized and the tasks of war, difficult as they were, 
might then have become altogether impossible. 

REPUBLICAN RECORD SINCE 191 8 

The Republicans have now been in control of the Senate 
and the House for more than a year. They won the election 
of 1918 upon the faith of alluring promises. They said that 
they would earnestly support the President, at least, until 
the tasks of war were finished. It was their contention that 
they would enter upon the work of reconstruction with 
superior intelligence and even with greater patriotism than 
would be possible under Democratic leadership. They gave 
publicity, when they entered upon the recent session, to de- 
tailed and ambitious statements as to their program. If we 
are to be judged, as I hope we may be, by the record, let 
ffiem also be judged by the record. 'What have the Republi- 
cans accomplished since their political success in 1918? What 
beneficial results have flowed to the American people? What 
promises have been redeemed? What progress has been 
made in the settlement of foreign or domestic questions? 

Twice the President went before Congress, since the termi- 
nation of hostilities, calling attention to needed legislation. 
He urged the passage of laws relating to profiteering; mea- 
sures to simplify and reduce taxation; appropriate action 
relative' to the returning soldiers; the passage of a resolu- 
tion concerning the constructive plans worked out in detail 
by former Secretary Lane, and the measures advocated by 
the Secretary of Agriculture. He suggested that the Con- 
gress take counsel together and provide legislation with ref- 
erence to industrial unrest, and the mutual relations of 
capital and labor. ' - 

* 
After more than a year or sterile debate, our country 

has neither peace nor reconstruction. Barren of 

achievement, shameless in waste of time and money, 

the record of the present Congress is without parallel 

for its incompetencies, failures and repudiations. 

Are the American people so- unjust or so lacking in dis- 
crimination that they will reject the service of a party which 
has kept its word, and place trust in a party which merely 
renews the broken promise's of a previous campaign? 

ATTACKS UPON THE PRESIDENT 

Republican leaders have been moved by a strange and in- 
explicable jealousy of the President. This feverish animosity, 
expressed in gross abuse and through secret intrigue, has 
been productive of one of the most unhappy chapters in 
American history, recalling the similar experiences of Lin- 
coln and Washington. Political malice followed the Presi- 
dent to the Peace Table. A* senatorial "round robin" was 
widely circulated. Every device which partisanship could 



84 CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 

develop was employed for the purpose of weakening the 
influence of- our commission at Paris, and making the task 
still more difficult. 

At a time when every instinct of fairness pleaded for aj" 
whole-hearted support of the President, political antagonism 
and personal envy controlled the anti-Administration forces. 

The President made every sacrifice for the cause of peace.. 
The long continued strain while composing differences 
abroad; the expenditure of nervous vitality and intellectual: 
force in building a new order of human relationships upon 
the ruins of the old, laid heavy toll upon his reserve powers. 
Then came the return in triumph, only to find here a wide- 
spread propaganda of opposition, making it imperative that 
he take up in his own country, a struggle for the preservation 
of that which had been won at such incalculable cost. Fol- 
lowing the superhuman labors of seven years of unexampled 
service, this meant the wreck of his health, sickness for 
months upon a bed of pain, and worse than the physical 
sickness, the sickness of heart which comes from the knowl- 
edge that political adversaries, lost *o the larger sense of 
things, are savagely destroying not merely the work of men's 
hands, but the world's hope of settled peace. THIS WAS 
THE AFFLICTION— "THIS THE CRUCIFIXION, 

As he lay stricken in the White House, the relentless 
hand of malice heat upon the door of the sick chamber. 
The enemies of the President .upon the floor of the 
Senate repeated every slander that envy could invent, 
and they could scarcely control the open manifestation 
of their glee when the Great Man was stricken at last. 

The Congress was in session for months while the Presi- 
dent lay in the White House, struggling with a terrifying 
illness and, at times, close to the point of death. He had 
been physically wounded just as surely as were Garfield 
and McKinley and Lincoln, for it is but a difference of degree 
between fanatics and partisans. THE CONGRESS, DUR- 
ING ALL THIS PERIOD, WHEN THE.WHOLE HEART 
OF AMERICA OUGHT' TO HAVE BEEN FLOWING 
OUT, IN LOVE AND SYMPATHY, DID NOT FIND 
TIME, AMID THEIR BICKERJNGS, TO PASS ONE 
RESOLUTION OF GENEROUS IMPORT OR EXTEND 
ONE KINDLY INQUIRY AS TO THE FATE OF THE 
PRESIDENT OF THEIR OWN COUNTRY. 

And What was his offense? Merely this: 

That he strove to redeem the word that America had given 
to the world; that he sought to save a future generation from 
the agony through which this generation had passed; that he 
had taken seriously the promises that all nations had made that 
they would unite at the end of the war in a compact to preserve 
the peace of the world; and that he relied upon the good faith 
of his own people. 

If there was any mistake, it was that he made a too 
generous estimate of mankind, that he believed that the 
idealism which had made the war a great spiritual victory, 
could be relied upon to setfure the legitimate fruit of the 
war — the reign of universal peace. 



CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 85 

In one sense, it is quite immaterial what people say about 
he President. 

Nothing we can say can add or detract from the fame that 
rill flow down the unending channels of history. Generations 
et unborn will look back to this era and pay their tribute of 
tonor to the man who led a people through troublous ways 
>ut of the valleys of selfishness up to the mountain tops of 
chievement and honor, and there showed them the promised 
and of freedom and safety and fraternity. Whether history 
-ecords that they entered in or turned their backs upon the 
ision, it is all one with him— HE IS IMMORTAL. 

THE REQUIREMENTS OF HONOR 

There are men who seem to be annoyed when we suggest 
hat American honor is bound up in this contest, and that 
ood faith requires that we should enter the League of 
Stations. The whole Republican case is based upon the 
heory that we may, with honor, do as we please about this 
natter and that we have made,. no* promises which it is our 
fluty to redeem. Let us turn again to the record. 

The Republican party in its platform in 1916 had declared 
r or a world court, "for the pacific settlement of international 
lisputes." The Progressive party in 1912 and in 1916^ had 
ikewise declared for an arrangement between nations to 
make peace permanent. The Democratic party in 1916 had 
pecifically declared in favor of the establishment of a 
League of Nations. The Senate itself, on August 28th; 

1916, by unanimous vote, passed a measure requesting the 
President to take the lead in such a world movement. 

On December 18th, 1916, the President addressed an identic 
note to the nations at war, requesting them to state the terms 
upon which they would deem it possible to make peace. In 
this note he proposed the creation of a League of Nations, 
saying i 9 

"In 1 the measures to be taken* to secure the future peace 
of the world, the people and government of the United 
States are as vitally and directly interested as the. gov- 
ernments now at war. . . . They stand ready and even 
eager to co-operate in the accomplishment of these ends 
when the war is over with every influence and resource 
at their command." 

This was four months before America entered the war. 
To this identic note, the Central Powers answered evasive- 
ly, but the Allies, in their reply dated at Paris, January 10th, 

1917, declared: 

* "Their whole-hearted agreement with the proposal to- 
create a League of Nations which shall assure peace 
and justice throughout the world." 

* 
On January. 22nd, 1917, the, President addressed the Senate 
with reference to these replies, o and said: 

"In every discussion of the peace that must end this 
war, it is taken for granted that the peace must be 
followed by some definite concert of power which shall 
make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe 
shall overwhelm us again?' 



86 CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 

Speaking of the League o£ Peace which was to follow the 
war, he said: 

"If the peace presently to be made is to endure, it- 
must be a peace made secure by the organized major 
force of mankind." 

Acting upon these proposals, both the French and the 
British governments appointed committees to stu^y the 
problem while the war was still in progress. 

On April 2nd, 1917, the President delivered his famous war 
message to Congress, and thrilled the heart of the country 
anew by his announced purpose to make the contest "a war 
against war." High above all of our other aims, he placed 

"a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free 
peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and 
make the world itself at last free." 

Following this message, e the Congress by resolution, passed 
April 6th, 1917, recognized the state of war. 

On January 8th, 1918, the President went before Congress 
and set forth his famous Fourteen Points. The fourteenth 
point, which is practically identical in language with the pro- 
visions of Article X of the covenant, provided that 

*• 

" a general association of nations must be formed under 

specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual 
guarantees of political independence and territorial in- 
tegrity to great and small states alike." 

Senator Lodge himself, before the exigencies of politics 
forced him to take the other, side, said that an attempt to 
make a separate peace would "brand us with everlasting 
dishonor" and that "the intent of the Congress and the in- 
tent of "the President, was that there could be no peace until 
. we could create a situation where no such war as this could 
recur." ^ , « 

Former President Roosevelt, on July 18th, 1918, said: 

"Unless we stand by our allies who have stood by us, 
we shall have failed in making the liberty of well- 
behaved civilized peoples secure and w.e shall have shown, 
.that our announcement about making the world safe for 
democracy was an empty boast." 

* « 

On November 4th, 1918, the armistice was agreed to and 

it^was concluded upon the basis of the fourteen points set 
forth in the ^ddress of President Wilson delivered to Con- 
gress on January 8th, 19-18, and the principles subsequently 
enunciated by him. At no point, at no time, during* no 
period while this history was in the making, was one re- 
sponsible American voice raised in protest. 

• 

Thus, befdre we entered the war, we made the pledge; 
during the war we restated the pledge; and when the armistice 
was signed, all of the nations, ourselves included, renewed the 
pledge; and it was upon the faith of these promises that Ger- 
many laid down her arms. 

, Practically all of the civilized nations of the earth have 
now united in a covenant whicl* constitutes the redemption 
of that pledge. WE ALONE HAVE THUS FAR FAILED 



CUMMlNGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 87 

TO KEEP OUR WORD. Others may break faith; the 
Senate of the United States may break faith; the Republican 
party may break faith; but NEITHER PRESIDENT 
WILSON NOR THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY WILL 
BREAK FAITH. 

THE FUNDAMENTAL PURPOSE 

In this hemisphere, the mere declaration of our y # aung 
republic that the attempt of any foreign power to set foot 
on Americarr'soil would be considered an unfriendly act, 
has served to preserve "the territorial integrity and the po- 
litical independence" of the nations of Central and South 
America. The Treaty pledges all of the signatories to make 
this doctrine effective everywhere. It is the Monroe Doc- 
trine of the world. 

The purpose of the League is to give "notice that if any 
nation raises its menacing hand and seeks to cross the line 
into any other country, the forces of civilization will be 
aroused to suppress the common enemy of peace. Therein 
lies the security of small nations and the safety of the 
world. 

Every war between nations that has ever been fought 
began in an attempt to seize foreign territory or to invade 
political independence. If, in 1914, Germany had known 
that in the event of. hostilities, Great Britain would have 
entered the war; that France would go in; that Italy would 
go in; that Japan would go in; and that the United States 
would go in — there would have been no war. 

OBJECTIONS TO THE TREATY 

The opponents of the Treaty cry out "Shall we send our 
boys abroad to settle a political quarrel in the Balkans?" 
Immediately, the unthinking applaud and the* orator records 
a momentary triumph. Have we forgotten that we sent 
more than two million men to France, spent more than 
twenty billions of dollars and sacrificed nearly a hundred 
thousand lives to settle a Balkan dispute? 

There was a controversy between Serbia and Austria. 
Territorial questions, political rights and boundary lines 
were involved. The Crown Prince of the House of Austria 
was assassinated. A little flame of war licked up into the 
powder house of Europe, and in a moment, the continent 
was in flames. It took all the power'of civilization to put 
out the conflagration. How idle to inquire whether we 
wish to send our boys to settle political disputes in the 
Balkans ! 

It is extraordinary that men should waste our time and vex 
our patience by suggesting the fear that we may be forced into 
future wars while forgetting entirely that America was forced 
into this greatest of all wars. No League of Nations existed 
when we entered the war; and it was only when we formed in 
haste, in the midst of battle, a league of friendship, under 
unified command, that we were able to win this war. 

This association of nations, held together by a common 
purpose, fought the war to a victorious conclusion, dictated 
the terms of the armistice and formulated the terms of peace. 
If such a result could be achieved by an informal and tem- 
porary agreement, WHY SHOULD NOT THE ASSOCIA- 
TION BE CONTINUED IN A MORE DEFINITE AND 



88 CUMM1NGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 

BINDING FORM? What plausible reason can be suggested 
for wasting the one great asset which has come out of the 
war? How else shall we provide for international arbitra- 
tion? How else shall we provide for a permanent court of 
international justice? How else shall we provide for open 
diplomacy? How else shall we provide safety from external 
aggression? How else shall we provide for progressive dis- 
armament? How else shall, we check the spread of Bolshev- 
ism?*. How else shall industry be made safe and the basis 
of reconstruction established? How else shall society be 
steadied so that the processes of healing may serve their 
beneficent purpose? Until the critics of the League offer a 
better method of preserving the peace of the world, they are 
not entitled to one moment's consideration in the forum of 
the conscience of mankind. 

Not only does 5 the covenant guarantee justice for the 
future but it holds the one remedy for the evils of the past. 
As it stands to-day, war is the one way in which America 
can express its sympathy for the oppressed of the world. 
The League of Nations removes the. conventional -shackles 
of diplomacy. Under the covenant, it is our friendly right 
to protest against tyranny and to act as counsel for the weak 
nations now witnout an effective champion. 

THE EXISTING LEAGUE 

The Republican platform contains a vague promise to 
establish another or a different form of association amongst 
nations of a tenuous and shadowy character. Our proposed 
co-partners in such a project are unnamed and unnamable. 
It is not stated whether it is proposed to invite the nations 
that have established the present League to dissolve it and 
to begin anew, or whether the purpose is to establish a new 
association of a competitive character, composed of the 
nations that repudiated the existing League. The devital- 
izing character of such an expedient requires no comment. 
Fatuous futility could be carried no farther. There is no 
mental dishonesty more transparent than that which ex- 
presses fealty to a League of Nations while opposing the 
only League of Nations that exists or is ever apt to exist. 
Why close our eyes to actual, world conditions? A LEAGUE 
OF NATIONS ALREADY EXISTS. IT- IS NOT A 
PROJECT, IT IS A FACT. WE MUST EITHER ENTER 
IT OR REMAIN OUT OF IT. 

"What nations have actually signed and ratified the Treaty? 

. Brazil, Bolivia, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, South 
Africa, New Zealand, India,* Czecho-Slovakia," Guatemala, 
Liberia, Panama, Peru, Uruguay, Siam, Greece, Poland, 
Japan, Italy, France and Belgium. 

What neutral states, invited to join the League, have 
actually done so? 

Norway, Venezuela, the Netherlands, Denmark, Colombia, 
Chile, Argentina, Paraguay, Persia, Salvador, Spain, Sweden 
and Switzerland. 

Even China .will become a member when she ratifies the 
Austrian treaty. 

Germany has signed and is preparing to take the place 
which awaits her in the League of Nations. 



CUMMi'NGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 89 

What nations stand outside? Revolutionary Mexico, Bol- 
shevist Russia, Unspeakable Turkey and— the United States 
of America. 

It is not yet too late. Let us stand with the forces of 
civilisation. The choice is plain. It is between the Demo- 
cratic party's support of the League of Nations, with its 
program of peace, disarmament and world fraternity, and 
the Republican party's platform of repudiation, provincialism, 
militarism and world chaos. 

EQUALITY OF VOTING 

There is great pretense of alarm because the United States 
has but one vote in the international assembly, against the 
six votes of Great Britain, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, 
South Africa and India. This popular argument against the 
League of Nations is as insincere as it is superficial. It 
ignores the fact that the Executive Council, and not the 
Assembly, is the governing body of the League, and that our 
country is one of the five countries having permanent 
membership .in the Council. The colonial votes exist only 
in the Assembly. - 

Nor should we forget that France has but one vote; Italy 
has but one vote; and Japan has but one vote. If there were 
any injustice in the arrangement, surely these nations would 
have sensed it and objected to it. No affirmative action can 
be taken in any essential matter without a unanimous vote of 
all members of the Council" of the League. No decision of 
the League, if America joined it, could be made effective 
or even promulgated without our consent. LIKE EVERY 
OTHER NATION, WE HAVE A VETO POWER UPON 
EVERY RESOLUTION OR ACT OF THE LEAGUE. 
WE CAN BE INVOLVED IN NO ENTERPRISE EX- 
CEPT OF OUR OWN CHOOSING; and if we are not 
satisfied with the League, we can. sever our connection with 
it upon two years' notice. The risk exists only in the imag- 
ination, the service is incalculable. 

Moreover, the United States insisted that Cuba, Haiti, 
Liberia, Panama, Nicaragua, Honduras and Guatemala should 
each be given a vote, as well as the nations of South America, 
-great and small. Including the nations which are bound by 
vital interests to the United States, or, indeed, directly under 
our tutelage, we have more votes in the League of Nations 
than any other nation. How could we, in good faith, urge 
that these nations be. given a voice and deny a voice to such 
self-governing nations as Canada, New Zealand and the rest, 
which, relatively speaking, made far more sacrifices in the 
war than our own country? It is desirable that all countries 
should have an opportunity to be heard in the, League; and 
the safety of each nation resides in the fact that no action 
can be taken- without the consent of all. 

RESPONSIBILITY FOR DEFEAT «7 TREATY 

* IT WAS THE DESIGN OF SENATOR LODGE, FROM 
THE OUTSET, TO MUTILATE THE TREATY AND 
TO FRUSTRATE THE PURPOSES OF THE ADMIN- 
ISTRATION. AND YET SENATOR LODGE, WITH 
THE HELP OF THE IRRECONCILABLES, HAVING 
TORN THE TREATY TO TATTERS AND THROWN 
ITS FRAGMENTS. IN THE FACfi OF THE WORLD, 
HAS THE EFFRONTERY TO SUGGEST, IN HIS AD- 



90 CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 

DRESS AT CHICAGO, THAT THE PRESIDENT 
BLOCKED RATIFICATION AND POSTPONED 
PEACE. 

The trouble with the Treaty of Peace is that it was nego- 
tiated by a Democratic President. It is not difficult to assess 
the responsibility for its defeat. The responsibility rests, not 
upon its friends, but upon its enemies. 

The Foreign Relations Committee, immediately following 
the last election, was .reorganized with a personnel consist- 
ing of the open foes of the Treaty. Amongst the number 
was Senator Borah, who declared that he would not be for 
a League of Nations were the Saviour of mankind to advo- 
cate it. Senator Johnson, Senator Knox and Senator Moses, 
whose hatred of the President amounts to an obsession; 
were also members; and Senators Lodge was Chairman. 

The Treaty was referred to the Committee thus studiously 
prepared for its hostile reception. The members of this 
committee adopted every subterfuge to misrepresent the 
document which they were supposed to be considering as 
statesmen. Deputations of foreign-born citizens were 
brought to Washington in an effort to color and exaggerate 
the impression of popular opposition. 

The Senate had even begun the discussion of the Treaty 
months before its negotiation was concluded, and did not 
terminate its debate until nine months after the submission 
of the Treaty. 

It took the Senate nearly three times as long to kill the 
Treaty by protracted debate and by confusing and nullifying 
amendments and reservations as it took the representatives of 
the allied governments to draft it. • 

It, was not the business of the President, when he brought 
this Treaty back from France, to join with Mr. Lodge and 
other Republican leaders in their deliberate purpose to de- 
stroy it. Had he initiated, suggested or assented to changes 
which would have substantially altered its nature, IT 
WOULD HAVE BEEN A DISTINCT BREACH OF 
FAITH WITH HIS ASSOCIATES OF THE PEACE 
COUNCIL AND . A VIOLATION OF AMERICAN 
PLEDGES. Everyone acquainted with diplomatic usages, 
or with the plain requirements of honesty, understands this. 
The foolish invention that the President refused to permit 
the dotting of an "i" or the crossing of a "t" has been so 
often repeated that many honest people believe in its truth. 

During his tour, THE PRESIDENT REPEATEDLY EX- 
PRESSED ENTIRE WILLINGNESS TO ACCEPT ANY 
AND ALL RESERVATIONS NOT INCOMPATIBLE 
WITH AMERICA'S HONOR AND TRUE INTEREST^. 
It is the plain intent of the covenant that the Monroe 
Doctrine is excluded; that domestic questions are exempted, 
that not one American can be sent out of the country with- 
out formal action by Congress, and that the right of with- 
drawal is absolute. If there are words which can make 
»these meanings clearer, they will be welcomed. It is not 
reservations that the President stands against, but nullifi- 
cation. 

PRESIDENT ACCEPTED AMENDMENTS 

When the President came back from Paris in February, 
1919, he brought the first tentative draft of the covenant of 



CUMM1NGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 91 

the League of Nations. He gave publicity to it. It was 
published throughout the land. He invited the friends of 
such a League to submit criticisms. Former President Taft 
offered four amendments; former Senator Root offered six 
amendments; and Mr. Hughes, suggested seven. At a meet- 
ing of the Committee on Foreign Relations at the White 
House in March, 1919, other changes were suggested. These 
amendments were taken back by the President to Paris and 
their substance was actually incorporated in the revised draft 
of the League. Dr. Lowell, President of Harvard University, 
in his joint debate with Senator J-iodge, invited the latter to 
suggest constructive amendments which the President might 
incorporate in the draft; but he refused so to do. At no 
time has he offered constructive amendments. At no time 
has he failed to offer destructive criticism. So intolerant was 
his attitude that he would not even consider a compromise 
proposed by former President Taft of his own party and 
which was assured of the support of forty Democratic sena- 
tors. Senator Lodge knew that fee controlled the Senate 
and that in his own time and way, he could destroy the 
Treaty. 

This is the sordid story of its defeat. No blacker 
crime against civilization 'has ever soiled the pages of 
our history. The last chapter was written at Chicago. 

The Republican platform not only repudiates the League 
of Nations, but praises, without discrimination, all of the 
Republican senators v/ho participated in its defeat. Its words 
of benediction fall alike upon the irreconcilables, the Lodge 
reservationists, the mild reservationists, and those who pro- 
posed a separate peace with Germany. It is consistent in 
one thing only, the recognition of the fact that the open foes 
of the Treaty, the secret foes of the Treaty, and the apparent 
"friends of the Treaty who conspired with its enemies, are 
equally responsible for the destruction of the instrument 
itself. It would be idle to inquire by what political legerde- 
main this* meaningless and yet ominous declaration was pre- 
pared. IT IS ENOUGH TO KNOW THAT THE "OLD 
GUARD" SOLD THE HONOR OF AMERICA FOR THE 
PRIVILEGE OF NOMINATING A REACTIONARY 
F.OR PRESIDENT*. 

THE CAUSE OF PEACE 

The war had set a great task for statesmanship. The best 
thought of the world demanded that a serious attempt be 
made by the leaders of the allied governments to formulate 
a Treaty of Peace which should prevent the — recurrence of 
war. Every rightful impulse of the human heart was in 
accord with that purpose. From time immemorial, men have 
dreamed of peace; poets have sung of it; men everywhere 
have hoped and prayed that the day might come when wars 
would no longer be necessary in the settlement of interna- 
, tional differences. 

For the first time in the turbulent annals of the human race, 
such a project had become feasible. The destruction of mili- 
tarism, the crumbling of thrones, the dissolution of dynasties, 
the world-wide appreciation of the inner meaning of war and 
the final triumph of democracy had at last made it possible to 
realize the dearest dream that ever crossed the night of man's 



92 CUMMINGS CHALLENGES REPUBLICANS 

dark mind. The opportunity for service was as great as the 
need of the world and the failure to render it must stand as a 
reproach for all time. 

It is said that if the dead who died in the Great War were 
placed head to feet, they would stretch from New York to 
San Francisco, and from San Francisco back again to New 
York; and if those who perished from starvation and from 
other causes collateral to the war were placed head to feet, 
they would reach around the great globe itself. At this very 
hour, millions of men and women and little children are the 
victims of our hesitancy. How can the heart of America be 
closed to these things? 

I have been many miles in this country and it has been 
my fortune to visit most of the States of the Union. It has 
so happened that I have been in many of these States when 
the boys were coming from the front. I have seen the great 
avenues of oUr splendid American cities lined with the popu- 
lace, cheering and cheering again as these brave lads marched 
by, happy that they had come triumphantly home. But I 
have never witnessed these inspiring' sights without thinking 
of the boys who did not come home. They do not rest as 
strangers in a strange land — these soldiers of liberty. The 
generous heart of France # enfolds them. The women and 
the children of France cover their graves with flowers and 
water them with tears. Destiny seized these lads and led 
them far from home to die for an ideal. And yet they live 
and speak to us here in the Homeland, not of trivial things, 
but of immortal things. Reverence and pity and high resolve 
— surely these remain to us. In that heart of hearts where 
the great works of man are wrought, there can be no forget- 
ting. Oh, God, release the imprisoned soul of America, 
touch once more the hidden springs of the spirit and reveal 
us to ourselves! 

Let the true purpose of our party be clearly understood. 

We stand squarely for the same ideals of peace as those for 
which the war was fought. We support without flinching the 
only feasible plan for peace and justice. We will not submit 
to the repudiation of the Peace Treaty or to any process by 
which it is whittled down to the vanishing point. We decline 
to compromise our principles or pawn our immortal souls for 
selfish purposes. 

« 
. We do not turn our backs upon the history of the last three 

years. We seek, no avenue of retreat. We insist that the 
forward course is the only righteous course. 

We seek to re-establish the fruits of victory, to reinstate 
the good faith of our country, and to restore it to its right- 
ful place among the nations of the earth. Our cause con- 
stitutes a summons to duty. 

The heart of America stirs again. The ancient faithrevives 
The immortal part of man speaks for us. The services of the 
past, the sacrifices of war, the hopes of the future,~constit-te 
a spiritual force gathering about our banners. We shall re- 
lease again the checked forces of civilization and America 
shall take up once more the leadership of the world. 



We are confident of winning because me have fought for prog- 
ress before and met cmd conquered reaction before in this com- 
monwealth. — James M. Cox. 



REPUBLICAN PLATFORM 

A JUMBLE OF EVASIONS 



Senator Robinson, Permanent Chairman of 

Democratic National Convention, Points 

Out Ambiguities and Slanders in 

Various G. O. P. Planks 



(Why the Democratic Party is entitled to victory in the present 
campaign is clearly set forth in the following excerpts from the 
address of Senator Joseph T. Robinson of Arkansas, delivered 
when he assumed the permanent chairmanship of the Democratic 
National Convention at San Francisco.) 

LET me epitomize my estimate of the Republican platform 
adopted at Chicago. IT IS AN AMAZING JUMBLE 
OF AMBIGUITIES, INCONSISTENCIES, EVASIONS, 
MISREPRESENTATIONS, "STRADDLES" AND "SLAN- 
DERS." 

It is deliberately unfair in charging the Democratic admin- 
istration with all responsibility for military unpreparedness. 
Everyone knows that the Republican party controlled the 
Government for a long period prior to the inauguration of 
President Wilson, excepting a short time when the Demo- 
crats were in the majority in one branch of Congress. 

When the Democratic Party went into power March 4, 1913, 
both the Army and Navy were far below the authorized num- 
ber. Little was being done to build up an aerial or sub-sea 
service. No magazine at any coast defense in the United States 
had sufficient munitions for more than a single hour's firing. 
* * * * * ** * 

If criticism of the pre-war national policy as to military pre- 
paredness is justified, the censure must fall upon the Repub- 
lican Party. That party cannot escape the consequenecs of its 
own course or. win favor by falsifying the well-known facts 
of history. ' 

BOASTS OF ECONOMY RIDICULED 

The Republican Congress recently adjourned boasted a 
policy of economy because the appropriations were less in 
amount than the estimates. The absurdity of this boast is 
disclosed by the fact that ONE BILLION DOLLARS IN 

excess of the amount appropriated by the 
Democratic congress in 1916 has been au- 
thorized FOR THE COMING FISCAL YEAR. This 
does not include emergency or war expenditures, and em- 
braces only appropriations for the Ordinary activities of the 
Government. 

In addition to this, MANY MANIFESTLY NECESSARY 
SUMS HAVE BEEN WITHHELD TO MAKE A SHOW- 
ING OF ECONOMY. These amounts aggregate hundreds 
of millions, and must be provided in deficiency appropria- 
tion bills. 

TAXATION PLANK INSINCERE 

The plank in the Republican platform respecting taxation 
is manifestly insincere. While criticising the Democratic 

93 



94 REPUBLICAN PLATFORM EVASIVE 

administration for its fiscal policy, it is frankly admitted that 
an early reduction of taxes is not to be expected. REPUB- 
LICANS IN CONGRESS OPPOSED THE PROVISION 
IN THE REVENUE ACT PROPOSED LAST YEAR BY 
THE DEMOCRATS REDUCING FEDERAL TAfcES . 
ONE-TtiIRD FOR 1921. They promised no substantial 
relief from the exacting tax burdens necessarily imposed 
during the war. There are many vexatious taxes that should 
be repealed now that the war is over. 

. TARIFF ABANDONED AS AN ISSUE 

THE CHICAGO PLATFORM FRANKLY ABANDONS 
THE TARIFF QUESTION AS AN ISSUE. That platform 
embraces no more amusing pleasantry than the admission 
that THERE IS NEITHER NECESSITY NOR JUSTIFI- 
CATION FOR REVISION OF THE TARIFF. For 
fear, however, that the plutocratic beneficiaries of protection 
may become indifferent to Republican success* and forget or 
refuse to make campaign contributions, the platform reaffirms 
adherence to the principle of tariff protection. 

PROFITEERING 

The big joker in that amazing document is the plank in 
the Republican platform concerning profiteering. . 

"We condemn the Democratic administration for fail- 
ure impartially to enforce the Anti-Profiteering laws 
enacted by the Republican party." 

Who will be deceived by this absurd pretense? The Re- 
publican Congress enacted no anti-profiteering laws. THE 
AMENDMENTS TO THE FOOD CONTROL ACT 
WERE SUGGESTED BY THE PRESIDENT AND SUP- 
PORTED BY THE DEMOCRATS IN CONGRESS. The 
President recommended four additional measures to prevent 
and penalize profiteering: 

1. Regulation of cold storage. 

2. Legislation requiring commodities which are the 
subject of profiteering, and which enter interstate com- 
merce, to be marked with the price at which they left 
the manufacturer or producer. 

3. Federal licenses for corporations engaged in inter- 
state commerce, 

4. The prevention of fraudulent stock speculation. 

All of these measures were pigeon-holed. Nothing was 
proposed by the Republicans in place of them. IS THE 
DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION TO BE DE- 
NOUNCED FOR FAILING TO ENFORCE MEASURES 
WHICH THE REPUBLICANS REFUSED TO PASS? 



EXCESSIVE USE OF MONEY IN POLITICS 

Perhaps the most significant omission from the Republican 
platform is in respect ^p the excessive use of money in 
Federal elections. To avert nation-wide scandal, the Repub- 
licans at Chicago rejected both General Wood and Governor 
Lowden, Whose supporters had made such reckless use of 
money in the primaries and conventions as to make either 
of them susceptible to attack if nominated. IN SPITE? OF 



REPUBLICAN" PLATFORM EVASIVE 95 

i 

HE GENERAL INDIGNATION AROUSED BY THE 
XPENDITURE OF MORE THAN ONE AND ONE- 
ALF MILLION DOLLARS IN BEHALF OF GEN- 
RAL WOOD AND ALMOST A MILLION DOLLARS 
tf BEHALF OF GOVERNOR LOWDEN AND THE 
OMINATION OF A DARK HORSE AS THE RESULT, 
O MENTION OF THE SUBJECT IS FOUND IN THE 
HICAGO PLATFORM. 



The November elections, however, will demonstrate the 
ict that THE PRESIDENCY CANNOT BE AUC- % 

IONED. 

The Chicago platform declaration relating to law enforce- 
lent is too general to be of value. No self-respecting citizen 
r political party would dare to subscribe to the contrary 
octrine. Does anyone think that the Corrupt- Practices Act 
/ill be enforced because of that declaration,, should the coun- 
ry suffer the misfortune to pass under Republican control? 

PARTISAN INVESTIGATIONS' 

The 1918 election gave the Republicans control of both 
>ranches of Congress. They immediately entered upon a 
>olicy of investigating every department of the Government 
or the purpose of making political capital. Approximately 
me hundred Congressional investigations were ordered. 
THE RESULT HAS BEEN A VINDICATION OF THE 
iONESTY AND EFFICIENCY OF THE DEMOCRATIC 
ADMINISTRATION. Mistakes have been disclosed; unwise 
:xpenditures have been brought to light, but no instance of 
lishonesty chargeable to Democratic control has been dis- 
covered. Considering the numerous activities of the Govern- 
ment during the "war and the necessity for haste, the result is 
highly gratifying. 

* * * * * * * • * 

DISGRACEFUL ATTACK ON NAVY 

In August, 1918, Senator Penrose attacked the conduct of 
the Navy on the floor of the Senate. After the close of the 
war, Admiral Sims repeated that attack. A Senatorial com- 
mittee investigated the charge of inefficiency and misman- 
agement. The result is that IN SPITE OF PARTISAN- 
SHIP REPEATEDLY DISPLAYED BY REPUBLICAN 
MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE DURING THE 
INVESTIGATION, THE HONOR OF THE NAVY HAS 
BEEN SUSTAINED. Our navy performed <an indispensable 
part in the conduct. of the war. It joined with the British 
and French navies in combating the lawless submarine war- 
fare carried on by Germany on the Atlantic and Mediter- 
ranean. It transported and convoyed safely troops and sup- 
ply ships and maintained the exalted standards of courage 
and heroism that has characterized the personnel of our 
navy since the days t of John Paul Jones. 

The attack on the Navy was made fpr political purposes. In 
spite of partisan criticism, the American people will attest their 
contempt for all who would dishonor our flag in order to secure 
political advantage. 



96 REPUBLICAN PLATFORM EVASIVE 

FOREIGN POLICY 

It has been said that partisanship ceases at the water'] 
edge. The political record of the last few months belies fl 
declaration. The Republican party in the Senate and in fl 
recent convention has repeatedly denounced the President fJ 
his foreign policy. THEY PRESENT TO THE WORLt 
THE HUMILIATING SPECTACLE OF DISCORDANl 
AND CONFLICTING FACTIONS SEEKING TO DIl 
CREDIT THE PRESIDENT IN HIS EFFORTS T| 
MAINTAIN THE RESPECT AND CONFIDENCE Ot 
OUR ALLIES. 

MEXICO 

The Chicago platform declares that the policy of the Wfl 
son administration towards Mexico is responsible for thl 
loss of lives and property resulting to American citizens ■ 
Mexico. Nevertheless, THE PROVISIONS OF THAI 
PLATFORM REGARDING MEXICO ARE AMBIGU- 
OUS AND INDEFINITE. It is not to be expected thl 
a mere declaration in favor of law and order in Mexico by] 
political party, of the United States will accomplish thai 
result. 

• Does the plank in the Republican platform on Mexico mean 
that if the property or lives of American citizens in Mexico ar3 
hereafter endangered this government will make war on Mexico 
and establish a protectorate? Why was the convention no! 
frank enough to announce a definite policy? Why was iti 
meaning concealed in a multiplicity of ambiguous words? 

ARMENIA 

The President is condemned for asking authority of CoiijJ 
gress to exercise a mandate for Armenia. . . . Throughout 
the Christian era, the Armenians have suffered persecution 
on account of their religion. They have been brutally pluriF 
dered and murdered or deported into foreign lands. With 
fortitude unequaled by any other people known to historq 
they have uplifted the, Cross in the heart of Mohammedan 
civilization and have professed and practised the religion of 
Christ. It the last war, they fought under their own flag 
and in the armies of England, France and Italy against the 
Turk and the German for preservation of Christian civilizaf 
tion. The only reward they ask is protection against the 
savage cruelty of the Turk. The Armenians want our help| 
the Mexicans do not trust us. 

The Republican Party would deny any encouragement or 
assistance to Armenia and would force a protectorate on 
Mexico. They are deaf to the appeal of the oppressed, but, as 
always, they are sens&ive to the call of wealth. They are un- 
willing to incur expense or danger to protect millions of God- 
fearing Christians from massacre, but they are anxious to in- 
vade a foreign land for the protection of property rights. 

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

Great Republican leaders, including Mr. Lodge and Mrj 
Roosevelt, in public addresses prior to the war, championed 
the establishment of a League of Nations. THEY ANTICI- 
PATED AND ANSWERED WITH IRRESTIBLE LOGIC 
THE VERY ARGUMENTS THEY NOW ADVANCE 
AGAINST THE LEAGUE. 



REPUBLICAN TLATFORM EVASIVE 97 

In June, 1918, Senator Lodge said: 

'•We cannot make peace in the ordinary way. We 
cannot, in the first place, make peace except in company 
with our Allies. It would brand us with everlasting dis- 
honor and bring ruin to us also if we undertook to make 
a separate peace." 

Yet Senator Lodge recently led the Republicans in the~ 
enate to the adoption of a resolution declaring for a sepa- 
ate peace with Germany. . . . The Democrats in the Senate 
rent a long way to compromise. Some Democratic Sen- 
tors voted to ratify with the Lodge reservations, because 
hey believed ratification without them impossible. Many 
>f us, however, were unwilling to accept the reservations, 
>ecause we believed that they cut the heart out of the League 
:ovenant and made probable the failure of the very purpose 
or which the League is designed, the preservation of peace 
nd the prevention of wars for conquest. 

***** * ** 

The plain fact is that the enemies of the League dictated 
he oolicy of the majority in the Senate and controlled the 
>latform declaration at Chicago. While the League plank 
n the Chicago platform is full of. ambiguities, it is an m- 
iorsement of the positions of the irreconcilables and a 
■epudiation of the Lodge reservations. 

The League plank is not frank. The convention should 
lave displayed the courage clearly to declare its policy, BUT 
THE CHICAGO CONVENTION WAS FRANK ON 
ONLY ONE SUBJECT, NAMELY, IN SINGING A 
HYMN OF HATE FOR THE PRESIDENT. 

SHALL AMERICA KEEP THE FAITH? 

The chief issue is whether the United States shall con- 
tract with other nations to prevent unnecessary ♦wars; 
whether the waste and sacrifices of unjustifiable conflicts 
shall be superseded by orderly tribunals for the settlement 
of disputes among nations. If the Republicans win the smaJ 
nations which obtained their independence through associa- 
tion in the war with the Allies will be overcome by their 
recent enemies and Europe quickly will collapse into its 
pre-war condition of oppression and threatened anarchy. . . . 
Our country will incur the distrust and contempt of her 



COVENANT VITAL PART OF TRFATY 

"* * * * The Covenant is, therefore, an essential and in- 
tegral part of the treaty of peace, not artificially, but by the 
verv nature of the case. They cannot be separated. TO CUT 
THE COVENANT OUT OF THE TREATY IS TO AMEND Ii, 
AND LEAVE THE WHOLE PEACE TO BE NEGOTIATED 
OVER AGAIN BETWEEN THIRTY-TWO INDEPENDENT 
NATIONS. How long this would take, it is impossible to 
foresee; certainly several months*— perhaps longer. During 
that time Germany would intrigue to bring about disagree- 
ments."-— A. LAWRENCE LOV/ELL, President of Harvard 
University. 



98 REPUBLICAN PLATFORM EVASIVE 

former Allies and our people will earn a reputation for self J 
ishness and irresponsibility which will require centuries td 
counteract. More than all this; the sacrifices of the war will 
prove worse than useless. Shall this be permitted? Ask the 
mothers who gave their sons to fight for civilization on the 
far-stretched battle fronts in France whether the dead buried 
beneath the crosses there have fallen in vain. Ask the 
heroes who staggered back from the front wounded, blinded 
hopeless. Ask Almighty God if mankind must forever live in 
the menace of catastrophies like that through which the! 
world so recently has passed. 

******** 

It is profoundly signficant that the movements for woman 
suffrage and for the prevention of .needless wars proceed 
simultaneously. The immediate ratification of the equal 
suffrage amendment will assure victory for the Democratic 
party on a platform favoring the ratification of the treaty 
without destructive reservations. The women of America 
stand for peace and against war. 

Let this convention declare for the prompt ratification of the 
Eighteenth Amendment and let some Democratic State, the 
first that has the opportunity, seal the political emancipation 
of American women and by the same just act make certain 
Democratic victory. 

Never before has a nation-wide political battle been waged 
in the cause of international justice, humanity and peace. The 
opposition has taken low and untenable ground. Let the 
Democratic party occupy the heights. Never again will any 
great political party in America openly invite disaster by 
trifling with great problems. 



VOTER JUSTIFIED IN LEAVING HIS 

PARTY TO SUPPORT LEAGUE, 

SAYS TAFT 



J CONSIDER the mora! effect of Article X 
on predatory nations would restrain them 
from war as the declaration of the Monroe 
Doctrine has done, and that the requirement 
of the unanimous consent by the representa- 
tives of the great powers in council, before 
League action, would safeguard the United 
States from any perversion of the high pur- 
pose of the League. Moreover, I believe that 
the issue of the League (of Nations) tran- 
scends in its importance any domestic issues 
and would justify and require one who be- 
lieves so to ignore party ties and secure this 
great boon for the world and this country. — 
WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT, in New York 
"Tribune," August 2, 1920. 



FE STORY OF DEMOCRATIC 
PARTY'S STANDARD BEARER 



markable Rise of James M. Cox from 
: arraer Boy to Governor of His State and 
His Party's Candidate for President 



REPUBLICANS LOOKING BACKWARD 



'T'HE leaders opposed to Democracy promise to put 
the country "back to normal." This can only 
mean the so-called normal of former reactionary ad- 
ministrations, the outstanding feature of which was a 
pittance for farm produce and a small wage for a long 
day of labor. MY VISION DOES NOT TURN BACK- 
WARD TO THE "NORMAL" DESIRED BY THE 
SENATORIAL OLIGARCHY, BUT TO A FUTURE 
IN WHICH ALL SHALL HAVE A NORMAL OP- 
PORTUNITY TO CULTIVATE A HIGHER STAT- 
URE AMIDST BETTER ENVIRONMENT THAN 
THAT OF THE PAST. Our view is toward the sun- 
rise of to-morrow with its progress and eternal prom- 
ise of better things. The opposition stands in the 
skyline of the setting sun, LOOKING BACKWARD, 
to the old days of reaction. — From JAMES M. COX 5 
Speech of Acceptance, August 7, 1920. 



VMES M. COX is the typical representative of sturdy 
Americanism. The surroundings at his birth, the environ- 
nt of his boyhood and the associations during his early 
nhood were those of the average American. His life was 
t of hundreds of thousands of others who form the citizen- 
p of the Middle West. 

? armer boy, newsboy, printer, school teacher, newspaper 
>orter, secretary to a congressman, publisher, congressman 
i three times governor of Ohio — these are the successive, 
standing phases in the career of the Democratic candidate 

President 
rhe youngest of seven children of Gilbert and Eliza (An- 
»ws) Cox, James M. Cox was born near the village of 
:ksonburg, Butler County, Ohio, on March 31, 1870. His 
her still lives at Eaton, Preble County, Ohio. His mother 
d in 1916. 

governor Cox comes from New Jersey stock of Revolu- 
nary days and is a direct descendant of Gen. James Cox, 
s of the early speakers of the New Jersey House of Repre- 
'tatives and later a member of Congress, who lived at 
seboard, N. J. Between General Cox and the present gov- 
ior of Ohio, however, there were several generations of 
ers of the soil who were known in their communities 

honest, hard workers but who attained to no political 
tinction. 
Phe original Cox to move to Ohio was the governor's 



100 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

grandfather, Gilbert, Sr. As a brick and stone mason in New 
Jersey, he found his income insufficient to provide for his 
family of thirteen children the share of wordly goods he 
wished them to have. At least he wanted to give his chil- 
dren the opportunity to acquire homes and land of their own. 
So he packed his family and possessions into a schooner and 
started westward. 

He settled in the wilderness at Jacksonburg, where he pur- 
chased 160 acres of forest for $500. Some of his children 
in turn took their own children farther westward in later 
days, so that the descendants of Pioneer Gilbert Cox have! 
come to be scattered all over the big Middle West. The 
old homestead and farm at Jacksonburg became the posses- 
sion of Gilbert Cox, Jr., the father of Governor Cox. Mrs. 
Cox, the governor's mother, was a farmer's daughter, reared 
in the same community. 

HIS BOYHOOD LIFE 

The boyhood life of Governor Cox was such as that expe- 
rienced by any farmer's lad in the seventies and early eighties. 
The fact that he was the youngest of seven children, perhaps 
gave him somewhat of an advantage in being* able to devote 
a little more time to reading than he might have had if there 
had been none other to help the father in his farm work or 
the mother in her household work. Even at that, as soon 
as he v/as able to lend a hand James was forced to spend 
more time in*work than play. He learned to know what 
chores meant early in the morning and late at night. 

It is told of him that during the summer noon hours, when 
other boys went swimming or squirrel hunting, young Jim 
would walk several miles to town to get a copy of the old 
Cincinnati "Commercial" which he carried to the households 
of the village and which he would read from front page to 
last. In the little one-room country school he attended, 
teachers had difficulty in keeping him at his text-books, but 
when recitation time came he invariably recited with more 
than a passing grade. Reading a lesson once was sufficient 
preparation for him. 

One of the things he did as a boy to earn a little pocket 
money of his own was serving as janitor in a country United 
Brethren Church. Duties consisted of getting up early Sun- 
day mornings to fire old-fashioned wood stoves and to 
sweep the church on Mondays. He became a member of 
the church, paid his dues from money earned as janitor, and 
to this day is a member in good standing of the same church, 
although he attends Episcopalian services in Dayton in the 
chuich of which Mrs. Cox is a member. 

The earliest ambition of Governor Cox, so far as he remem- 
bers it, was to become a storekeeper at Middletown, a city 
some miles farther away than Jacksonburg. His parents, 
however, were insistent that if the bey wanted to leave the 
farm to become a storekeeper or anything else he should 
first have more than an elementary school education. So at 
the age of 15 he was sent to the Middletowiv Jligh School. 
While in that city he stayed at the home of an elder sister, 
Mrs. John Q. Baker, whose husband was a teacher in the 
high school and also owner of the Middletown Signal. He 
still is publisher of the Middletown News-Signal. 

This gave young Qox the happy opportunity of working 
his way through high school. He became a printer's devil, 






GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 101 

plied the occupation until he became a full journeyman 
printer, carried papers to subscribers in the city once a week 
and periodically made collections. Gradually he began to 
write "pieces" for the paper. 

gjLTpon completion of his high-school course, Cox passed 
the teachers' examination and obtained a position as teacher 
of a country school, which since has become merged into 
one of the fine centralized elementary and high schools 
which now dot Ohio as the result of reorganization of the 
educational system put through by Governor Cox in his first 
administration as the state's chief executive. One of the 
members of his school board was Paul P. Sorg, who, when 
he later was elected to Congress, named the ex-teacher as his 
private secretary. 

PUTS OVER A CLEAN "SCOOP" 

Cox, however, liked newspaper work better than teaching 
and became a full-Hedged member of the "Signal" staff. One 
day there was a railroad wreck in which several persons 
were killed at Heno, a small village near Middletown. Cox 
was the local correspondent for the Cincinnati "Enquirer." 
In order to monopolize the wire, he tore a sheet off the 
"Signal," ga^e it to the telegraph operator and said, "Send 
this until I get back." Then he ran all the way to Heno, got 
the facts and sent a lengthy story of the accident over the 
-monopolized wire to the "Enquirer." It was a clean "scoop" 
for the "Enquirer" and landed him a job on that p^per. 

As a newspaper man in Cincinnati he did various kinds of 
reportorial work, including some political writing, became 
assistant telegraph editor only to give up desk work to re- 
turn to writing, and made his greatest distinction locally as 
the writer of the daily railroad column of the "Enquirer." 
After several years he was promoted to city editor. He 
never served as such, however, because at the same time 
came the offer of secretaryship to Congressman Scrg of his 
native Third District. The latter afforded Cox an opportu- 
nity to get to Washington and opened the way for desirable 
future activity. 

PURCHASES A NEWSPAPER 

His life in Washington, meeting public men and watching 
Congress, gave him a valuable experience, but it ended with 
Mr. Sorg's retirement from Congress. That was in 1898. 
Borrowing money from Mr. Sorg, Cox went to Dayton that 
year and bought for a small sum the "News," which was 
then bumping over the rocks near bankruptcy. The bumps 
continued and for several years the young publisher was only 
a few steps ahead of a sheriff's, sale. 

On one occasion the shop was, in fact, closed by the 
sheriff. Cox scrambled around, however, and obtained money 
to pay the bill which had been the cause of the suspension. 
While the opposition paper was on the street, telling under 
big headlines the death of the "News," Cox got out an "extra" 
informing the public that his paper was still on the map- 
again, it should have said. Cox's early struggles as a pub- 
lisher still are remembered or have been told to all Dayton 
citizens, and to this day they delight in recounting to 
strangers the story of the governor's desperate beginning and 
eventual success. 

Five years later Mr. Cox saw an opportunity to repeat his 



102 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

Dayton venture in Springfield. Again with borrowed capital 
he purchased the Springfield "Press-Republic," a paper 
which had been gasping for breath for some time. Overnight 
he, changed its name to the "News," its time of publication 
from morning to evening and its politics from Republican to, 
Democratic. Many told him he was taking a monumental 
risk in his effort to publish a Democratic paper in the prin- 
cipal city of the strongest Republican Congressional district 
in Ohio, the Seventh. 

From the time he took over the paper, however, it gradu- 
ally got back to a sound basis. The governor's policy is to 
run '"newspapers" instead of political organs. In all his cam- 
paigns he has published Republican attacks against himself 
alongside the good things Democrats said about him. 

Both of his newspapers to-day are highly prosperous busi- 
ness institutions; each has been housed in a new, modern 
newspaper building. Throughout his ten years of public ser- 
vice in Washington and Columbus, Governor Cox has- kept 
in close touch with all departments of his two papers. He 
still writes, or did until he became candidate for President, 
an occasional news story and more often an editorial. 

Cox was elected to Congress the first time in 1908, exactly 
ten years after he had ceased being secretary to^ Congress- 
man to become a publisher. In Congress he attracted the 
attention of leaders and became a member of the important 
Committee on Appropriations. On one occasion he showed 
from statistics that more rnone}' was being spent to feed 
monkeys in the zoological gardens at Washington and pris- 
oners in Federal penitentiaries than was being spent for 
veterans in the Dayton Soldiers' Home. It resulted in in- 
creased appropriations for the Soldiers' Home, which at the 
following election, 1910, went Democratic the first time in 
its history. Likewise, the Third Congressional District, 
which for years before Cox's candidacy had been Republican, 
gave him a larger majority for re-election than it ever before 
gave or has ever since given to a candidate for Congress. 

ELECTED GOVERNOR OF STATE 

By 1912 Cox had become somewhat" of a state-wide figure 
in politics. He was one of the earliest and most enthusiastic 
champions of a new, progressive state constitution, and 
easily won the nomination for governor that year. He was 
elected. "The new era in Ohio," or the "new order of 
things," he termed his program of fifty-six progressive, con- 
structive measures, each of which was enacted during his 
first administration and remains on the statute books to this 
day. It apparently was too much, however, to assimilate at 
one time and antagonized many interests, which were suc- 
cessful in defeating him for re-election in 1914. 

The governor never lost faith, however, in eventual vindi- 
cation. Not one of the measures would he have erased to 
save himself from defeat, and two years later, 1916, he came 
back with a "finish-the-job" program and was elected to a 
second term. Then came the war with resultant activities, 
which made Governor Cox the logical candidate for a third 
term. He had no platform other than a "win-the-war" plank 
and delivered not a single campaign speech. 

His election in 1918 made him the only Democrat elected 
Governor three times in the normally Republican State of 
Ohio. The only Republican ever elected to three terms was 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 103 

Rutherford B. Hayes, who was elevated to the "White House 
before expiration of his -last term. 

Governor Cox, as a candidate, believes in carrying his doc- 
trines and principles, and those of the party, to as many 
voters as possible, contending they are entitled to fullest 
information before being called upon to cast their votes. Ke 
is a good public speaker and an able, active campaigner. In 
the way of reaction he is a lover of the out-of-doors, plays 
golf, hunts, fishes, rides horseback, swims, takes long hikes, 
and has a remarkable physical endurance. 

James Middleton Cox is the way biographers of late years 
have written his name. The old family Bible, however, which 
his mother gave to him, and which has been employed at each 
of his inaugurations as governor, records his name as James 
Monroe Cox. The Monroe has reference perhaps to the 
President of the United States of that name. 

Anyhow, for convenience Cox early abbreviated his name 
to James M. Cox. Later James W. Faulkner, political writer 
for the Cincinnati "Enquirer," and an admirer of Cox, face- 
tiously persisted in using the name as James Middletown 
Cox, referring to the town in which Cox received his high 
school education and early newspaper training. To make it 
more appropriate, however, as a man's name, and to make it 
look more plausible, Mr. Faulkner spelled it Middleton, in- 
stead of Middletown, and the name has stuck to the governor 
ever since, and he probably will go down in history as James 
Middleton Cox, instead" of James Monroe Cox. 

ATTRIBUTES SUCCESS TO MOTHER 

To the kindly advice and guidance of his mother, Cox 
attributes his personal success, and after his nomination one 
of the first things he did was to go alone to her grave and 
offer prayer. 

The old Cox homestead at Jacksonburg, which was sold 
several decades ago and for years was owned by persons not 
related to the Cox family, has been purchased by the gov- . 
ernor. He has restored the old brick house, built by his 
grandfather with brick burned of clay found on the farm. 
The governor conducts general agriculture on the place and 
has a fine herd of thoroughbred Guernsey cattle. 

He recently came into possession of a fine Hereford bull, 
as result of his keen ability to judge stock. It was the gift 
of his friend, Senator Johnston Camden,' of Kentucky. 

When not at the executive home in Columbus, Governor 
Cox lives with his family in a beautiful country home at 
Trailsend, near Dayton. He has four children — Mrs. D. J. 
Mahoney, of Dayton; James M., Jr., aged 17; John, aged 10, 
and Anne, who was born December 1st last. 

GARDENING MRS. COX'S HOBBY 

Mrs. Cox was Miss Margretta Blair, daughter of Thomas 
S. Blair, Jr., Chicago business man. While her husband is 
busied with affairs of state, Mrs. Cox devotes such time as is 
not needed in the care of her home and little daughter, to 
her gardens. Gardening is her hobby. Not flowers merely 
but vegetables and garden plants of all kinds she looks after. 
It is a constant surprise to friends that almost anything she 
puts in the ground grows and flourishes. 

She personally spends much time in the care of her home. 
For her daughter, she never has had a nurse, and each after- 



104 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

noon, if the weather is favorable, finds Mrs. Cox taking little 
Anne out for a ride in the cab. Home duties and her hobby 
of gardening make such a demand upon Mrs. Cox that she 
largely neglects social activities. These have been confined 
to Wednesday afternoon receptions or teas at the executive 
home. 

Mrs. Cox is a peculiarly domestic type of woman. Her 
inclination in this direction induced her, upon the death of her 
mother, to give up her college course in the East and take 
charge of the home of her father and care for her younger 
brothers until she was married. 

Like her husband, she loves the out-of-doors and is a fre- 
quent companion of his in recreation of this sort. She is a 
real rival of the governor at fishing during the annual family 
vacation to Brevoort Lake in Northern Michigan. 



AN OVER-GOVERNED COUNTRY 

A BADLY-GOVERNED COUNTRY 



"If the alien, ignorant of our laws and customs, cows in fear 
of our government, he is very apt to believe that things are 
much the same the world over, and he may become an easy 
convert to the doctrine of resistance. Ths skies will clear, but, 
meanwhile, government must be firm yet judicial, uninfluenced 
by the emotionalism that breeds extremes. The less govern- 
ment we have, consistent with safety to life and property, the 
better for both happiness and morals. A policeman on every 
corner would be a bad index to the citizenship of the com- 
munity, for it would reflect a foolish concept of conditions by 
the municipal officers."— GOV. JAMES M. COX. 



When the Democratic Party assumes its responsibility at Wash- 
ington again, it will be under no obligation except that of con- 
science. — James M. Cox. 



THE SUPREME ISSUE 



r PHESE are fateful times. Organized govern- 
ment has a definite duty all over the 
world. The house of civilization is to be put in 
order. THE SUPREME ISSUE OF THE 
CENTURY is before us and the nation that 
halts and delays is playing with fire. The 
finest impulses of humanity, rising above na- 
tional lines, merely seek to make another hor- 
rible war impossible. — From JAMES M. 
COX'S Speech of Acceptance, August 7, 1 920. 



PRIVATE LIFE AND PUBLIC 
CAREER OF F. D. ROOSEVELT 

)emocratic Nominee for Vice-President a 
Straight Thinker, Hard Worker* 
and a Result Getter 

QJ7HEN the Democratic Convention at San Francisco took 
™ stock of the best material in the party for the nomina- 
:ion for Vice-President, seeking a man whose qualities would 
natch those of the man chosen for President, the fitness of 
Franklin D. Roosevelt was spontaneously recognized and he 
was named. 

At an age when most public men still have their records of 
achievements to make, his meri?s made him the unanimous 
choice of his party for the second highest honor within its 
power to bestow. It was a selection immediately popular % 
with the great mass of the American people, for Franklin 
Roosevelt had been known since his first entry into public 
affairs as one who thinks straight, works hard and gets things 
accomplished. 

Mr. Roosevelt was born on January 30, 1882, at Hyde Park, 
Dutchess County, New York, where his family had resided for 
many generations, the son of James and Sara (Delano) Roose- 
velt. He entered Harvard University after completing his 
grade studies and was graduated in 19G4 with the degree ^of 
A. B. Immediately at the close of his undergraduate studies 
he enrolled in the Columbia University Law School. While 
still a law student, he married Mss Anna Eleanor Roosevelt, 
a distant relative, of New York, on March 17, 1905. 

ELECTED TO STATE SENATE 

On the completion of his course he was admitted to the New 
York bar and practiced law with the firm of Carter, Ledyard 
& Milburn Until 1910. In that year he received the Demo- 
cratic nomination for State Senator in the district that in- 
cluded Dutchess County, which for thirty years had been re- 
garded as hopelessly Republican. The nomination was given 
him more as a compliment than with any expectation of his 
election, but Mr. Roosevelt from the outset put into his cam- 
paign every ounce of energy and waged an aggressive fight 
not only to wrest the district from Republican control, but 
also from control of a faction in his own party. The vigor 
and courage of his attack won him friends from the start, and 
he received the support of the farmers who knew of his inter- 
est in practical farming through his membership in the Grange 
and through his management of his mother's farm at Hyde 
Park, N. Y. 

He was elected and for the first time in many years the 
Democrats had reclaimed the district from Republicanism. 

During his first term in the State Senate he justified the 
confidence of his constituents. By his resourceful tactics he 
saved from defeat the bill limiting the work of women and 
children to fifty-four hours a week. This measure was ap- 
posed by a powerful lobby and after having passed in the 
Assembly was scheduled to be interred in the Senate. 

105 



106 ROOSEVELT BIOGRAPHY 

On the last night of the session, just before adjournment, 
Mr. Roosevelt succeeded in having the measure called up. 
Several Senators friendly to the measure had abandoned hope 
for it and had left the chamber for their homes. While Mr. 
Roosevelt spoke on the bill and held the floor against every 
parliamentary effort of the lobbyists, messengers were hur- 
riedly .dispatched to the night boat, running from Albany to 
New York, to summon to the chamber those Senators who 
favored the measure. ' Their votes saved the bill. 

Mr. Roosevelt was renominated for a second term and re- 
elected by the largest majority ever recorded in that section 
of the country. This result was attained despite the fact that 
he was unable to take part in the campaign because of a seri- 
ous illness. 

By March 17, 1913, when his public life measured but three 
years, he was selected for the post of Assistant Secretary of 
the Navy, and resigned his seat in the New York Senate to 
accept. * 

ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF NAVY 

In this position the relations of the Navy Department with 
its employees in the Navy Yards and stations came particu- 
larly under his jurisdiction. He established the rule that no 
complainant should be denied the opportunity to lay his case 
before the Assistant Secretary. His fair dealing with labor in 
the department led the "Federal Machinist," an official labor 
organ, in commenting on his nomination to the Vice-Presi- 
dency, to declare its belief "that no other Assistant Secretary 
of the Navy had ever gained as great a measure of respect 
from the workers and their representatives as Mr. Roosevelt." 

In his task of supervising details of the business, adminis- 
tration of the Navy he introduced reforms in practice and cut 
away red tape, so that when war with Germany came the 
Navy was ready and it was unnecessary for the Department 
to make any radical changes in the organization of the Naval 
Shore Stations or to call in, save in positions of minor 
responsibility, any business experts to assist it in function- 
ing. The business methods of the Navy, when put to the 
test of the greatest war in history, proved sound and elastic 
enough to endure without any substantial change except in 
the number of men employed. 

ON COLLEGE NEWSPAPER 

Mr. Roosevelt invariably practices directness in arriving 
at results. As a student at Harvard he was eager to earn 
a place on the college paper. It was a time when not 
Harvard alone but' the entire country was speculating as to 
which side President Eliot would take in the approaching 
national campaign. While his fellow embryo journalists 
were devising ways and means to obtain an interview, Mr. 
Roosevelt walked up to President Eliot's front door, was 
ushered in, and astounded the President by asking him 
directly what stand he would take. The straightforwardness 
of the student pleased the President, he made a direct reply, 
and Mr. Roosevelt's college newspaper career was launched. 
When he was graduated from Harvard he was managing 
director of the paper. 

Secretary Daniels decided that the Assistant Secretary 
should make a personal investigation of the Navy's opera- 



ROOSEVELT BIOGRAPHY 107 

tions abroad during the war with Germany, and Mr. Roose- 
velt spent July and September, 1918, in this work. Navy 
officials had made arrangements to send him over on a care- 
fully escorted transport, with every precaution observed for 
his personal safety on the voyage. Mr. Roosevelt promptly 
cancelled all these plans and, despite protests, he insisted on 
crossing on a destroyer, sharing all the risks of the men of 
the fighting fleet. From January to February, 1919, he was 
in charge of American demobilization in Europe. 

When not in Washington, Mr. Roosevelt, with his wife 
and five children, lives at the ancestral Roosevelt home at 
Hyde Park, Dutchess County, New York. Here the chil- 
dren have been reared, thriving on the outdoor life. The 
children are: Anna, James, John, Elliott, and Franklin 
D., Jr. 

Mr. Roosevelt, while preferring country life, is a member 
of several New York and Washington clubs, and has served 
as a member, of several commissions of a civic character. 
He is an Episcopalian and a trustee of the Laura Franklin 
Free Hospital for Children. 



ADMINISTRATION INDORSED BY TAFT 



"Every step which has been taken (by the United 
States) in the last three years has been the right step. 
Every cause has been a righteous cause." — From an 
address by EX-PRESIDENT TAFT at Harrisburg, Pa., 
in January, 1918. 



DEMOCRATS OPENED NAVAL ACADEMY 
' TO ENLISTED MEN 



XJ^OR the first time in history the Democratic Con- 
gress in 1913 authorized the appointment of en- 
listed men of the Navy to the Naval Academy. These 
men are chosen by competitive examination. The 
limit is 100 and in June, 1920, eighty-one enlisted men 
from the Navy and Marine Corps successfully passed 
the examination for entrance. The honor man of the 
class of 1919 went into the Academy from the en- 
listed personnel. 

Opportunity was thus offered, for the first time in 
the history of the American Navy, for an enlisted man 
to secure every advantage looking to training to be- 
come an Admiral. Jf this administration had done 
nothing else, in recognition of ambitious young Amer- 
icans who lacked the influence to secure a chance to 
highest promotion, this one act would secure it the 
approval of the American people. When this policy 
was criticized by a few un-American people, Admiral 
Dewey approved it and said: "I would hate to see the 
Navy the Only un-American institution." 



RECORD OF JAMES M. COX 

AS GOVERNOR OF OHIO 



More Progressive Legislation Enacted in Buck- 
eye State Under Direction of Present 
Democratic Nominee for President 
than Ever Before in Its History 



MONROE DOCTRINE THE VERY ESSENCE 
OF ARTICLE X, DECLARES GOY- COX 



TTHOSE now inveighing against an interest in 
affairs outside of America * * '* charge 
experimentation, when we have as historical 
precedent the Monroe Doctrine, WHICH IS 
THE VERY ESSENCE OF ARTICLE X OF 
THE VERSAILLES COVENANT. Skeptics 
viewed Monroe's mandate with alarm, predict- 
ing recurrent wars in defense of Central and 
South American states, whose guardians they 
alleged we need not be. And yet not a shot 
has been fired in almost one hundred years in 
preserving sovereign rights on this hemisphere. 
— From JAMES M. COX'S Speech of Accept- 
ance, August 7, 1920. 



/GOVERNOR JAMES M. COX is presented as the Dejno- 
^ cratic candidate for the Presidency of the United States, 
BECAUSE HE POSSESSES THE CAPABILITIES FOR 
THE SERVICE REQUIRED UNDER THE PECULIAR 
CONDITIONS EXISTING THROUGHOUT THE COUN- 
TRY. 

Governor Cox is the editor and publisher of two large 
successful daily papers,; a farmer; a business man of wide ex- 
perience in various large enterprises; a natural leader, and a 
constructive progressive in administration, who has behind 
him the legislative experience of two terms in the National 
Congress, and the executive experience of three terms as 
Governor of one of the most populous states, in which is rep- 
resented the diversified interests which make up the industry 
of the United States. 

First elected Governor in 1912 as a result of advocacy of a 
new progressive state constitution, which was adopted, HE 
CHANGED THE OLD ORDER OF THINGS IN OHIO, 
MAKING GOVERNMENT RESPONSIVE AND EFFEC- 
TUAL AS WELL AS ORDERLY AND EFFICIENT. 
WELL-PLANNED LAWS AND AGGRESSIVE ADMIN- 
ISTRATION REMOVED MOST OF THE CAUSES OF 
CONFLICT BETWEEN EMPLOYERS AND EMPLOY- 
EES; DOUBT AND DISTRUST EACH OF THE OTHER 
WERE ELIMINATED, AND DIRECTLY THROUGH 

108 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 109 

HIS AGENCY THESE ELEMENTS WERE BROUGHT 
TOGETHER IN COMMON UNDERSTANDING, AND 
FOR COMMON EFFORT. HE HAS THE ENTIRE 
CONFIDENCE OF THE BUSINESS INTERESTS, AND 
THE GENUINE AFFECTION OF THE WORKING 
PEOPXE. He possesses the particular ability at this time 
for bringing together the representatives of capital who fur- 
nish employment and those who will be employed to keep 
the wheels of industry moving. The great domestic problem 
of the next four years is to re-establish confidence between 
capital and labor throughout ' the country. The solution of 
this problem is demonstrated now in Ohio under the six-year 
leadership of Governor Cox. 

MET ALL TESTS OF WAR PERIOD 

GOVERNOR COX MET ALL THE TESTS OF A 
STRENUOUS WAR PERIOD, manifesting the highest 
order of leadership in his ability to pick men to handle effi- 
ciently the tasks given to them, and work one with the other 
to a common end. All classes of citizenship have confidence 
in Governor Cox because he accepts safe counsel, and is a 
careful judge. 

Viewed from every angle, *it is the belief that Governor 
James M. Cox is most peculiarly fitted to render that degree 
of service which the country now demands. In addition to 
his legislative experience in Congress, and his precedent- 
breaking three-term service as Governor, he has had the trials 
that prove, and he met them successfully: 

In his first term, a flood; 

In his second term, a war; 

In his third term, a reconstruction. 

The adoption of the new constitution in Ohio with its cham- 
pion as the Democratic candidate for Governor, in the year 
1912, when the people throughout the country were demand- 
ing a new order, might have indicated there was no necessity 
of Cox stumping the state for "a new era in Ohio." As the 
result of his advoqacy of the new constitution he might have 
been elected even without an active campaign. But the Gov- 
ernor always has been a believer in carrying campaigns di- 
rectly to the voters, in acquainting as many people as possible 
with doctrines and principles, and, in case of election, IN 
CARRYING OUT HIS PERSONAL AND PARTY PLAT- 
FORMS. 

The Democratic state platform gave hearty indorsement 
that year to the proposed new state constitution. Cox went 
even further and pledged himself to additional progressive 
measures of his own authorship, seemingly needful for human 
welfare. Altogether, 56 progressive, constructive measures 
hitherto pledged, were enacted by the ensuing state legisla- 
ture. ALTHOUGH OHIO SINCE THAT TIME HAS 
HAD TWO REPUBLICAN LEGISLATURES, NOT ONE 
OF THE GOVERNOR'S "NEW ERA" MEASURES HAS 
BEEN REPEALED. Throughout Ms three terms as chief 
executive he has defended them against all reactionary influ- 
ences and they long since have won the stamp of popular 
approval and permanency. 

WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION 
Perhaps the Governor's biggest single achievement 
was the compulsory workmen's compensation law, the 



110 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

first of its kind in the country, which last June was 
recommended by the American Federation of Labor, 
assembled in convention at Montreal, as a model for 
all states to follow. 

The Ohio Workmen's Compensation system is adminis- 
tered by a commission of three members, one representing 
employers, another labor and the third the public. It insures 
more people, collects more premiums, settles more claims, 
pays more awards and has more money in its reserve fund 
than any similar institution in this or any other country. 

Since its inception $46,000,000 has been paid into the fund, 
$24,000,000 has been paid out in awards to workmen or their 
dependents and of the remainder approximately $19,000,000 
is obligated and being paid out in weekly installments to 
beneficiaries. 

More than 900,000 claims have been allowed, including 7,000 
death awards. The number oF insured workmen approxi- 
mates 1,500,000. When circumstances demand, awards are 
paid in lump sums, and in thousands of cases homes have 
been bought, mortgages have been paid off, and injured work- 
ers have been given, a start in new business after having been 
incapacitated for their former occupations. 

Furthermore, reports of expert accountants show conclu- 
sively that the administration cost is the lowest of any fund 
in the world, only 3 per cent, of the premiums collected being 
used for operating expenses. 

The legislative author of the measure was William Green, 
then State Senator, now secretary-treasurer 8f the United 
Mine Workers of America. 

Under the Ohio system all employers of five or more per- 
sons must insure their employees. Employers must either pay 
premiums into the state fund, or they must file bond guar- 
anteeing payment direct to the injured workman of any 
award the industrial commission of the state may fix. Of 
the 22,800 employers carried as risks, 22,000 pay premiums 
into the state fund, while only 800 carry their own insurance, 
subject to settlement of claims by the commission. 

SYSTEM EXCEEDINGLY POPULAR 

Of the popularity of the system there is no question. In 
fact, it might truthfully be said that it is the idol of working 
men and employers alike. Although all sorts of attacks were 
made against it for several years by the private liability in- 
surance interests, there never has been an amendment to the 
law except such as was drafted jointly by the Ohio Manufac- 
turers' Association and the Ohio State Federation of Labor. 
Notwithstanding the bitter opposition of the private liability 
insurance interests, no vendetta' has been, declared against 
them, and some of the leaders of the fight against the measure 
have now become its strongst exponents. IN THIS GOV- 
ERNOR COX HAS DEMONSTRATED HIS ABSOLUTE 
FAIRNESS UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES. 

The awards have been, increased from time to time, likewise 
the sum allowed for medical expenses. DEATH AWARDS 
NOW ARE $5,000. Medical expenses originally were limited 
to $200 in any one case, but this has been modified until now 
the most competent medical and surgical service is available 
to an injured workman, at the expense of the state, as long 
as it is needed or wanted. 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 111 

The absolute solvency of the fund has been testified to by 
all accountants that ever made investigation. Within the last 
year it has been audited by E. H. Downey, actuary of the 
Pennsylvania state fund, and Miles M. Dawson, consulting 
actuary of New York, selected for the purpose by the Ohio 
auditor of state, and also by S. H. Wolfe, New York consult- 
ing actuary, employed by the Ohio legislature. Each 
has pronounced the fund to be on a firm basis. Mr. Dawson 
declared that the exclusive state fund feature HAS SAVED 
OHIO EMPLOYERS AT LEAST $15,000,000. 

Before the workmen's system was adopted in Ohio, 15,000 
personal injury suits were filed each year and courts were 
cluttered at all times, yet statistics show that ONLY SIX 
out of every ONE HUNDRED injured workmen ever got 
any compensation. 

Before compulsory workmen's compensation was the rule 
in Ohio, even when an injured workman or the dependents 
of one killed were able to secure a verdict in the courts, it 
had taken such a long time, and so much money had to be 
expended in attorney's fees and other expenses that the total 
result was nil. Delay in the courts brought consequent at- 
tack upon the courts themselves, with an increasing demand 
for recall of judges. Since Ohio's Workmen's Compensation 
has been in effect, THERE HAS NEVER BEEN HEARD 
A SINGLE VOICE DEMANDING JUDICIAL RECALL. 

An incident of human interest might be cited to show the 
faith the laboring men of Ohio have in the law. Not long 
since, in a manufacturing institution whose plant crosses one 
of the state lines, reaching in to a state which does not rec- 
ognize this matter of human justice, a workman was fatally 
injured. Although uneducated and ignorant, as he fell to the 
ground, he started to crawl, nor would he cease until he had 
crossed the state line running through the plant. As he 
reached the Ohio side, a smile lighted his features and he 
explained to his comrades that now he could die in peace. 
HE FELT THAT HE HAD REACHED THE LAND OF 
HUMAN JUSTICE. 

REVITALIZING THE SCHOOLS 

Second in importance, perhaps, in the administration of 
Governor Cox is the reorganization of the rural school 
system of Ohio. Cox himself was a pupil in a little one- 
room country school and later a teacher of the same school. 
As such, at first-hand knowledge, he understood the short- 
cqmings and the possibilities. With his contacts in public 
life and his understating of agricultural needs, he realized 
that more advantages ^of modern life must be brought to the 
children on the farm, or the farm as an institution must cease 
to be. In addition, there was the sentimental reason of the 
Governor's ambition TO SEE THE COUNTRY BOY AND 
GIRL GIVEN THE SAME EDUCATIONAL ADVAN- 
TAGE THAT THEIR CITY COUSINS ENJOY. The pur- 
pose of the Governor's school program was to give Ohio a 
co-ordinated system of state, country and district supervi- 
sion, to require normal or college training of all teachers 
and, above all, to pave the way for speedier centralization 
and consolidation of the one-room district schools. Results 
have been beyond the expectations of school men, every 
breath of opposition to the system has blown away and it 



112 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

may truthfully be said that it has become an idol of the 
people of the state. 

The reorganization has stimulated interest in education in 
all respects and has made possible a more recent establish- 
ment, of a state-wide teachers' pension system and a com- 
plete revamping of financial support of schools through a 
state and county aid plan. Salaries of teachers have been 
increased the last six years from a minimum of $40.00 a 
month to a statutory minimum of $800,000 a school year. 
The teacher shortage occasioned by the war will be solved 
without much delay in Ohio, as county and state normal 
schools report prospective increases in attendance of 50 to 
100 per cent, or even greater for next year. 

The tjme had come in 1913 when the little district school, 
with its narrow curriculum and crude methods of instruc- 
tion did not meet the needs and purposes of modern indus- 
trial and social life in Ohio. It had not kept step with rural 
economic progress. In the whole state it was the one evi- 
dence of retardation, an institution of bygone days which had 
deteriorated instead of having improved. The right of every 
child to educational opportunities for development to the 
fullest extent of his possibilities was not recognized by the 
state in the school system as it existed at that time. 

Governor jCox, in his FIRST message to the general as- 
sembly in January, 1913, recommended that a complete school 
survey be mad£ A survey commission was created. To ac- 
quaint school patrons with the object of "the survey in 
progress and to get them to discuss in their own communi- 
ties the defects and the needs of the schools, November 14, 
1913, was set apart as "school survey day," and a light burned 
in every school building in the state that night. Delegates 
were appointed to attend a state-wide educational congress 
the next month and in January, 1914, THE GOVJERNOR 
CALLED A SPECIAL SESSION TO ENACT THE 
RURAL SCHOOL CODE. 

The survey report disclosed that not half of the teachers 
of the state ever had attended high school, or received nor- 
mal training. Rural schools were mere stepping-stones for 
young teachers before securing positions in village and city 
schools, agriculture was scarcely taught, schools were with- 
out equipment, three-fourths of the buildings were twenty 
years old or older, insanitary, poorly lighted, without ven- 
tilation and insufficiently heated. 

NEW SCHOOL CODE ENACTED 

With one stroke the new school code created county super- 
vision districts under the control of county boards, elected 
by the presidents of village and township boards; provided 
for county superintendents and supervisors over smaller dis- 
tricts within the county; required academic and professional 
training of all new teachers henceforth, and gave communi- 
ties wider powers to centralize and consolidate schools. 

At present, 95 per cent, of the elementary teachers have 
had professional training and high school teachers are re- 
quired to be college graduates or have equivalent scholastic 
attainment. The most common faults of classroom instruc- 
tion have been to a great extent eliminated. Standard meth- 
ods of presentation are being practiced in an attempt to give 
to each child opportunity for development of his possibilK 
ties. 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 113 

A great stimulation of public school sentiment is mani- 
fested by a closer cooperation and correlation of the school 
and the home, resulting in boys' and girls' club work, 
achievement courses, home projects and other school exten- 
sion and community activities; a growth of the feeling of 
responsibility to the community on the part of the teacher; 
an attitude of greater interest and responsibility of the boards 
of education toward the school; a willingness of the people to 
vote money for new school plants and enterprises; a grow- 
ing demand for consolidation and centralization; a better 
trained class of teachers; increased school attendance, espe- 
cially in high schools, where it has increased from 50 to 100 
per cent. 

School administration is much more efficient as is demon- 
strated by a uniform course of study for elementary and high 
schools, vitalized by its articulation with the industrial activ- 
ities of the community; county uniformity of text-books; 
selection and correlation of text-book material and its adapta- 
tion to the varying interests and needs of childhood; uni- 
form system or reports and records, and the like. 

School centers have been made to coincide with social and 
business centers. Convenient districts have been formed 
around centers of population. Village and surrounding rural 
districts have been united in accordance with the trend of 
the community interests and activities. Weak districts have 
been eliminatd by the transfer of their territory to other 
districts, thereby strengthening property valuations. 

A centralized schoLin Ohio was almost a novelty in 1914. 
A year ago there were 310 centralized (township) schools 
and 599 consolidated (embracing several contiguous dis- 
tricts) schools, and the number has been materially swelled 
during the year. Seventy of the 88 counties now have such 
schools and the trend is 'toward them everywhere in the 
state. One such school replaces on the average eight one- 
room schools. They have brought to the rural pupils trained 
teachers, well-equipped buildings, courses of study related to 
the interests of the farm and home by being well balanced 
between the cultural and vocational. THEY HAVE MADE 
IT POSSIBLE FOR THE COUNTRY BOY WHO RE- 
MAINS ON THE FARM TO OBTAIN A. yiGH 
SCHOOL EDUCATION IN HIS- OWN COMMUNITY 
THAT IS DIRECTLY 'RELATED TO HIS NEEDS. 
Scientific agriculture under trained instructors is taught in 
all of these schools. The possibilities of the farm and of 
rural life are thus revealed to the boy, and he will be 
equipped with knowledge necessary to the scientific per- 
formance of his work. From the farm instead of the law 
office and the counting-room will come those who knew what 
the needs and interests of the farmer are and who will be 
qualified to represent those interests. 

While the system still may be said to be in its infancy, 
the progress and transformation of Ohio schools under it has 
been nothing short of wonderful, and unending benefits may 
be expected of it. 

AN EFFECTIVE BUDGET 

While in Congress, Mr. Cox served as a member of the 
committee on appropriations, and through contact with the 
unscientific method of handling public funds became one of 
the pioneers for the adoption of a practical budget system. 



T14 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

To use his expression, he recognized the budget as the public 
purse and had the feeling. that THE DISTRIBUTION OF 
THE PUBLIC'S MONEY SHOULD NOT BE SUBJECT 
TO LOG-ROLLING METHODS, NOR SHOULD THE 
DESIRES OF DEPARTMENTAL HEADS RUN AWAY 
WITH THE JUDGMENT BASED ON NEEDS. 

Accordingly, one of his first recommendations to the 
Ohio general Assembly in 1913 was that of a budget 
system, placing the financial affairs of the state as 
nearly as possible upon a business basis. The scheme 
as recommended by him was adopted and has been in 
operation ever since. At no time has there been any 
thought of abolishing it. It demonstrated its worth as 
a money-saver from the beginning. 

The previous Ohio fiscal system had grown grossly archaic. 
Appropriations were made by the Legislature to the depart- 
ments in lump sums or in the form of granting all receipts 
and balances, some of the departments being maintained by, 
fees from interests they regulate. Of the departments hav- 
ing receipts of their own, many had deposits of their own 
in banks; had their checking accounts, so that their funds 
never passed through the State Treasury or through the 
hands of the State Auditor. 

Other departments got much or little from the Legislature, 
depending upon whether they had a gifted representative to 
appear for them before the legislative finance committees. 
Institutions vied with each other in providing the best enter- 
tainment to the finance committees as they made their week- 
end junket trips over the State during legislative sessions. 

ALL THIS WAS CHANGED IN ONE SWEEPING 
STROKE IN THE FIRST ADMINISTRATION OF GOV- 
ERNOR COX. All receipts of all departments now go into 
the State Treasury and none leaves the treasury until it is 
appropriated in specific sums for specific purposes within 
specific departments. The State Auditor has a check on 
every expenditure. 

The Ohio Budget Department is composed of one com- 
missioner, appointed by the Governor, an assistant and a 
clerk. All department requests f<jr funds desired of the next 
succeeding Legislature are filed with the Budget Commis- 
sioner to be brought before the Governor. He investigates 
all items, ascertains the reasons for any increases that are 
asked, and fixes the sums he deems proper. 

Also he estimates what the State revenues during the next 
biennium will be and prunes the budget to come within the 
total of expected revenues. 

The budget as prepared by the commissioner is submitted 
to the Governor, who frequently makes changes of his own 
after advising with department heads. 

The Governor then presents the budget to the Legislature, 
which refers it to the finance committees of the two houses. 
The committees, and in turn the Legislature, have full au- 
thority to make any alterations, increases or decreases, de- 
sired, but the spell-binding by department representatives 
and wire-pulling by lobbyists are reduced to a minimum be- 
cause the Budget Commissioner as the agent of the Gov- 
ernor sits at all sessions of the finance committees and at all 
times is prepared to defend the allowance he thinks a de- 
partment should have. 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 115 



The first budgetary appropriation bill repealed an existing 
appropriation law. It reduced appropriations aggregating 
$9,709,288 to $8,762,664, a saving, of $946,623. 

SAVED MILLIONS TO STATE 

Since that time" the Ohio budget system has effected sav- * 
ings of millions, not, of course, in the sense that expendi- 
tures of the state government now are less than in 1913 — 
for- they have increased as governmental activities have en- 
larged — but in the sense that expenditures each year have 
been vastly less than they would have been without the bud- 
get plan of pruning and scaling down demands of existing 
State departments with a view both to general economy and 
avoidance of deficits. 

The Ohio budget and consequently its appropriation law 
classifies expenditures in two divisions: (1) Operating ex- 
penses and (2) Capital outlay (or permanent improvements). 

Operating .expenses are subdivided into personal service 
and maintenance. Personal service in turn is divided into 
salaries and wages, and maintenance into supplies, materials, 
equipment, contract or open order service, and fixed charges 
and contributions. 

Elasticity of funds within departments is afforded by peri- 
odical meetings of a board of control, composed of the Gov- 
ernor (who may be and usually is represented by the Budget 
Commissioner), the State Auditor,, the Attorney-General, and 
the chairman of the two legislative Finance Committees. If 
any new need develops within departments, funds for the 
purpose may be provided by a four-fifths vote of the Board 
of Control. Effort first is made to transfer the needed funds - 
from one classification to another within the department. If 
no fund within the department has a surplus, and the need is 
great enough, relief may be granted by the Emergency 
Board, having the same membership as the Board of Control, 
which has at its disposal an emergency fund for contingen- 
cies arising between legislative sessions. 

Perfection never has been claimed for the Ohio system. 
Governor Cox himself realizes certain weaknesses in it and 
is making a fight now for strengthening features, which, how- 
ever, necessitates a change in the constitution. One defect 
is that, regardless of probable income, the Legislature may 
increase items in the budget (rather the appropriation bill 
based on the budget), and it may make other appropriations 
in separate bills as it sees fit without regard to prospective 
revenues. 

In his 1919 message to the General Assembly, a Republican 
body, the Governor urged submission to the people of an 
amendment to the constitution providing that the Legisla- * 
ture shall have the right to diminish any item in the execu- 
tive budget by majority vote or to strike out any item; that, 
however, it shall not be privileged to increase any item or 
to add a new one unless it makes legislative provision for 
sufficient revenue to meet the added cost. 

Such an amendment was not submitted. Unless it is done 
by an early Legislature, adherents of Cox in Ohio say it may 
be undertaken by initiative petition. 

GOOD ROADS 

ANOTHER NOTABLE ACHIEVEMENT OF GOV- 
ERNOR COX IS THE ADVANCE OF THE OHIO 



116 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

HIGHWAY SYSTEM. Roards were in deplorable shape 
when he became Governor. There was no hope for rural 
counties with small tax duplicates, the ones in greatest need 
of good roads, ever being able to lift themselves out of the 
mud except through liberal state aid. 

One of the Governor's first acts was a survey 'of road con- 
ditions. A complete network of 10,000 miles of inter-country 
roads was mapped out. It connected the 88 county seats. 
Of the 10,000 miles of inter-country highways, 3,000 miles, 
connecting the- larger cities, were designated as main market 
roads. The scheme of financing called for improvement of 
the main market roads entirely at state expense, while the 
remainder of the system was to be built on a fifty-fifty basis, 
the state furnishing half the funds and the county in which 
the road lies the other half. 

All road improvement under the Cox administration has 
been given such an impetus that the state, county and town- 
ship programs to-day call for an expenditure of $30,000,000 
annually, including Federal aid. Popular demand for high- 
way improvement is greater than the State Highway Depart- 
ment and county commissioners are able to meet. 

The improvement of the inter-county system has pro- 
gressed to the stage where the next step will be state aid for 
purely intra-county roads. 

While always a promoter of improved roads on a basis of 
permanency, Governor Cox has resisted every approach 
toward waste of the public funds, and has found it necessary 
to veto several measures in which extravagance ran away 
with the better judgment of those who sought improvements. - 

CHILD WELFARE 

An advanced step in social welfare was taken when Ohio, 
UNDER THE FIRST COX ADMINISTRATION, adopted 
a mothers' pension system. The object is to enable indigent 
widows to keep families of children together in their own 
homes, instead of having their little ones placed in orphans' 
institutions. The widows' pensions law, as enacted in 1913^ 
required each county to levy one-tenth of a mill for distribu- 
tion among needy mothers by the probate or juvenile judges. 
This since has been increased to one-fifth of a mill. 

State institutions having charge of children and unfor- 
tunates have been given the first consideration in the matter 
of state^ appropriations under the Cox administrations, but 
there has also been definite thought and action toward the 
elimination, insofar as it is humanly possible, of such insti- 
tutions by proper attention to children and their environ- 
ment. Governor Cox has said, 

"No matter how complete be the institution, no mat- 
ter how humane be its management, and no matter how 
efficient its training bureau, it can never approach in 
benefit that which comes in the child's own home at the 
knee of the child's own mother." 

Following the same line of thought, to the end that de- 
linquency, imbecility and other evils may be elminated, Ohio 
has now established, after a strenuous fight, an effective bu- 
reau of juvenile research, in charge of one of the country's 
most famous psychologists and alienists, who is the highest 
paid state official, and who receives a salary on a par with 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 117 

that of the Governor himself, and by the Governor's own 
recommendation and endorsement. 

To this bureau are sent the children who by some means 
or other come within the jurisdiction of the juvenile courts. 
Many of them get there through no fault of their own, and 
are sent to the proper institutions for training, or are placed 
in proper homes. Others, in the first stages of disease which 
might bring later imbecility or insanity, are given the treat- 
ment which removes the difficulty, and then are«placed amid 
surroundings that are healthful and helpful. This bureau is 
yet in its infancy, but it has demonstrated its remarkable 
usefulness. 

NOTABLE ACTS 

Governor Cox has been a champion of Woman Suffrage 
and THREE TIMES signed, presidential suffrage bills. One 
of the measures, however, was defeated by popular referen- 
dum, and the two others are pending for popular vote next 
November. • 

Other notable pieces of Cox's legislation are: 

The initiative and referendum in state legislation. 

A* statewide system of nominating by primary elections. 

A non-partisan judiciary. 

Home rule for cities. 

Civil service in state, county and municipality. 

Consolidation of state departments. 

Other more important legislation under the Cox adminis- 
trations may be classified thus: 

BUSINESS SERVICE 

A public utilities law providing property revaluation as a 
basis for rate making. 

Provision for court appeal from the utilities commission 
decision to the court of final jurisdiction, preventing delay 
and loss. 

Prohibition against injunction on rate hearing without court 
investigation. 

A uniform accounting system applied to utilities. 

A state banking code with close cooperation with the 
Federal reserve system, bringing all private banks under 
state supervision. 

A blue sky act to encourage proper investment and protect 
against fraudulent securities. 

LABOR LEGISLATION AND SOCIAL WELFARE 

A State Industrial Commission with powers to handle all 
questions affecting capital and labor, with a state mediator 
as the keystone. 

Complete survey of occupational diseases with recommen- 
dation for health and occupational insurance. 

Full switching crew in all railroad yards. 

Strengthening the use in the state of railroad safety appli- 
ances. 

A full-crew law. 

Twenty-four foot caboose. 

Reduction of consecutive hours of employment for electric 
railroad workers. 

Obstruction of fixed signals prohibited. 

Safeguarding of mines by proper illumination. 



118 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

Extra provision for dependents of men killed in mines. 

Increased facilities for mine inspector operation. 

Protection of miners working toward abandoned mines. 

Elimination of sweatshop labor. 

Provision for minimum time pay day. 

Prohibition of contract labor in workhouses. 

Provision for minimum wage and nine-hour working day 
for women. 

Eight-hour working day on all public contracts. 

Codification of child laws with establishment of child wel- 
fare department. 

Elimination of the "fellow-servant rule," "contributory 
negligence," and similar rules as to industrial accidents as a 
part of the administration of compulsory workmen's com- 
pensation, re-establishing faith in the courts. 

Verdict by three-fourths jury in civil cases. 

Shortened litigation and lessened expense by giving Ap- 
pelate Courts final jurisdiction except in extraordinary cases. 

Laws to provide against adulteration of foodstuffs, and 
prevent combination to fix prices. 

Establishment of a state tuberculosis hospital and district 
hospitals throughout the state by county action. 

Adoption of health code, giving state health commissioner 
regulatory power over subdivision officials, with a special 
appropriation to combat epidemics and contagious diseases. 

Formation of a state-wide social agency committee, bring- 
ing into mutual operation all recognized social agencies of 
the state (the only one of its kind in the Union), having com- 
plete cooperation with state's departments. 

Provision for an institution for treatment and education of 
deformed and crippled children. 

Establishment of Courts of Domestic Relations in larger 
counties of the state. 

Act to provide for elimination of commercialized vice, with 
severe penalties for immorality. 

Vocational training for blind children in the public schools, 
enabling blind children in large cities to secure training while 
living at home, with increase of contribution from the state 
for each blind child. 

Indeterminate sentence law under which first offenders are 
given every opportunity for rehabilitation, and no men are 
deprived of the opportunity of making a new beginning. 

Creation of a Board of Clemency, to be in constant session 
for consideration of release, parole, and probation of persons 
under penal sentences. 

Purchase of a penitentiary farm and building of a new penk- 
tentiary in the country. 

Employment of prisoners in road work, including the man- 
ufacture of road-building machinery and material, WITH 
COMPENSATION OF PRISONERS FOR ALL WORK 
DONE, with earnings over cost of maintenance paid directly 
to dependents of prisoners. 

AGRICULTURAL* LEGISLATION 

A law combining all agricultural activities under jurisdic- 
tion of an agricultural commission. 

Provision for study of and establishment of a farm credit 
plan. 

Protection against sale of untested fertilizer. 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 119 

Provision for destruction of and remuneration for dis- 
eased cattle. 

Compulsory orchard spraying lav/, with spraying material 
under license. 

Establishment of breeding service at institutional farms, 
and the building up of pure-bred herds throughout the state. 

Passage of a pure seed billl. 

Establishment of producer-to-consumer market bureau. 

Provision for proper seed corn when Ohio crop had failed. 

Securing 6,000 tractors in war time to keep up production. 

Enlargement of agricultural aid through the experiment 
station and state agricultural college. 

Governor Cox secured in Ohio more constructive, 
forward-looking legislation than did any group of 
Governors before him. And yet this is only a small 
part of his many public achievements, which all to- 
gether give him recognition, measured by accomplish- 
ment, as the greatest Governor Ohio ever had. 

GENERAL ADMINISTRATION 

For instance, in the third month of his first term, Ohio 
was devastated by a flood which brought on a greater calam- 
ity than ever has befallen any state. Columbus, Dayton, 
Marietta, Hamilton and other cities were under water for 
days, many villages almost were washed off the map, and 
hundreds of lives and untold millions of property were lost. 
Bridges everywhere were washed out and transportation was 
practically at a standstill. The eyes of the state and country 
were on the then untried Governor Cox. HE MET THE 
SITUATION IN A MANNER THAT WILL NEVER BE 
FORGOTTf N IN OHIO. The Ohio National Guard was 
called out, stricken communities were placed under martial 
law, civilian relief armies under the command of mayors or 
other designated leaders organized everywhere, Ohio's motor 
truck, automobile and best facilities commandeered, and the 
work of feeding, clothing, .cleaning up and rehabilitation car- 
ried on from the beginning with astounding efficiency. 

The New York "World" at that time said of him: 

"The man who has dominated the situation in Ohio is 
Governor Cox. He has been not only chief magistrate and 
commander-in-chief, but the head of the life-saving ser- 
vice, the greatest provider of food and clothing the state 
has ever known, the principal health officer, the sanest 
counsellor, the severest disciplinarian, the kindest philan- 
thropist and the best reporter. He has performed almost 
incredible labors in all these fields, and his illuminating 
dispatches to the world at the close of the heart-breaking 
days have given a clearer vision of conditions than could 
be had from any other source. Reared on a farm, educated 
in the public schools, a printer by trade, a successful pub- 
lisher and editor of newspapers, a great Governor and a 
reporter who gets his story into the first edition, James M. 
Cox excites and is herewith offered assurance of the 
World's most distinguished consideration." 

The Ohio General Assembly was then engaged in carrying 
into effect the new constitution, which Governor Cox had 
pledged himself to. It dropped this work for the time being 



120 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

to enact a law, recommended by the Governor, to authorize 
the establishment of districts wherever needed in the state, 
to build protection against future recurrence of flood dam- 
ages. 

In many communities this long since has been carried to 
completion. The bigger undertakings, as in Dayton and 
Columbus, where millions are being expended on vast 
projects, also are nearing completion. River channels will 
have been widened, levees built and impounding reservoirs 
constructed which will protect against even greater volumes 
of water than that which caused the havoc of 1913. 

In the fourth month of his second term the United States 
entered the world war. "OHIO'S READY" WAS THE 
UNFAILING REPLY OF GOVERNOR COX TO 
EVERY CALL OF THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. 
To begin with, Ohio presented the nation with a complete 
division of the National Guard, which went to France as the 
Thirty-seventh Division. • 

Utmost production in all essential activities is what the 
Governor turned his attention to from the beginning. He 
discovered a "law, long since forgotten, antiquated but still 
on the books and enforceable, making tramping not only 
criminal but actually a felony. He issued a proclamation 
demanding that vagrants everywhere were to be appre- 
hended, given paroles on condition that they immediately 
get a job and go to work, or otherwise be put to work on 
workhouse farms or the state penitentiary farm and factories. 
Some were imprisoned, but most idlers were patriotic enough 
to find employment. 

On his advice, thousands of high school and college stu- 
dents were given credit for completing the year's school 
work by engaging in farming or watf* industries and making 
periodical reports to school or college. 

Anticipating the draft would take many from the farms, 
Cox issued a "farm tractor proclamation," urging all farmers, 
if necessary to get full acreage under cultivation, to purchase 
tractors. A tractor school at Ohio State University brought 
several thousand students — men, boys and even women — who 
wanted to learn operation and repair of tractors. Banks 
everywhere extended credit. Thousands of tractors were 
purchased, and not a word of complaint has been heard from 
the purchasers since. 

The state's five free employment exchanges, located in the 
most populous cities, were increased in number to thirty-six, 
with farm labor specialists identified with each. When later 
came the call for thousands of cantonment and ship builders, 
these employment exchanges always furnished Ohio's quota 
and more almost overnight. 

When a household coal shortage seemed imminent in the 
fall of 1917, the governor called Ohio coal operators and 
got them to agree to reserve for Ohio consumption a per- 
centage of their output, most of which had been contracted 
for northwest industries, which, investigation showed, al- 
ready had all the fuel they needed for a year. Later the 
Federal Fuel Administration was established and during the 
severe winter of 1917-1918 Governor Cox for weeks gave his 
personal attention to the coal relief work. The inspection 
division of the state public utilities commission afforded the 
machinery. 

The following spring, when it developed most of the seed 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECO 121 

corn had been killed by the severe winter, Cox called into 
session all the county school superintendents. They in turn 
through the rural schools spread the necessity of seed corn- 
testing. Farmers rinding their supply defective sent the in- 
formation to the school, in their district, and Ohio was 
enabled to ascertain the number of carloads of seed corn it 
had to import from other states not so severely hit by the 
winter. 

Most of the war activities were handled through a State 
Defense Council of fifty members. Represented on it were 
business, labor organisations, agriculture and all the social 
agencies. 

RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES 

Soon after the governor's third election, the war ended. 
Then began the reconstruction problems, v/hich he has 
handled after a fashion which has gained for him the admira- 
tion of all the country. He urged upon mayors to begin 
public improvements on the widest scale possible to insure 
employment for returning soldiers. The state set the ex- 
ample by prosecuting its road-building program on a scale 
never before known. 

When food profiteering became a menace, Cox 
called a meeting of all Ohio prosecuting attorneys. He 
urged them to call special grand juries and prosecute 
profiteers to the limit. Indictments for conspiracies to 
regulate or boost food prices followed in all jthe larger 
cities. 

The "big five" among Columbus bakers were indicted. 
They pleaded guilty and lowered the price of bread. The 
state itself brought several scores of prosecutions agajnst 
violators of the cold storage law, limiting the time for which 
feed may be held in storage, passed during the former term 
of the governor, the most effective profiteering regulation 
in the country. Tons of meats were released at lower 
prices. Many tons of pork, held over time by one of the 
principal packing concern violators, were sold at cost through 
a receiver appointed by court. 

Never in his six years as governor has Cox found it neces- 
sary to call out the militia to quell strike riots. The 
immense steel strike last year, involving all eastern and 
northeastern Ohio, with the other steel sections, proved no 

ception. HE j SSUED A PROCLAMATION SETTING 
FORTH THE LAW TO MAYORS AND DECLARING 
HE WOULD HOLD THEM TO STRICT ACCOUNT- 
ABILITY IN PRESERVING THE PEACE. Picketing, he 
pointed out", was permitted, the right of .free speech and 
-mblage could not be abridged, but men who wanted to 
work must not be interfered with. In only one instance was 
mors drastic action necessary. THE GOVERNOR RE- 
MOVED THE MAYOR OF CANTON, A DEMOCRAT, 
FOR NOT PRESERVING THE PEACE. His successor 
was the vice-mayor, under whom no further trouble was 
experienced and who enforced the law successfully. 

When the coal strike last November threatened to make 
industry and homes fuelless, Governor Cox called into con- 
ference Ohio operators and the Ohio branch cf the United 
Mine Workers and got from each side an agreement to abide 
oy a solution he would offer. A proposition was made by 



122 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

the governor, but in order to give each side ample time to 
consider it, he adjourned the conferences over a week-end. 
By Monday the strike had been settled nation-wide. ALL 
OHIO BELIEVES COX FORCED THE ISSUE AND 
BROUGHT ON THE NATIONAL SETTLEMENT. The 
governor's object was to end the strike in Ohio, and thereby 
point the way for other states to follow. 

Out of every crisis the governor learns remedial means. 
For illustration, out of the influenza epidemic of 1918-19 has 
grown a health supervision system in Ohio which promises 
to be a model of its kind. Ohio during the epidemic had 2,100 
municipal and township health officers, all largely respon- 
sible to themselves, at least not under enforcible obligations 
to heed instructions of the state health department. The 
system has been completely reorganized. The state now 
has 80 municipal health officers, one in each city of 5,000 or 
more population, and 88 county health officers, one in each 
county. The 168 take the place of the former 2,100. All 
except a few of the county officers devote their full time 
to the work. The efficiency of the system was demonstrated 
last winter in handling the smallpox situation. 

Despite the ever-growing cost of service and materials, 
and the loss of several million dollars in liquor revenue, Gov- 
ernor Cox has succeeded in increasing salaries of state em- 
ployees and keeping all departments at a high state of 
efficiency without invoking a single new source of revenue. 

The career of Governor Cox, private and public, is so re- 
plete with big accomplishments that it explains why he, of 
all the candidates before the electorate in 1918, was the only 
Democratic state officer elected in Ohio. It explains why he 
has been able to bring to his standard the large, independent, 
progressive vote, representing all classes and walks in life, 
which decides elections. HE HAS KEPT, AND CON- 
TINUES TO KEEP THE FAITH WITH THE PEOPLE. 

Democrats of the nation now acclaim him the leader 
and standard-bearer as do the Democrats of Ohio. His 
record as a public servant, backed by a large and suc- 
cessful business experience and understanding, accom- 
panied by a thoroughly human sympathy, will appeal 
to the voters of the nation- and convince them that 
Governor James M. Cox, who three times has carried 
the Republican state of Ohio, is the man needed at 
the head of the American Government during the next 
four yearsr 



DRASTIC WAR LAWS UNNECESSARY 



"Tl»e necessity for the drastic laws of war days is not 
present now, and we should return at the earliest opportunity 
to the statutory provisions passed in time of peace for the 
general welfare."— From JAMES M. COX'S Speech of Ac- 
ceptance, August 7, 1920. 



We mean to lei every man and woman know where every dollar 
comes from and how it is spent. — Tames M. Cox. * 



COX CHAMPION OF PEOPLE'S 
RIGHTS WHEN IN CONGRESS 



Democratic Presidential Nominee Helped to 

Overthrow "Cannonism" in House and 

Was Always Found in Ranks of those 

Battling for Reforms 



CONSTITUTION SUPREME 



'THEY (the opponents of the League of Na- 
tions) hypocritically claim that the League 
of Nations will result in our boys being drawn 
into military service, but they fail to realize 
that every high school youngster in the land 
knows that NO TREATY CAN OVERRIDE 
OUR CONSTITUTION, which reserves to 
Congress, and to Congress alone, the power to 
declare war.— From JAMES M. COX'S Speech 
of Acceptance, August 7, 1920. 



- 



TAMES M. COX, Democratic candidate for the Presidency, 
* was in Congress— a member of the House of Representa- 
tives — from March 4, 1909, to March 4, 1913. His record there is 
:lear and creditable. FROM THE VERY BEGINNING OF 
HIS CONGRESSIONAL SERVICE HE STOOD FOR THE 
PEOPLE AGAINST SPECIAL INTERESTS, AND 
ALWAYS WAS IDENTIFIED WITH THE PRGGRES- 
IVE ELEMENT IN THE HOUSE. 

Mr. Cox arrived in Washington at a time when the country 
vas rising in revolt against Old Guard Republican domina- 
ion — Cannonism, Aldrichism, and every other form of 
tandpatism. His very first efforts were directed against the 
Gannon machine's Czar rule. He helped his Democratic 
olleagues, under the leadership of Champ Clark of Missouri, 
hen minority leader of the House, first to cripple and then 
emolish the Republican organization and liberalize the 
iouse rules. For more than a decade five powerful Old 

uard leaders — Joseph G. Cannon, of Illinois; James S. Sher- 
nan and Sereno Payne, of New York; John Dalzell, of Penn- 
ylvania, and James A. Tawney, of Minnesota, had ruled the 
louse, and with the aid of Senators Nelson W. Aldrich, of 
ihode Island; Boise Penrose, of Pennsylvania, and Reed 
moot, of Utah, the Congress. 

Mr. Cox was in at the finish of that old House oli- 
garchy. He was in every skirmish or battle directed 
gainst it. 

FOUGHT FOR THE MASSES 

The Congressional Record for those eventful and historic 
ears, which paved the way for the Woodrow Wilson Ad- 

123 



124 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD \ 

ministration, and the excellent constructive legislation writ- 
ten upon the statute books by the Democrats within the 
last eight or ten years, tells the story of Mr. Cox's fight for 
the masses. 

WITHIN A MONTH AFTER HE WAS SWORN IN, 
THE RECORD SHOWS, MR. COX WAS DEMANDING 
IMPORTANT REFORMS, SOME OF WHICH WERE 
ACHIEVED, EVEN THOUGH THE REPUBLICANS 
WERE IN CONTROL. 

Here are some of the things that he assisted in doing: 

Liberalized the rules of the House so that any 
member of that body could have a hand in pro- 
gressive legislation. 

Curbed the dictatorial powers of Speaker 
Cannon, and, later, smashed his organization. 

Compelled, by his own initiative, a more care- 
ful use of money appropriated for public pur- 
poses. 

Secured better accommodations and attention 
for the Civil War veterans in the old soldiers' 
homes. 

Obtained a fair and proper readjustment of 
pensions for the old soldiers. 

Required the Republicans to account for large 
sums of money expended in the Philippine Is- 
lands, a movement started by Mr. Cox himself. 

FIRST SPEECH ON TARIFF 

His first address in the House was on the tariff— the bill 
that later became the Payne-Aldrich Act. He took issue 
with Chairman Sereno Payne, the standpat chairman of the 
Ways and Means Committee, in a brilliant speech, in which 
he denied that the manufacturers of his state — his district in 
particular — were demanding import duties for protection to 
themselves and higher prices to the consumer. He said he 
stood on that question just where Thomas Jefferson, the 
father of the Democratic party, did. 

Mr. Cox was ever ready to stand with his party in carry- 
ing out a progressive program, but his speeches and votes 
plainly show that he was quick to support a Republican 
proposition if it were in behalf of the people. This was 
shown in his speeches for an up-to-date pension system for 
the veterans of the war between the states and for im- 
provements in the soldiers' homes. He urged Representative 
Keifer, once Republican Speaker of the House, and General 
Sherwood, a Democratic member, to get together on a dollar- 
a-day pension bill. He praised Theodore Roosevelt for his 
efforts to have the old soldier cared for in a way becoming 
his great service to the country. 

Three facts stand out in Mr, Cox's record in the House: 

(1) That he was there, attending to his business, and 
in an aggressive, vigorous, telling way fighting for re- 
forms in behalf of the American citizen who needed 
them and had a right to expect them. 

(2) That he was always ready to support the right 



\ 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD *25 

sort of a measure with his vote or tongue, or both; he 
had the courage of his convictions. 

(3) That while a Democrat he wore no political cellar 
when a matter of principle was involved. 

Mr. Cox started right. The first day he answered to the 
roll call, and that was the opening day of the Sixty-first 
Congress, he voted for Representative Clark, of Missouri, for 
Speaker while the Republicans supported Representative . 
Cannon. 

HELPED OVERTHROW CANNON1SM 

On that same day, at the beginning of the contest that 
ultimately unhorsed Czar Cannon and overthrew" Republican 
rule in Congress and the White House, Mr. Cox stood with 
Minority Leader Clark in his successful fight against s the 
adoption of the "rules of the Hous.e of the Sixtieth Congress." 

Representative Dalzell, of Pennsylvania, proposed to adopt 
the rules of the Sixtieth Congress for the Sixty-first Congress. 
On this he moved the previous question. Mr. Cox voted 
"No." Then the question was on the motion to adopt the 
rules, and this was defeated by a combination of Democrats, 
of whom Mr. Cox was one, led by Mr. Clark, and insurgent 
Republicans. Mr. Dalzell offered a set of modified rules, re- 
stricting the power of the Speaker, and they were adopted, 
but not until their author accepted an important amendment 
submitted by Representative John J. Fitzgerald, Democrat, of 
New York. Mr. Cox stood firm throughout that day, during 
the trimming of Speaker Cannon's wings, voting every time 
with the minority leader. 

That was March 15, 1909. 

ATTACKED TARIFF BILL 

Two weeks later, March 30, Mr. Cox made his maiden 
speech in Congress, attacking with characteristic vigor the 
Payne tariff bill. In answering the argument of Mr. Payne 
for a "protective" tariff for "revenue," he said: "In going 
into a discussion of this subject I speak as the representative 
of a district which not only produces but exports more 
manufactured goods than any other district in America. 

"I believe that it is entirely worthy of remark that this 
industrial .center has not been a part of the attempted mis- 
representations in the tariff hearings before the Committee 
on Ways and Means. 

"I am sure that I speak entirely within the truth when I 
assert that not one manufacturer from this important indus- 
trial center has asked for a schedule or a set of schedules 
in his own behalf at the expense of the great American con- 
sumer. Our vast industrial concerns not only feel secure 
against foreign invasion, but, gentlemen, they stand ready 
to beat any foreign competitor upon his own soil if this 
government will give him half a chance." 

In this very speech the Democratic candidate for the 
Presidency planted himself firmly upon foundations laid 
by Thomas Jeffers'on. 

"We will find that the tariff question, after all," he de- 
clared, "resolves itself into the simple plan described and 
advocated by Thomas Jefferson himself, that we should re- 
ceive into our country upon the most advantageous terms 
possible products which we need from abroad, and those 



126 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

foreign countries should give a like concession with respect 
to American products which have a market in those parts." 
Mr. Cox said the Republicans could not revise the tariff to 
suit the people, but that "must be done by the party which, 
on promise and pretense, has always been for a revision 
downward." 

ALWAYS READY TO SERVE VETERANS 

Mr. Cox was always ready to serve and honor the veterans 
of the Civil War. Kis efforts to better their conditions, and 
make their last days happy, are plainly written in the records 
of the House. On March 22, when he urged two prominent 
war veterans, Representatives Sherwood, Democrat, and 
Xeifer, Republican, of his state, to frame a "Sherwood-Keifer 
Dollar-a-Day Pension Bill," he said: r 

"It would be an inspiring spectacle to us younger men from 
Ohio if the two old warriors would get together and create 
or construct a comprehensive dollar-a-day pension, one that 
both of these old heroes can indorse." s 

He was constantly demanding better care of the in- 
mates of soldiers' homes. On May 10, 1910, in the 
House he made these charges against the administra- 
tion of the soldiers' homes and demanded an investi- 
gation and the correction of the iniquities of which he 
complained : 

"(i) An apparent wasteful and extravagant use of 
public funds. 

"(2) An inadequate provision for the men, particularly 
in food. 

"(3) An inhumane, if not a brutal and despotic rule. 

"(4) An excess of authority in direct conflict with the 
regulations of the board, the Federal statutes and the 
Constitution of the United States. 

"(5) An apparent policy of deceit and concealment in 
its relations with Congress, and an insolent disregard of 
the rights and dignity of this great body." 

Mr. Cox said there had been improper use of funds, and 
he deemed it his duty to expose abuses and wrong-doing. His 
courageous and characteristic fight for the old soldiers re- 
sulted in notable improvement in the treatment of them. 

An interesting insight into Mr. Cox's character is given 
by some brief remarks he made during the consideration of 
the Commerce Court, or railroad bill, in the House, April 29, 
1310. The question of the exchange of advertising space for 
railroad transportation was under discussion. Interrupting 
a colleague, Mr. Cox said: 

"The gentleman makes the statement that he is speak- 
ing in behalf of the newspapers of America. Is it not 
true that 90 per cent, of the newspapers are thoroughly 
satisfied with the present arrangements and that they 
want no exchange whatsoever with the railroads? 

"As a matter of fact, the newspapers — large and small 
— have welcomed the day when their relations with any 
corporation shall no longer be that of exchange. As a 
newspaper publisher I take great pleasure in making this 
statement in behalf of a great profession." 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 127 

February 24, 1911, Mr. Cox again took up the cudgel for the 
old soldier. 

"The truth is," said- he, "there is absolutely nothing too 
good for these old men in the (soldiers') homes. I do not 
want to engage in any useless sentimentality, but the average 
age of these men is over 75. They are sitting there waiting 
for the setting sun, and they are entitled to the most who'e- 
some food that can be purchased for them by the govern- 
ment." 

Mr. Cox recalled that he had criticized the management 
of these homes twelve months before, and said conditions 
had improved. 

"Congressional ventilation of bad administration serves a 
very wholesome purpose," he added. 

CONSIDERATE OF HUMAN RIGHTS 
Mr. Cox was always considerate of human rights, and con- 
structive in legislating in behalf of the welfare of the peop^ 

«,* ^ e r° CCa f i0n in the House he ur ^ ed an appropriation of 
5)15,000 for the Bureau of Standards to consider means for 
protecting persons against electric currents and lightning 
He declared that he wanted to prevent "the harvest of 
deaths." 

"Your sub-committee," said he, "has left in this bill the 
provision with respect to the testing of fire materials 
We have legislated in behalf of property. I- ASK YOU 
TO LEGISLATE NOW IN BEHALF OF THE 
HUMAN UNIT." 

August 19, 1911, Mr. Cox demanded information as to *he 
cost of governing the Philippine Islands. He introduced a 
resolution providing that the President be reauested to sub- 
mit a statement to the House showing the * cost thai- had 
accrued to the Government of the United States from the 
beginning of, and as a result of, the occupation of the Philip- 
pine Islands. He said the facts should be made public. 
"Nov/, as I conceive it," he explained, "one of the most 
useful operations in our public life is the element of pub- 
licity. Congress must of necessity gain information from 
the President and the executive departments with refer- 
ence to public expense, and this information then niters 
by means of this agency into the legitimate channels of 
publicity." 

Again on January 25, 1912, he renewed his demand for 
information about the cost of the Philippines to the United 
States. 

As^ early as April 20, 1912, Mr. Cox was advocating an 
aeriai mail service, urging an appropriation for that purpose. 

"I believe that by the development of the aeroolane in 
the postal service its ultiity will be widened and ex- 
tended," said he. "I believe that by this governmental 
encouragement the biplane will much sooner become the 
one active, potential force which will ultimately make for • 
international disarmament and bring about everlasting 
peace throughout the world." 

In advocating the establishment of the Children's Bureau 
April 13, 1912, Mr. Cox, said: 

t "*u '^J*** SimpIe process of conserving the human race, 
its hold on the favor of the people indicates that public 



128 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

opinion not only indorses but demands some Federal 
participation in the great humanitarian work which is 
now being carried on by various organizations through- 
out the states. In fact, the notion is pretty well fixed in 
the minds of our countryment that THE TIME HAS 
COME WHEN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, 
RECOGNIZING THE LACK OF UNIFORM STATE 
ACTION IN SOME MATTERS, SEES THE ABSO- 
LUTE NECESSITY OF GRASPING THE TORCH 
OF ADVANCED CIVILIZATION AND CARRYING 
IT ON FOR THE BENEFIT AND IMPROVEMENT 
OF THE RACE." 

Mr. Cox was constantly laboring for the rights of the 
people. August 11, 1911, on the floor of the House he said: 

"If ever a moral lesson was carried to the Congress 
and the people, it came through the experience of the 
past year, when a lack of vigilance on the part of the law- 
makers in the first instance almost enabled designing 
interests to steal priceless possessions in Alaska." 

Speaking of public franchises he said: "No franchise should 
be granted for 50 years." 

"It is the abuse of official power which is pringing about 
a popular demand for a more genuine democracy as opposed 
to a representative government," Mr. Cox told the House. 

On that same day, August, 11, 1911, he declared himself 
in favor of the referendum, saying: 

"Jefferson in his observation on the corruption that 
had crept into our government in its earliest days said 
that the only cure was the placing of final authority in 
the people because not only the integrity but the good 
judgment of a vast majority could always be relied upon. 
If final authority be lodged in the people, especially in 
municipal and state affairs, it will be useless for any 
member of a legislative body to demand money for his 
vote on a meritorious measure, because appeal can be 
made to the people. Likewise it will not avail designing 
interests to purchase the passage of improper legislation, 
because it also can be submitted to the people for revoca- 
tion. If any man can devise any other method of up- 
rooting legislative corruption, then there may be no 
necessity for the adoption of the initiative and referen- 
dum, but experience has not only demonstrated the 
wisdom of the plan as a matter of high ethics, but as a 
sound economic principle." 

MR. COX'S VOTING RECORD 

Here is Mr. Cox's voting record on big questions year by 
year: 

1309 

Mr. Cox's first significant vote on legislation came April 
9th, when the Republicans of the House passed the tariff 
bill. Minority Leader Clark, opposing the Payne . measure 
(the tariff bill), moved to recommit it to the Ways and 
Means Committee. Mr. Cox voted "Yes." The motion 
failed. The next motion was on the passage of the bill, and 
that was carried, Mr. Cox voting "No." 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 129 

Mr. Cox voted against proposed amendments to levy 
duties on lumber, timber, hides, barley, and petroleum. 

On the 31st of June he voted against the conference re- 
port on the pending tariff bill, which was then about to be- 
come the Payne-Aldrich Act. 

July 12, he voted for the joint resolution to submit to the 
states the proposed income tax amendment to the Constitu- 
tion. 

1910 

Early in 1910 took place the controversy that broke up 
the Cannon ring in the House. George W. Norris, then a 
Republican insurgent in the House, but now a supporter of 
the Penrose organization in the Senate, started a movement 
to modify the House rules. Representative Clark, leader of 
the minority, joined forces with the dissatisfied Republicans 
and overthrew the Cannon domination. 

March 19, Mr. Cox voted for the previous question on the 
Norrk resolution to name a committee to revise and liber- 
alize the rules of the House. The same day he voted for 
the Ncrris resolution providing for the appointment of a 
committee of 15 to make the proper changes in the rules. 

Immediately after Speaker Cannon was defeated in this 
contest he said he thought the majority should rule, and he 
would entertain a motion to vacate the speakership of the 
House and let the Democrats and Republican insurgents 
choose a new speaker. Representative Albert S. Burleson, 
of Texas, now Postmaster General, offered a resolution de- 
claring the office of the speaker vacant and proposing that 
the House proceed at once to elect a new speaker. Mr. Cox 
voted "Yes" on this proposition. 

May 10, Mr. Cox voted against the bill creating a Com- 
merce Court. 

June 9, he voted for a bill for postal savings depositories. 

April 15, he voted for a bill for the promotion of General 
Daniel E. Sickles on the retired list of the army. 

May 16, he is recorded as "not voting" on a House Joint 
Resolution to change the date of the inauguration of the 
President from March 4 to the last Thursday in April. 

1911 

January 11, 1911, Mr. Cox voted for the bill to create a 
Tariff Commission. He also supported an amendment to 
limit the expenditure for that purpose to $500,000 annually. 

April 13, he voted for the resolution submitting to the 
states the Constitutional amendment for the election of 
United States Senators by direct vote of the people. 

April 21, he voted for the measure providing for recipro- 
cal relations with Canada. 

May 8, he voted to repeal the import duties on agricultural 
implements. Three months later he voted to override the 
President's veto of that bill. 

August 17, he voted for an amendment making more 
drastic the act providing for publicity of campaign contribu- 
tions. 

June 20, he voted for the bill to reduce the import duties 
on wool, and ^ugust 18, to override the President's veto of 
the same bill. 



130 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

1912 

March 15, 1912, Mr. Cox voted for the Underwood bill 
to repeal the duties on sugar. 

March 19, he supported the bill to levy an excise tax on 
individuals. 

April 2, he "voted for the bill to establish a Children's 
Bureau in the Department of the then Department of Com- 
merce and Labor. 

April 25, he voted for the resolution to investigate 'the so- 
called "Money Trust." 

1913 

January 20, 1913, Mr. Cox voted for the bill to incorporate 
the Rockefeller Foundation. 

February 8, he voted for the bill "to divest intoxicating 
liquors of their interstate-commerce character in certain 
cases." This was the Webb-Kenyon bill. March 1, he voted 
to override the President's veto. 

March 1, he voted for the joint resolution requiring the 
Washington police to stop traffic and prevent interference 
with the suffrage parade of March 3. 



MUST PROTECT INDIVIDUAL RIGHT 



"We must protect ourselves against extremes in America. 
The horrors us :I tragedies of revolution can be charged to them. 
If government is assailed, its policy must not become vengeful. 
Our fathers in specifying what human freedom was, and pro- 
viding guarantees for its preservation, recognized that among 
the necessary precautions was the protection of individual 
right against governmental abuses." — GOV. JAMES M. COX. 



SUREST DEATH TO BOLSHEVISM 



rf^KERE is some hysteria over the subject of active 
-*• elements in this country that are menacing to 
the government. There is no danger in the situation, 
although it might easily be aggravated if the govern- 
mental policy of restraint and common sense that has 
endured through the years were to become one of 
force and terrorism. THERE MUST BE NO COM- 
PROMISE WITH TREASON, BUT THE SUREST 
DEATH- TO BOLSHEVISM IS EXPOSURE OF THE 
GERM OF THE DISEASE ITSELF TO THE SUN- 
LIGHT OF PUBLIC VIEW. — GOV. JAMES M. COX. 



COX'S BUSINESS ABILITY 

SHOWN IN PUBLIC SERVICE 



Ohio's Great Record During His Six Years 

Administration as Governor Reflects 

His Executive Capacity 

H. C. L. AND EXCESS PROFITS TAXES 



"A considerable factor in the high cost of living is the con- 
tinuance of the excess profits tax. In establishing the selling 
price of its product, every business establishment sets aside 
a reasonable profit and then adds to it the amount that must 
be paid to the government. This is done in turn by the manu- 
facturer, the jobber, the distributer and the retailer, the in- 
evitable result being a staggering cost to the consumer." — 
GOV. JAMES M. COX. 



rPHAT the United States during the next four years as 
■*- never before in its history needs a successful business 
man at the helm is recognized. The conviction has been 
expressed by commercial and labor journals, farmers, manu- 
facturers, public men, and citizens generally. 

The peculiar problems now pressing as a consequence of 
a world catastrophe, and others likely to arise in the next 
quadrennium, are not only intricate but are of a type that 
calls for handling by a business executive who has demon- 
strated his ability to take hold of puzzling situations and 
shake results out of them. 

Ohio recognized the need for such a Governor in 1918 and 
elected James M. Cox to a third term — the first Democrat 
so honored. His private business achievements were known 
to Ohioans and they had seen his business training reflected 
in his public administrations in peace and in war. 

Of all the men who received serious consideration in the 
national conventions of either of the great political parties, 
the one who most nearly measures up to the designation of 
a big business man is the man nominated for President at 
San Francisco. 

BUILT UP BIG NEWSPAPER 

Governor Cox as a young man took over a business enter- 
prise, The Dayton "News," which had had such a shaky, 
hopeless career that his friends viewed his undertaking with 
misgivings. It was the only kind of a project, however, that 
he could go into with the limited financial backing he was 
able to obtain. 

Pure business skill, ability, industry and determination and 
not financial backing, enabled the young publisher to keep the 
enterprise going, set it on its feet and finally build it into one 
of the big newspapers cf the Middle West. 

Cox was publisher, editor, business manager, circulation 
manager, chief advertising solicitor and the star reporter all 
at the same time, month in and year out. Exacting and mul- 
tiple tasks pressed upon him daily and each day he found 

131 



132 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

himself getting out a better and bigger paper, with increas-, 
ing circulation and increasing profits. 

In a few years the "News" became the leading daily in the 
Miami Valley and its success was assured. Instead of set- 
tling down to a life of ease and comfort, Cox went over to 
the city of Springfield and bought another paper that was 
headed toward bankruptcy. It was the same fight all over 
again except on a much bigger scale. He had two papers to 
manage — one of them still on the rocks. So he devised a 
scheme of getting the stronger of the two institutions to help 
out the weaker and at the same time save overhead expense. 
He organized the News League of Ohio, so each of the 
papers could profit by joint service. 

HAS DIVERSE BUSINESS INTERESTS 

Also as Cox's newspapers grew and prospered and his 
financial means increased, there came demands for the pub- 
lisher's assistance as a director in other large business, com- 
mercial and industrial establishments, and to-day his. in- 
vestments cover a large range of activities. 

One of these is that of farming. He is a farmer not only 
because he was born as one, alvays has loved contact with 
the soil, fields, vegetation and livestock, but primarily for 
the profit there is in it. If any branch of activity on his farm 
doesn't show a profit, the Governor wants to know the reason 
why. Also, if an exceptional revenue is forthcoming, he 
isn't content with complimenting his overseer, but he in- 
quires into the reason for it. He watches every field and 
wants to know the ins and outs of the whole farm for his 
own information. COX REGARDS AGRICULTURE AS 
THE BACKBONE OF INDUSTRIAL AMERICA AND , 
WANTS IT TO PROSPER FOR THE GOOD OF FARM- 
ERS AND THE NATION BOTH. 

Fresh from the field of private business success, with 
democratic impulses and an instinct for cooperation, he 
decided twelve years ago to offer himself for public service. 
Both in Congress and in the Governor's chair he achieved 
a reputation immediately as A CONSPICUOUS DOER OF 
BIG, FORWARD-LOOKING AND CONSTRUCTIVE 
THINGS. Never has a governor of Ohio faced so many 
and difficult problems as did James M. Cox during his six 
years as chief executive. As recited elsewhere in this book, 
in his first term he had a disastrous flood to cope with, plus 
the task of carrying into effect a new, progressive constitu- 
tion; in his second term, a war, and in his third term, the 
problems of reconstruction. HE MET THEM ALL WITH 
COURAGE, FAITH, AGGRESSIVENESS, EFFICIENCY. 
The best indication of public approval of his works and con- 
fidence in the man is his re-election to Congress, two re- 
elections as Governor and the absolute unity and enthusiasm 
with which Ohio Democrats presented him to the nation 
as their choice for the Presidency for the next four years. 

Why was it that Cox accomplished more in the way of 
needed constructive legislation in his first term as Governor 
than ever had been done in a decade or longer? There -is 
only one answer: HE KNEW WHAT WAS NEEDED 
AND HE HAD THE COURAGE AND ABILITY TO 
PUT IT ACROSS. Many before him had a vision of the 
needs, but Cox coupled with this his habitual faculty for 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 133 

achievement, acquired through long years of training in the 
school of hard, practical big business. 

OUTSTANDING ACHIEVEMENTS 

To repeat a few things set forth at greater length else- 
where, Cox inaugurated almost simultaneously the first sci- 
entific State budget system in the country, the first compul- 
sory workmen's compensation system, reorganized the school 
system, so as to result everywhere in centralization of rural 
schools, established a commission for the regulation of rates 
and service of public utilities, enacted a State banking code, 
bringing all private banks under State supervision and mak- 
ing possible close cooperation with the Federal Reserve 
System, mapped out and started construction of an extensive 
main market and inter-county highway system, and so on. 

These are among his memorials as a peace-time Governor. 
But it was as a war Governor that he gave the greatest ex- 
ample of how a business man meets public emergencies. 

"OHIO IS READY" was Governor Cox's watchword to 
the nation from the time America's entry in the world war 
became imminent. In almost every instance he anticipated 
the needs of the nation and made preparation for them, so 
that when a call for a service came, the reply each time was, 
"Ohio is ready." 

In February, 1917, when war was impending, Ohio by joint 
resolution of its General Assembly sent a message of support 
to the President, the potential commander in chief. 

"How soon can Ohio prepare to receive and care for her 
wounded brave boys who need to be returned home for re- 
habilitation, where they may have the loving attention of 
parents and friends?" inquired the President in the fall of 
1918. 

"OHIO IS READY NOW" WAS THE WORD SENT 
BACK IMMEDIATELY BY GOVERNOR COX. One of 
the large State institutions, the School for the Deaf, was 
made ready to meet the greater emergency created by the 
war. 

Thus, all the way through, Ohio was ready because there 
was in the State a vision, a looking ahead, and a systematic 
mobilization of all the State resources for the extension of all 
possible aid to the Federal Government. 

STATE COUNCIL OF DEFENSE 

Immediately after the declaration of war in April, 1917, 
Governor Cox called to his office a group of experts in the 
capacity of advisors. He called the men his war cabinet. 
Later the group was enlarged into the Ohio branch of the 
Council of National Defense. Governor Cox was chairman 
of the Council and Fred C. Croxton, later Ohio Food Ad- 
ministrator, was vice-chairman and the acting executive 
officer. On the Council were manufacturers, labor leaders, 
farmers, educators, professional men and women. No re- 

ard was paid to politics, but a checking up later showed 

hat Republicans were in the majority. 

Expenses for most of the war activities of Ohio were de- 
lved from a war emergency appropriation of $250,000 pro- 
ided by the General Assembly BEFORE WAR WAS DE- 
CLARED, the Legislature having adjourned before the dec- 
aration of war took place. 



134 GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 

Immediately upon outbreak of the war Governor Cox in- 
augurated a drive to recruit the Ohio National Guard to a 
full division. In three weeks, 19,129 volunteers enlisted in 
the guard, bringing its membership up to 27,000 officers and 
men. It went over the top later as the Thirty-seventh Divi- 
sion. The Ohio Guard also furnished one regiment to the 
Rainbow Division, among the first in the trenches. 

Preliminary to the adoption of the Selective Service act, 
the State was organized by counties through the agencies 
of common pleas judges, so that when the draft came, non- 
partisan boards were set up in every community, by which 
the draft law was fairly administered, not only, BUT WITH- 
OUT TAINT OR SCANDAL, so that selective was selec- 
tive indeed, preserving industrial lines at the highest point 
of efficiency and still giving to the fighting army one-twen- 
tieth of its total strength. Under selective service alone 
more than 200,000 Ohioans went into active service. 

FARM AID FOR FOOD MAKING 

When a campaign was launched for increased food pro- 
duction and conservation in the nation, Ohio through its 
food agents in each county and sub-agents in each township, 
through the Agricultural Extension Department of the State 
University and the State Department of Agriculture, was 
able in the first year to increase the wheat yield from 20,- 
000 000 to 40,000,000 bushels; the potato yield from 5,000,000 
to 9 000 000; the oat crop from 42,000,000 to 55,000,000 bush- 
els, 'and corn crop from 97,000,000 to 130,000,000 bushels. 
The State also helped to. meet the sugar shortage by increas- 
ing the sugar beet acreage 40 per cent. 

Threshers were organized in a movement to guard against 
waste of grain. Tens of thousands of bushels were saved 
that otherwise would have gone to waste. The Defense 
Council had a man looking after the supply of labor and 
fuel to threshers and assisting also in getting repairs, twine, 
fertilizer and farm supplies generally to persons or communi- 
ties needing them. A fair, price for threshing was maintained 
and the cooperation of all agencies provided transportation 
for grain which permitted the quick marketing and distribu- 
tion the government was anxious to secure. 

More than 1,200 college and high school men were sent 
into the country to aid farmers in tilling and harvesting 
bumper crops. Encouragement was given to school and 
back-yard gardening by which every available plot was util- 
ized for the production of food. 

The State's tractor campaign and seed corn device are 
told in another chapter of this volume. 

LABOR BUREAU MODEL FOR NATION 

Ohio increased its free employment exchanges from six to 
thirty-six and were about to establish still more branches 
when the war ended. Every labor need was met through 
these agencies without interference with regular needs; job 
shifting was discouraged and stability given which kept effi- 
ciency at highest point. Approximately half a million re- 
quests for labor were filled. 

So well was this service organized that not only did other 
States of the Union send to Ohio to secure direction, but 



GOVERNOR COX'S RECORD 135 

the Federal Government adopted the Ohio plan. When labor 
recruiting was taken over by the United States Employment 
Service it simply took over the Ohio offices. The Federal 
Government called to Washington three Ohio men to assist 
in mapping out the Federal plan. 

A special committee on labor and industrial relations 
formed in the Defense Council considered all labor disputes 
and established such a condition that there was little inter- 
ruption to business because of differences between employees 
and employers. In. all matters of this kind there was entire 
cooperation with the regular, existing State agencies. 

Community labor boards were organized in every com- 
munity in Ohio with a representative of labor and representa- 
tive of employers to solve local employment problems and 
select men for non-essential or less essential war industries. 

AID TO MOTOR TRANSPORT 

The last link of the National Road, the great east and 
west artery, was completed hurriedly by the State by the use 
of prison labor from the penitentiary and State reformatory. 
The labor was found efficient, the men earned the confidence 
reposed in them, economy and speed resulted, families of the 
men were paid their earnings, and the War Department's re- 
quest for completion of a truck route was met. In addition, 
other War Department road needs were met by the State 
Highway Department. Thousands upon thousands of army 
trucks from the factories of Michigan, Indiana and Ohio 
traversed the improved highways of Ohio on their way to 
the seaboard. 

To prevent abnormal charges for home rental against 
wage earners and dependants of soldiers, and to see that any 
increases were in keeping with added costs of upkeep only, 
the Defense Council established a war rental committee, with 
branches in every county. 

Almost overnight, Ohio organized the non-war construc- 
tion committee in the defense council when the Federal 
Government put the ban on non-essential building. Without 
cost to the Government, committees were organized imme- 
diately in all communities, permitting essential construction 
to continue without a break. 

So complete was the organization of war activities in Ohio 
under its "business man Governor" that the State was pre- 
pared at all times for any eventuality. At all times "Ohio 
was ready." Full service, without waste, whole-hearted and 
unselfish, was Ohio's record. 



TAFT ON REASON FOR ARTICLE X 



"The reason for Article X is the protection of weaker na- 
tions against stronger ones. Great nations are seldom at- 
tacked except in case of a conspiracy like that of the present 
war, and when such a conspiracy exists, all of the members of 
the League will be anxious to join in its suppression. ARTI- 
CLE X IS ONE OF THE GREAT STEPS FORWARD PRO- 
VIDED IN THE LEAGUE FOR THE SECURING OF GENERAL 
PEACE."— WILLIAM H. TAFT. 



LODGE IN 1918 DEMANDED 
UNITED ACTION ON PEACE 



T3UT making peace by imposing the terms which we 
think proper upon Germany is only half the 
work which at this moment must be done. The peace 
must not only be made and agreed to, Jbut it must be 
effective, and to render the peace effective there is 
much more to do than can be done by ink and paper. 
The first thing needful is to face the situation and look 
facts in the face. NOTHING CAN BE ACCOM- 
PLISHED UNLESS WE WORK IN COMPLETE HAR- 
MONY WITH THOSE WHO ARE ASSOCIATED 
WITH US IN THE WAR AGAINST THE CENTRAL 
POWERS. I know very well that technically we had 
no treaty of alliance with the Allies by whose side we 
fought, but technicalities are of no consequence in 
the presence of facts. No treaty of alliance could 
have caused a greater unity of action than was estab- 
lished between us and the nations with whom we 
joined in the war against Germany. Binding arrange- 
ments were made fcr common action in regard to food 
supplies, in regard to fuel, in regard to munitions of 
war, for the building of railroads and docks and every- 
thing concerning the supply of the armies in France. 
Our Navy worked in close alliance with the navies of 
Great Britain, France and Italy. Our troops served 
under the command of a French marshal. ALL 
THESE THINGS WERE VITALLY NECESSARY, AND 
THESE RELATIONS MUST BE CONTINUED IF WE 
ARE NOT TO LOSE AT THE PEACE TABLE WHAT 
WE WON IN THE FIELD. TO ATTEMPT IN ANY 
WAY TO SEPARATE US FROM OUR ALLIES NOW 
OR PREVENT PERFECT UNITY OF ACTION IS AS 
HARMFUL AS SUCH EFFORTS WERE WHEN WE 
WERE FIGHTING IN NORTHERN FRANCE AND ON 
THE PLAitfS OF FLANDERS. TO ENCOURAGE OR 
EVEN TO PERMIT ANY SERIOUS DIFFERENCES TO 
ARISE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND 
GREAT BRITAIN, OR WITH FRANCE, OR ITALY, 
OR BELGIUM, WOULD BE A WORLD CALAMITY 
OF THE V/ORST KIND. ANY SERIOUS DIF- 
FERENCE AMONG ENGLISH-SPEAKING PEOPLE 
WOULD BE DEPLORABLE IN THE HIGHEST DE- 
GREE. Any thought of war among them would be as 
abominable as it is inconceivable. To differ greatly 
with France, bound to us by so many ties of faith and 
affection, or with Italy or Belgium, is unthinkable. 
* * * * * ' * * 

WE MUST HAVE COMMON ACTION NOW IN 
MAKING THE PEACE AS WE HAD IN CARRYING 
ON THE WAR, AND THIS UNITY BETWEEN US 
AND THE ALLIES IS THE FIRST ESSENTIAL CON- 
DITION FOR A SUCCESSFUL PEACE. — HENRY 
CABOT -LODGE, in United States Senate, December 
21, 1918. 



136 



RECORDS 
ACHIEVEMENT 




Seven Years of Democratic Rule 



60 Years of Republicanism 

IV O more illuminating contrast between the enlight- 
ened statesmanship of the Democratic Party and 
the moribund leadership of the Republican organiza- 
tion can be found than is presented by the records of 
the achievements of the two parties set forth below. 

The Democratic record covers the brief span of 
seven years while that of the Republicans is taken from 
their 1916 text-book and embraces the whole history 
of that party since it was born "Under the Oaks," at 
Jackson, Michigan, on July 6, 1854— more than sixty- 
six years ago. The records follow: 



DEMOCRATIC 

WINNING THE WAR— 
To the Democratic adminis- 
tration goes credit for con- 
ception and execution of vast 
military and industrial plans 
which brought to a triumph- 
ant cottc-L'rlen t!-2 greatest 
v.-~r r m hist r>\ ^gaining 
the world's fcrcr::c?f neutral 
power aa long as was com- 
patible with national honor, 
the United States finally 
came to the rescue of civil- 
ization with 100,000,000 free 
citizens, inexhaustible resour- 
ces and unfaltering determi- 
nation. The result is writ- 
ten in the armistice of No- 
vember 11, 1918, granted on 
the plea of shattered and re- 
treating German armies. 

WAR LABOR POLICY— 
Samuel Gompers, President 
of the American Federation 
of Labor, was the member of 
the Council of National De- 
fense charged with labor 



REPUBLICAN 

(Copied verbatim from Re- 
publican Campaign Text 
Book for 1916) 



"The replacement of the de- 
structive Free Trade law of 
1846 and 1857 by a pro- 
tective tariff that immediately 
brought industrial activity 
and unexampled progress and 
prosperity. 



137 



138 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



problems relating to the war. 
Out of the liberal policies 
proposed by the Council 
grew a wise governmental at- 
titude tov/ard labor, which 
was expressed through the 
War Labor Policies Board 
and the War Labor Board, 
created by the President, and 
many minor agencies of pol- 
icy or adjudication for deal- 
ing with the many and com- 
plex questions arising from 
government's intimate war 
business association with the 
whole industrial life of the 
nation. The decisions of the 
War Labor Board laid the 
foundations of a new body 
of precedent and principle 
for the settlement of indus- 
trial disputes, and were the 
most potent factor in main- 
taining the patriotic morale 
of labor and general harmo- 
nious industrial relations 
throughout the war. Through 
these various agencies a hu- 
mane and liberal government 
permanently impressed its 
views on the whole private 
administration of labor in in- 
dustry in the United States. 

FORCES MOBILIZED— 
More than 4,500,000 men 
were raised and trained, con- 
stituting the best-fed and 
best supplied military groups 
ever mobilized. The number 
to reach France was 2,084,000 
and of these 1,390,000 saw 
active service at the front. 
The nayal personnel was in- 
creased to about 533,000 on 
active duty. 

NAVAL PREPARED- 
NESS— Ta ft left President 
Wilson 176 ships prepared 
for active service. In the 
first four years of the Wilson 
administration, more than 200 
vessels were constructed or 
authorized and, for the first* 
time in naval history, a con- 
tinuous building program 
was adopted, 157 vessels, in- 
cluding the largest modern 
types, to be constructed in 
three years. This, with the 



"The abolition of slavery 
and the restoration of the 
Union. 

"The Homestead law, 
passed by a Republican Con- 
gress and signed by Abraham 
Lincoln. 

"The acts for the issuance 
of legal tenders and national 
bank notes, which gave the 
people a currency of equal 
and stable value in all parts 
of the country. 



RECORDS CTF ACHIEVEMENT 



139 



vav construction program, 
>rovided for the building of 
,000 ships. During the war 
>eriod the Navy manned and 
)perated 2,400 vessels includ- 
ng troop and cargo trans- 
ports as well as naval vessels 
md patrol craft and its per- 
onnel grew from 67,000 to 
nore than half a million of- 
icers and men, the largest 
>ersonnel of any navy in the 
vorld. 

SELECTIVE SERVICE 
^CT— -Conceded to be the 
airest and most democratic 
nilitary law ever enacted, 
his act placed able-bodied 
nen in airwalks of life, and 
vilhin draft age limits, un- 
ier the same obligation for 
ervice of arms. On two 
Iraft calls, 26,000,000 regis- 
rations were recorded out of 
i male population of 54,000,- 
KK). 



"The system of internal 
revenue taxation, by which 
approximately one-half of the 
ordinary expenses of the gov- 
ernment have been visited 
upon malt and spirituous 
liquors, tobacco and cigars. 

"The thirteenth amendment 
to the Constitution, which 
abolished slavery. 



RELIEF TO EXHAUST- 
ED ALLIES— "The Allies 
ire very weak and we must 
ome to their relief this year, 
918" General Pershing in- 
'ormed the War Department 
Dec. 2, 1917. Less than eight 
nonths later, following the 
xiumph at Chateau-Thierry, 
le was able to declare: "Due 
:o the magnificent dash and 
>ower displayed in the field 
>f Soissons by our First and 
Second Divisions, the tide of 
var was definitely turned in 
'avor of the Allies." 



CANTIGN Y— The first 
American offensive was di- 
ected against strong Ger- 
nan positions at Cantigny, 
S/Lay 28, 1918. After gaining 
heir objectives our troops 
vere subjected for three days 
o heavy shelling but held on 
jrimly and increased their 
idvantage. "Although local," 
rommented General Pershing 
n his report, "this brilliant 
iction had an electrical 
jffect, as it demonstrated our 
ighting qualities under ex- 
reme battle conditions." 



140 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



Thereafter, the doughboy was 
hailed as "Savior of France." 

BELLEAU WOO D— On 
June 1, the Second Division, 
including the famous brigade 
of Marines, halted the Ger- 
mans at Belleau Wood on the 
Chateau-Thierry-Paris road 
and in a month's fighting for- 
ever established the reputa- 
tion of American soldiers for 
bravery and ability on the 
continent of Europe. 

CHATEAU-THIERRY — 
The third great achievement 
of American troops was the 
reduction of the Marne sal- 
ient extending from Soissons 
and Rheims to: the town 
forming the apex from which 
the action takes its name. 
The fate of Paris for the sec- 
ond time in the war was 
trembling in the balance 
when the Germans were 
hurled back from the Marne 
and the danger averted. 

ST. MIHIEL—S t a r t i n g 
forward Sept. 12, American 
troops in 72 hours completely 
effaced the salient which the 
Germans had held for four 
years at St. Mihiel and 
placed themselves in position 
to open the Argonne offen- 
sives which ended the war. 

THE ARGONNE — In 
three smashing advances, our 
•armies penetrated in 46 days 
more than 40 kilometres, de- 
cisively defeated 47 German 
divisions with 22 American 
divisions, took 26,000 prison- 
ers, broke the Hindenburg 
line, cut the enemy's main 
line of communications on 
the western front and forced 
him to sue for an armistice. 

SECURING OFFICERS 
FOR ARMY— Of 200,000 
Army officers, one-half were 
graduates of officers' train- 
ing camps and more than 70,- 
000, largely men of technical 
skill, came directly from civil 
life. 



"The fourteenth amend- 
ment, which created citizen- 
ship of the United States as 
distinguished from citizenship 
of the several states, and pro- 
vided that no state should 
abridge the privileges or im- 
munities of the United States. 

"The fifteenth amendment, 
which established equality of 
suffrage. 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



141 



SYSTEMATIC PREPA- 
RATION FOR COMBAT— 
The mills of the administra- 
tration ground out a finished 
product. The average soldier 
who fought in France had six 
months of training in Amer- 
ica, two months over-seas be- 
fore entering the line, and 
one month in a quiet sector 
before going into battle. Two 
out of every three American 
soldiers who reached France 
took part in the fighting. 

AIR SERVICE AND 
AIRCRAFT DEVELOP- 
MENT— One of the most 
notable creative achieve- 
ments of the war period 
was the expansion of the 
personnel of the Air Service 
from 1,«00 to nearly 200,000 
and the organization, in the 
face of tremendous difficul- 
ties, of a vast aircraft pro- 
duction. From virtually noth- 
ing the aircraft output of the 
country was in little more 
than a year increased to the 
rate of 50,000 engines and 20,- 
000 'planes yearly, and 33,000 
engines and 16,000 'planes 
were actually completed dur- 
ing the war. Designing, de- 
velopment and production of 
the Liberty Engine was the 
greatest mechanical triumph 
on the Allies' side in the 
field of aircraft making dur- 
ing the whole war. More- 
over, through the assistance 
rendered by the American 
air service to the manufac- 
ture of aircraft by the Allies, 
their air forces were kept 
ully equipped and supplied 
with materials, without 
which assistance their oper- 
ations would have been cur- 
tailed or suspended. 

REHABILITATION 
\ND CARE OF DISA- 
BLED — Preventing at a sin- 
le stroke all the cruel and 
hastly neglect of the human 
wreckage of war that has at- 
ended all other wars, the 
Democratic Administration 
md Congress provided, in 



/ 



"The Civil Rights Act, 
which extended to ail persons 
the equal protection of the 
laws. 

"All existing laws for the 
payment of pensions to vet- 
erans of the Civil War and 
their surviving relatives. 

"The liberal legislation re- 
specting mineral lands, which 
built up the mining industry, 
added enormously to the 
wealth of the country in the 
precious and semi-precious 
metals, and made it possible 
to resume specie payments. 



142 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



addition to compensation and 
insurance, for continued 
medical and surgical care of 
the sick and wounded for life, 
if need be, and also for the 
vocational rehabilitation of 
ex-soldiers whose earning 
capacity might be destroyed 
or impaired by injuries or 
disease. Medical examina- 
tion and treatment has been 
given by the War Risk Bu- 
reau and the Public Health 
Service to 452,609 former 
service men; 54,799 men have 
been admitted to the hospi- 
tals; 17,500 are in the hospi- 
tals now (August 1), and ul- 
timately 641,000 men will 
have to be cared for. At 
present the Federal Board 
for Vocational Education is 
training 40,844 disabled; 50,- 
043 have been under its care 
and 984 have completed 
their educational courses. 
Thirty-six millions of dollars 
have already been expended 
in money payments for living 
expenses to these men or in 
their tuition, medical care 
and educational equipment 
expenses, exclusive of admin- 
istrative expense, and the to- 
tal appropriation for rehabil- 
itation so far is $129,000,000. 



"The resumption of specie 
payments. 

"The reduction of postage, 
the money-order system, the 
establishment of the Railway 
Mail Service, free delivery, 
Rural free delivery, and other 
improvements that make the 
Post-Office establishment of 
the United States the most 
efficient agency of that char- 
acter that can be found on 
the globe. 

"The life-saving service. 



NAVAL EFFICIENCY— 
More than 2,000,000 Ameri- 
can troops were transported 
overseas in the 19 months of 
war without loss of a single 
life on an eastbound Ameri- 
can transport. Of these, 911,- 
047 were carried in U. S. 
naval transports, while our 
naval vessels escorted 82.75 
per cent, of all troopships. 
The Navy patrolled sea-lanes 
against submarines, raiders 
and mines; had a force of 373 
vessels and 81,000 officers 
and men in European service 
and played a vital part in 
overcoming the U-Boat peril 
and winning the war. The 
laying of a 230-mile mine bar- 
rage in the North Sea was 
initiated by the United States 
Navy and 80 per cent, of the 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



143 



mine-laying accomplished by 
American naval vessels with 
American mines. Egress of 
German vessels from their 
bases was frustrated and Ger- 
man naval morale shattered. 

FLIGHT ACROSS AT- 
LANTIC — Development of 
Naval aviation resulted in a 
national triumph when the 
great seaplane NC-4, driven 
by four Liberty engines, set a 
world record by first flying 
across the Atlantic. She voy- 
aged from Rockaway, Long 
Island, to Plymouth, Eng- 
land, in May, 1919, via Tre- 
passey Bay, Nova Scotia, the 
Azores, and Lisbon, Portu- 
gal. 

ARMOR-PLATE PLANT 
CONSTRUCTED— Millions 
have been saved the public 
purse by erection of a $11,- 
000,000 government plant 
where armor plate is turned 
out for our vessels of war at 
one-half the cost exacted by 
private concerns. Reaction- 
ary Republicans did every- 
thing in their power to frus- 
trate the project. The armor- 
plate plant amendment was 

opped from the naval appi o- 
priation bill in conference in 
1915 but passed over Repub- 

ican "nays" the following 
year; ending the sway of the 
armor-plate ring. 

SETTLEMENT OF 
COAL STRIKE — Through 
presidential initiative and the 
creation of an arbitration 
commission, the great strike 
}f the soft coal miners, be- 
inning November, 1, 1919* 
rhich brought the country 
o the verge of industrial 
reakdown and general suf- 
ering was amicably settled, 
vith due consideration of the 
nterests and rights of the 
>arties to the dispute and of 
he public. 

MILITARY PAY IN- 
CREASES — Officers and 
iien of all branches of the 
ervice benefit substantially 



"The artificial propagation 
and distribution of fish. 

"The distribution of seeds 
and other measures of vast 
importance in the promotion 
of agriculture. 

"The endowment of public 
schools, agricultural colleges, 
etc., by grants of lands from 
the public domain. 



144 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



by provisions of pay-increase 
bills introduced into Con- 
gress by the Administration. 

WAR RISK INSURANCE 
— Due wholly to the wise, hu- 
manitarian forethought of the 
Democratic Administration 
and Congress at the very be- 
ginning of the war, the most 
considerate, just, comprehen- 
sive and liberal provision 
ever made by any nation was 
made for the amelioration of 
the consequences of deaths, 
wounds, or illness in the mil- 
itary service or absence from 
home on account of it. In 
addition to family allowance 
during service, and compen- 
sation, which takes the place 
of the pension of former 
wars, the government provi- 
ded the cheapest term and 
level-premium insurance ever 
offered — notwithstanding the 
added risk of death in battle. 
The total number of life pol- 
icies issued by the War Risk 
Insurance Bureau was 4,561,- 
974, aggregating $40,000,000,- 
000 — far more than all the 
policies of all the private in- 
surance companies in the 
United States. Of this in- 
surance 844,893 policies for 
$6,849,728,500 have been kept 
in force since the war, thus 
becoming a permanent eco- 
nomic and social well-being 
factor of the first magnitude; 
and 128,300 death claims for 
a total of $1,142,000,000, and 
3,256 claims for total and 
permanent disability, amount- 
ing to $28,536,000, have been 
allowed. Under compensa- 
tion, 49,245 death claims by 
dependents and 134,408 dis- 
ability claims, obligating the 
government for hundreds of 
millions, if not billions, have 
been allowed, on which the 
installment payments to date 
exceed $7,200,000. Burial ex- 
pense awards amount to $2,- 
175,000 and family allowances 
total $266,000,000. 

D E M O B I LIZATION— 
Virtually completed by Oc- 



"The Administrative Cus- 
toms act, to insure justice and 
equality in the collection of 
duties. 

"The International Copy- 
right law, which respects the 
rights of authors in the prod- 
uct of their brains, but at the 
same time protects our pub- 
lishing industry by requiring 
that books shall be printed in 
this country to entitle them 
to copyright. 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



145 



tober, 1919, less than one 
year after the armistice. The 
Navy returned 1,686,944 men 
without a death from sea- 
hazard. High-water mark for 
carrying soldiers overseas 
was 306,000 in July, 1918, 
while 364,000 were brought 
back in June, 1919. 

SUPPORTING THE 
FIGHTERS— Capital, Labor 
and the citizenry were mo- 
bilized as the "second line of 
defense" and a vast, smooth- 
running' machine assembled 
for production of munitions 
and supplies for our arms. 

COUNCIL OF NA- 
TIONAL DEFENSE — Es- 
tablished by a Democratic 
Congress on the suggestion 
of the Democratic executive 
branch of the government in 
1916, it gave profound con- 
structive forethought to the 
general problems of a prob- 
able war on a gigantic scale 
and when war was declared 
was ready with plans, sug- 
gestions and initial organiza- 
tions to such a degree that 
the huge tasks of the war 
were met in an orderly, intel- 
ligent and comprehensive 
manner. It became the 
mother of most of the war 
emergency agencies of the 
government, such' as the 
Food and Fuel administra- 
tions, the War Industries 
Board, the Aircraft Produc- 
tion Board, etc., organized 
the morale of the nation, es- 
tablished channels of infor- 
mation, sympathy, under- 
standing and interpretation 
between Washington and 
every hamlet in the country 
and became the clearing- 
house of ideas, suggestions 
and research pertaining to 
the war. 

WAR INDUSTRIES 
BOARD — Mobilized, massed 
and coordinated all the ma- 
terial resources, industries 
and economic facilities of the 
United States and correlated 



"The establishment of the 
Circuit Court of Appeals, to 
relieve the Supreme Court 
and no longer require liti- 
gants to suffer a delay of 
three or four years in secur- 
ing a decision on appeal. 

"The admission of the 
States of Kansas, Nebraska, 
Nevada, Colorado, North and 
South Dakota, Washington, 
Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, 
Oklahoma, Arizona and New 
Mexico. 



146 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



all government activities with 
respect to them, thus welding 
the whole physical strength 
of the nation into an efficient 
war-making machine. Con- 
ceived and created by the 
President it became the gen- 
eral staff of industry, business 
and transportation directed 
to war ends. It achieved the 
most complete and successful 
unification and direction of 
finance, production and trans- 
portation for the support of 
the combat arms of this gov- 
ernment and of all the na- 
tions involved in the World 
War and was primarily re- 
sponsible for the central con- 
trol and allocation of the 
pooled resources and facilties 
of the Allies. 



"The Anti-Trust Act. (This 
was drawn by Senators Sher- 
man and Edmunds, and in- 
troduced by the former.) In 
the House its passage was se- 
cured by William McKinley 
against an attempt to have it 
side-tracked in behalf of a bill 
for the free coinage of silver, 
which received the vote of 
every Democratic member, 
with one exception. So it 
may be said that the law was 
placed upon the statute books 
over the united opposition of 
the Democratic party as rep- 
resented in the House. 



MERCANTILE MARINE 
— Thanks to the creation of 
the Shipping Board in 1916 
for the fostering of American 
shipping, in spite of deter- 
mined Republican opposition, 
the United States was ready 
with an agency for meeting 
the shipping emergency oc- 
casioned by the war. Acting 
through the Emergency Fleet 
Corporation, the Board sur- 
passed all records in ship- 
building, building in single 
months far more tonnage 
than the United States had 
previously built in a year, and 
turning out altogether 2,300 
ships of a gross tonnage of 
11,000,000. The result is that 
the United States is now the 
second maritime power in the 
world, that 42 per cent of 
American foreign commerce 
is carried in American ships, 
its flag is seen on every sea. 
Whilst building up this great 
fleet, the completed vessels 
and the 1,500 commandeered, 
seized or chartered ships, 
constituting the greatest mer- 
chant fleet in the world, were 
managed efficiently and prof- 
itably and the foundations 
were laid of a permanent ma- 
rine policy. The shipbuild- 
ing and operating success 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



147 



baffled the German subma- 
rine, amazed the world and 
was a magnificent triumph 
of Democratic business ca- 
pacity. 

FEDERAL RAILROAD 
ADMINISTRATION — On 
top of the unparalleled bur- 
dens resulting from being 
the greatest shipbuilder, the 
greatest financier, the great- 
est insurance and philan- 
thropic director, the greatest 
director and producer of war 
supplies and- the greatest ad- 
ministrator of foods and fuels, 
etc., besides all the direct 
military and naval activities 
on an unsurpassed scale in 
the world war, the Democrat- 
ic Administration was forced 
to take over the direction of 
the 230,000 miles of railway 
in the United States. Di- 
vided private control was not 
equal to the management of 
the task of concentrating 
transportation for the win- 
ning of the war. The Rail- 
road Administration speedily 
relieved congestion,- which 
threatened to overwhelm the 
railways, introduced revolu- 
tionary economies of time, 
money and space in routing, 
terminals, cars and motive 
power, directed transporta- 
tion facilities in accordance 
with military and civilian 
needs, co-ordinated rail and 
steamship routes, dealt hu- 
manely and justly with em- 
ployees in respect to wages 
and working conditions, in- 
creasing railway pay by a bil- 
lion dollars; promptly and 
safely moved millions of sol- 
diers, their accoutrements 
and supplies, handled the 
colossal war industries' prod- 
ucts expeditiously, and at the 
same time adequately served 
the ordinary requirements of 
the nation. 

SENATORIAL ELEC- 
TION S— By constitutional 
amendment choice of United 
States Senators was made 



"The National Bankruptcy 
Acts of 1867 and 1893, which 
relieved many thousands of 
unfortunate men of their bur- 
dens of debt and restored 
them to commercial and in- 
dustrial activity. 

"The establishment of the 
Gold Standard, which placed 
our monetary system on a 
stable basis and in harmony 
with the great nations of the 
world. 



148 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



subject to direct vote of the 
people. 

ELECTION REFORMS— 
Legislation was enacted regu- 
lating amounts to be expend- 
ed in elections and providing 
for complete publicity for 
campaign expenditures. Un- 
der this legislation trial and 
conviction of Senator New- 
berry of Michigan and 16 co- 
defendants were brought 
about. 

ADAMSON EIGHT 
HOUR LAW— Pursuant to 
the recommendation of the 
President, a Democratic Con- 
gress enacted the measure 
known as the Adamson 
act, establishing and promul- 
gating the principle that, in 
reckoning the compensation 
of common carriers engaged 
in interstate commerce, 
"eight hours shall, in con- 
tracts for labor and service, 
be deemed a day's work." 
This law was the means of 
averting the greatest railroad 
strike which ever menaced 
the country. 

STATEHOOD— Ariz o n a 
and New Mexico were admit- 
ted to the Union as full- 
fledged states and two more 
stars added to the flag. 

ACQUISITION OF VIR- 
GIN ISLANDS — Three is- 
lands comprising the Danish 
West Indies group were pur- 
chased for $25,000,000, a pro- 
ject which Republican admin- 
istrations had attempted in 
vain to put into effect. They 
constitute an important stra- 
tegic base for protection of 
the Panama Canal and are of 
great fertility. 

PANAMA TOLLS RE- 
PEAL — S t r i c 1 1 y observ- 
ing America's treaty obliga- 
tions, President Wilson 
brought about repeal of the 
clause of the Panama Canal 
act exempting our shipping 
from tolls for passage 
through the waterway. 



"Every schedule of duties 
on imports adopted within the 
past fifty years, in which the 
policy of protection to 
American labor has been dis- 
tinctly recognized and effi- 
ciently applied, has been the 
product of a Republican 
Congress. 

"Railway rates to be fixed 
by Interstate Commerce 
Commission ; rebates and 
other discriminations penal- 
ized; sleeping car, express 
companies and pipe lines 
made common carriers; rail- 
way passes prohibited. 







RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



149 



FOREIGN DYE PROD- 
UCTS — An American dye in- 
dustry was made imperative 
ty the shutting off of sup- 
lies from Germany in 1914. 
A Democratic Senate fore- 
handedly called upon the De- 
partment of Commerce for a 
general survey as to possi- 
bilities of domestic develop- 
ment in this direction and, 
following an encouraging re- 
port, dye manufacture gained 
such impetus that it is esti- 
mated that $200,000,000 to- 
day represents American in- 
vestments in home dye indus- 
tries. 

RATIONAL UTILIZA- 
TION OF NATURAL RE- 
SOURCES— The Depart- 
ment of the Interior, Demo- 
cratic controlled, is primarily 
responsible for the creation 
of a scientific system of ad- 
ministering the natural re- 
sources of the public lands. 
Through the Jegislation re- 
sulting from well consid- 
e r e d recommendations all 
public lands containing pot- 
ash, sodium, coal and pe- 
troleum are now leased, in- 
stead of being sold, under 
restrictions that insure the 
wise and non-monopolistic 
utilization of those minerals 
whilst leaving the title in the 
government The same prin- 
ciple was recommended and 
worked out for water power 
development, and was finally 
enacted into law by the pres- 
ent Congress, which therein 
made its nearest approach 
to credit for constructive 
achievement. 



"Building. of Panama Canal 
85-foot level, with locks; 
Panama Canal bond3 to en- 
joy the same privileges as all 
other United States bonds; 
Panama Canal supplies to be 
domestic products. 

"Pure Food: Label must 
tell the truth, especially on 
popular remedies. 



ACCOMPLISHMENTS BY 
DEPARTMENTS 

TREASURY 

FEDERAL RESERVE 
S Y S T E M— Created by a 
Democratic Congress, it has 
modernized, stabilized and 
buttressed the whole Amer- 
ican banking and currency 
system. . It has forever 
ended the paralyzing panics 



150 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



of the past and decentral- 
ized money control while 
-at the same time uniting and 
distributing the banking 
power of the United States, 
which has now become three 
times as great as in the last 
Republican administration. It 
is conceded to be the great- 
est single piece of construc- 
tive financial legislation in 
modern times, and has done 
more to .promote business 
confidence and prosperity 
than any other factor or fac- 
tors. Thanks to it, the United 
States was able to finance it- 
self and the Allies for $30,- 
000,000,000— thirty times the 
former budget — during the 
war with less currency and 
credit abnormality than was 
experienced by any other na- 
tion involved in the World 
War, and without shock or 
strain. 

NATIONAL BANK 
STRENGTH— -In forty years 
prior to 1914 under Republi- 
can financial arrangements, 
there was a national , bank 
failure every 21 days: under 
the Federal Reserve act in 
1914 there were eight failures; 
in 1915, five; in 1916 and 1917, 
three each; in 1918, one; in 
1919, NONE; in 1920, to date, 
one. Panics have ceased ; fear 
of them no longer exists. 

FEDERAL FARM LOAN 
ACT — Lifted eld burdens of 
debt from thousands of fami- 
lies. Before passage of this 
legislation, the nation's farms 
carried a liability of $6,330,- 
000,000, calling for interest 
payments of $530,000,000 per 
annum. Twelve Federal Land 
Banks and numerous Joint 
Stock Land Banks are in ope- 
ration with result that inter- 
est rates have declined from 
25 per cent, in some cases to 
SVz per cent, with mortgages 
extending up to 35 years. 
Latest report from Farm 
Loan Board of Treasury 
shows $423,981,337 loaned to 
farmers since 1917. 



"Meat inspection 'from 
hoof to can/ at Government 
expense. 

"Free alcohol, denatured, 
for use in the arts. 

"Consular service organ- 
ized on merit basis. 

"Quarantine against yellow 
fever nationalized. 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



151 



INCOME TAX LAW— 
Distributes burden of taxa- 
tion in such manner that the 
taxpayer contributes to the 
Federal Treasury in propor- 
tion to his income and ability 
to pay. Economists have pro- 
nounced it the fairest tax law 
ever devised. The Republi- 
can party opposed its enact- 
ment for a generation. 

TARIFF REVISION— The 
Underwood Act unfettered 
industry and disrupted mo- 
nopoly of production, distri- 
bution and prices, at the 
same time providing ade- 
quate customs revenue for 
government purposes. A 
Tariff Commission was cre- 
ated at the instance of the 
Administration to consider 
the Tariff scientifically, not 
as a political issue. Even the 
Republican party, in its 1920 
platform, has placed the sa- 
cred principle of high pro- 
tection in cold storage. 

WAR COSTS— From 
April 6, 1917 to April 30, 1920, 
the government's total ex- 
penditures, excluding the 
principal of the public debt, 
reached the stupendous sum 
of $37,960,975,304.16, or nearly 
50 per cent, more than the 
total expenditures during the 
v/hole history of the nation 
from 1789 to 1916. Loans to 
our allies totalled $9,505,- 
622,043.65 (April 30, 1919), 
leaving $28,455,353,260.51 as 
the amount expended on ac- 
count of the American gov- 
ernment. 

LIBERTY LOANS— Four 
Liberty Loans and a Victory 
Loan were floated and all 
were heavily oversubscribed. 
Subscriptions, as shown by 
revised reports, totalled more 
than $24,000,000,000 and near- 
ly $21,000,000,000 in bonds 
were allotted. For the First 
and Second Liberty Loans 
and the Victory Loan allot- 
ments were $2,607,514,950 (or 
20 per cent.) less than sub- 



"Financial law whereby 
banks in periods of financial 
stringency issue currency to 
the amount of $500,000,000, 
depositing as security there- 
for bonds, commercial paper 
or other assets, such emer- 
gency currency being so 
taxed as to insure its re- 
tirement as soon as the strin- 
gency has passed. 



152 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



scriptions. Tax receipts and 
revenues other than bor- 
rowed monies brought in 
$14,515,506,113.73. The sound 
policies of the Treasury and 
the Federal Reserve system 
permitted rapid and complete 
mobilization of the nation's 
economic strength for war 
purposes, promoted its pros- 
perity and held the cost of 
living in check Already, the 
Treasury has bought back 
and retired more than $1,- 
000,000,000 in bonds. 

The wide distribution of 
the war bonds was due to 
the fact that they were of- 
fered in small denominations 
and aggressively and enthu- 
siastically sold to the people 
by a great, largely voluntary, 
organization in which a mil- 
lion persons participated — 
probably the greatest finan- 
cial selling agency the world 
has ever known. The out- 
come was that the people 
who paid the taxes to pay the 
loans and the interest there- 
on took the loans. The 
masses of the people thus 
became their own creditors 
and loaned themselves the 
money they spent on the 
war. 

THRIFT STAMPS—A re- 
markable contribution to war 
financing and popular train- 
ing in thrift was made by 
the Democratic Administra- 
tion through the institution 
of Thrift and War Sav- 
ings Stamps and Treasury 
Savings Certificates. Start- 
ing with 25 cents in the 
Thrift Stamps and succes- 
sively converting accumula- 
tions into $5.00 War Savings 
Stamps and $100 and $1,000 
Savings Certificates, the hum- 
blest savings can be put at 
^Vz per cent compound in- 
terest on the best security in 
the world — the obligations of 
the United States govern- 
ment. Through these stamps 
and certificates, the great 
sum of $1,166,000,000 was 
brought into the treasury. 



"National monetary com- 
mission created to devise a 
sound monetary system for 
the Government. 

"Consular Service reorgan- 
ized, abolishing unnecessary 
consulships and consul-gen- 
eralships and establishing 
those most needed. 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



153 



The lasting benefits of the 
avings habit thus established 
are seen in the fact that even 
now the monthly sales of 
these small securities amount 
to $5,000,000. 

MARINE WAR RISK 
INSURANCE— By creating 
government insurance to take 
marine war risks, whether for 
vessels or for the lives of sea- 
men, the Democratic Admin- 
istration kept American ves- 
sels on the seas from the 
beginning of the war in 
Europe, thus contributing 
powerfully to international 
commercial activity and do- 
mestic prosperity. Of this 
sort of insurance the War 
Risk Bureau, which, with its 
other functions, became by 
far the greatest insurance in- 
strumentality in the world, 
carried policies aggregating 
$2,488,000,000. It received 
$47,600,000 in premiums and 
paid out $29,000,000 on its 
risk liability, leaving a sur- 
plus of $17,600,000. 

AGRICULTURE 
GREAT HIGHWAY 
PROGRAM— The Federal 
Aid Road act of 1916 actual- 
ized plans for development of 
the nation's commercial ar- 
teries which for decades had 
been but ai ideal. Federal 
and State cooperation in buil- 
ding and paying for roadways 
has wrought wonders. The 
whole program calls for an 
expenditure of $600,000,000 of 
which the Federal govern- 
ment pays $209,000,000 and 
states, counties and munici- 
palities $391,000,000. 

LOANS ON *FARM 
MORTGAGES— A provision 
in the Federal Reserve act 
authorizes national banks to 
lend money on farm mort- 
gages and recognizes the pe- 
culiar heeds of the farmer by 
giving his paper a maturity 
period of six months. 

AGRICULTURAL EDU- 
CATION — Received a vast 



"Widows' pensions in- 
creased from $8 to $12 a 
month and certain unneces- 
sary restrictions abolished. 

"Importation of impure tea, 
tea siftings, etc., prohibited. 

"Model Child Labor Law 
for District of Columbia. 

"Employer's liability law. 

"Government compensation 
law, providing compensation 
to certain federal employees 
for injuries received in line 
of duty. 



154 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



impetus through Cooperative 
Agricultural Extension act, 
bringing Federal and State 
governments in close touch 
for dissemination of informa- 
tion among farmers by per- 
sonal contact. By 1922 $8,- 
680,000 will be annually avail- 
able for this work. 

COTTON FUTURES ACT 
— Forever ended gambling in 
cotton by regulations for 
marketing, establishing stand- 
ards of cotton and supervis- 
ing of exchanges. Sales have 
been placed upon a firmer 
basis than ever before. 

GRAIN STANDARDIZA- 
TION ACT— Aims to bring 
about uniformity in grading 
cereals, enabling farmers to 
obtain fair prices and afford- 
ing financial incentive to pro- 
duce better grades. 

STORAGE AND MAR- 
KETING— Are standardized 
by Warehouse act, providing 
for licensing of bonded ware- 
houses and making possible 
issuance of reliable and eas- 
ily negotiable warehouse re- 
ceipts, as well as permitting 
better storage of farm prod- 
ucts. 

WHEAT PRICE GUAR- 
ANTEE — Farmers were ex- 
tended a government guaran- 
tee of $2.20, and later $2.26, a 
bushel for wheat as a war- 
time measure, this assurance 
extending to June 1, 1920. 
This compares with pre-war 
price of 87 cents. Tremen- 
dous stimulus was lent war- 
time production with result 
that 1918 wheat crop was the 
largest in history. 

DEMOCRATIC PRE- 
EMINENCE IN AGRI- 
CULTURAL LEGISLA- 
TION— The greater part of 
all the legislation on the sta- 
tute books of the United 
States which has for its pur- 
pose the development and aid 
of agriculture has been en- 
acted within the past seven 
years. 



"Restriction on lands of the 
Five Civilized Tribes re- 
moved, adding $150,000,000 to 
the taxable property of Okla- 
homa. 

"Excise tax imposed on all 
corporations, consisting of 1 
per cent., measured by the 
amount of their net receipts. 

"Philippine Tariff Law, ad- 
justing duties in the archi- 
pelago to those of the United 
States. 

"The census laws, provid- 
ing for the taking of the cen- 
sus and Permanent Census 
Bureau. 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



155 



AGRICULTURE DE- 
ARTMENT FOUNDED 
JNDER CLEVELAND— It 
vas under a Democratic ad- 
ninistration, that of Grover 
lleveland, that the fanners 
f the United States were 
irst given representation in 
he President's cabinet, the 
irst Secretary of Agriculture 
eing Norman J. Colman of 
Missouri. 

BUREAU OF MARKETS 
-Established in 1913 as the 
Office of Markets and Rural 
Organizations, this branch of 
he Department of Agricul- 
ure within seven years has 
town to be an important 
igency for furnishing to far- 
mers information as to crop 
novements and prices. It 
las been of great benefit to 
he consumer as well. 

LABOR 

DEPARTMENT OF LA- 
JO R—Created by the Demo- 
:ratic majority in Sixty-Sec- 
Dnd Congress, it gave labor 
ts first official recognition 
and a seat in the President's 
cabinet. 

STRIKE PREVENTION 
— Kas been the special field 
of the Division of Concilia- 
ion, known during the war 
as the Adjustment Service, 
nd brought into being by 
Democratic legislators. Out 
of 4,225 disputes of which the 
lajority had reached the 
strike stage, the division's 
orces left but 335 unadjusted 
to date of latest report. By 
these labor wrangles so hap- 
pily disposed of 6,000,000 
workers were affected direct- 
ly or indirectly. 

EMPLOY MENT SER- 
VICE— This branch of the 
Labor Department estab- 
blished from January, 1919, to 
June, 1919, the record of plac- 
ing persons in 4,976,320 jobs 
of every description. Women 
constituted 20 per cent, of the 
placements. Among service 
men returning from overseas. 



"The railroad rate bill, 
compelling railroads to se- 
cure approval of the Inter- 
state Commerce Commis- 
sion before advancing rates; 
authorizing the Interstate 
Commerce Commission to 
institute proceedings without 
waiting for the complaint of 
a shipper; creating a special 
Commerce Court; granting 
the commission complete 
authority over classifications 
and regulations; and bringing 
telegraph and telephone com- 
panies under the scope of the 
interstate commerce act. 



156 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



115,000 were referred direct 
to employers. 

CHILDRENS' BUREAU 
— Numerous surveys by this 
division have focused public 
attention on remediable evil 
conditions. Important rec- 
ords have been compiled on 
infant mortality, standards of 
child welfare and illegitimacy 
laws of the United States. 
Nationwide drives for pre- 
vention of needless deaths of 
babies, protection of mothers 
and care of children have 
shown awakening of general 
interest. Many reforms have 
been accomplished. 

"GENERAL ORDER 
No. 13"— Provided for affix- 
ture to all government war 
contracts of a clause protect- 
ing women and children 
workers. An eight-hour day, 
six-day week, Saturday half- 
holiday and avoidance of 
night work and overtime were 
among the stipulations re- 
garding women. Employment 
of children under 14 was for- 
bidden. 

CHILD LABOR LAW— A 
Democratic Congress, the 
Sixty-Fifth, enacted a law de- 
signed to protect children 
from factory exploitation by 
placing a heavy tax upon in- 
dustrial products of youthful 
hands. 

WOMAN'S B U R E A U— 
This important division of the 
Labor Department, also insti- 
tuted by Democracy, has been 
made permanent by Con- 
gress. It was left to the 
present administration, how- 
ever, to institute a service 
that has been of incalculable 
benefit to women in industry. 

SEAMEN'S LAW— Work- 
ing conditions of American 
mariners were vastly im- 
proved by this act which pro- 
vides for adequate life-saving 
equipment and maintenance 
of crews sufficient numeri- 
cally to meet all emergencies. 



"The creation of a special 
committee to investigate the 
extent and character of rail- 
road stocks and report on the 
feasibility of federal super- 
vision of all railroad securi- 
ties. 

"The creation of a system 
of postal savings banks, thus 
gaining for small depositors 
the security *of the United 
States Treasury and guaran- 
teeing 2 per cent, interest on 
their deposits. 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



157 



rhus was fostered the assem- 
jly of a superior personnel 
"or our great merchant ma- 
•ine. 

FOR WORKINGMAN'S 
BENEFIT— A series of hu- 
mane laws were enacted, 
;hief among these the Clay- 
ion Anti-Trust act, advancing 
:he major proposition that 
'labor is not a commodity to 
3e bought and sold." This 
legislation is rightfully de- 
lominated "Labor's Magna 
Charta." 

GOVERNMENT HOUS- 
[NG— The United States 
Housing Corporation of the 
Department of Labor sup- 
ported by an appropriation 
)f $100,000,000, was engaged 
n constructing more than 
L00 new community projects 
vhen the armistice was 
signed. Of these 23 were 
:ompleted, providing 6,000 
lomes and also streets, 
stores, paving, manufactur- 
ng plants, public utilities, Ho- 
lds, dormitories, and all the 
jeneral appurtenances of a 
nodern sanitary dwelling 
listrict, at a cost of $41,000,- 
)00. All of these have since 
seen sold, usually to persons 
•enting them during the war, 
Dn nine-year terms, at a net 
•ealization of 65 per cent of 
he war time cost. The 
lousing Corporation's work 
las been of great exemplary, 
ralue, as thousands of per- 
sons and building companies 
lave adopted its plans and 
nethods, with the result 
hat workingmen's homes 
hroughout the country are 
low of a much better type 
han formerly. A laborious 
ongressional investigation 
>f all the Housing Corpor- 
ation's manifold business en- 
erprises found not the slight- 
st trace of crookedness or 
•;raft. The Shipping Beard 
onducted independent hous- 
rig operations on about as 
arge a scale as the Housing 
Corporation with like results. 



"Red Cross Incorporation. 

"Conservation, legislation, 
making legal land withdraw- 
als already made, and author- 
izing for the future all those 
the President may deem wise. 

"Conservation of coal lands 
promoted by authorization of 
agricultural entries on the 
surface, while title to coal 
deposits is reserved to the 
Government. 



158 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



POST OFFICE 

EXPANDING PARCEL 
POST— The parcel post sys- 
tem was greatly extended, 
bringing rural communities 
into closer touch with centers 
of trade and breaking up ex- 
tortionate monopoly of pri- 
vate express companies. 

POST OFFICE SUR- 
PLUS — During seven years 
of Republican control prece- 
ding the present administra- 
tion, there was amassed a de- 
ficit of $59,072,909.62 in rev- 
enue for the postal establish- 
ment. During the corre- 
sponding period of Demo- 
cratic control, the aggregate 
surplus v/as $35,188,879, show- 
ing in deficits overcome and 
surpluses accrued an advan- 
tage of $94,261,788.62. 

AERIAL MAIL— Experi- 
mental establishment of an 
air mail route between Wash- 
ington and New York, May 
15, 1918, was the forerunner 
of an important development 
in the Postoffice Depart- 
ment's methods of transmis- 
sion. So successful has the 
aeroplane service proved that 
an appropriation was ob- 
tained of $850,500 for the fis- 
cal year 1920, enabling the 
extension of this service from 
New York to Cleveland, 
Chicago, Milwaukee and 
Omaha, with a saving of 11 
hours in transit, while on 
July 1 a transcontinental ser- 
vice v/as inaugurated with 
San Francisco as the termi- 
nus. Each day eight planes 
are dispatched with a capac- 
ity of 128,000 letters. 

POSTAL SAVINGS SYS- 
TEM — Law amended liberal- 
izing the conditions under 
which deposits may be made, 
thus vastly expanding the 
system. This system em- 
braced 565,509 depositors in 
1919, compared to 312,000 in 
1913, when Democracy took 
control, and showed deposits 
of $167,323,260 in 1919, against 
$30,000,000 in 1913. 



"Preservation of National 
Forests by permitting states 
and territories to select other 
lands in lieu of those con- 
tained in the reserves. 

"Creation of a Tariff Board 

to ascertain the difference in 
the cost of production at 
home and abroad. 

"Providing for publicity of 
campaign contributions. 

"The $20,000,000 bond is- 
sue, authorized to permit of 
prompt completion of irri- 
gation projects already under- 
taken. 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



159 



TELEGRAPH AND 
TELEPHONE CONTROL 
—Wire communication facili- 
ties were taken over by the 
government in the war fur- 
ther to safeguard military 
secrets and secure priority 
for important government 
dispatches. These utilities 
were restored to private con- 
rol at the earliest practic- 
able date. 

CIVIL SERVICE PRIN- 
CIPLE— Has been applied 
under the present administra- 
tion to all postmasters, thus 
removing selection of ap- 
>ointees in every grade from 
he inHuence of partisan 
avoritism. 

INTERIOR 

ALASKA RAILWAY — 
he government railway ex- 
ending for 500 miles into 
he interior of Alaska and 
iow nearing completion is 
masterpiece of Democratic 
onstructive and administra- 
ive efficiency. In a time of 
ugh labor and material 
osts, this railway has been 
>uilt, solidly and enduring- 
y, through a difficult, moun- 
ainous country in a region 
emote from supplies and 
ibor centers, at a cost of 
nly $75,000 a mile and 
rithout even a hint of cor- 
jption. 

HOMESTEAD PAT- 
iNTS— To a total of 56,988,- 
74 acres have been issued 
nder the present administra- 
on. In all, patents for 
1,604,204 acres have been 
ranted by the Interior De- 
rtment. Irrigation has been 
tended to 1,000,000 acres of 
sert land, now a fertile ex- 
nse capable of supporting 
,000 families. 

LAND RECLAMATION 
■The final success of the na- 
pnal irrigation systems is 
le to the practical and un- 
derstanding management of 
lUnp 2JJOM uoi;buibjd3j sjq; 



"The reorganizing of the 
Light-House board along 
lines of modern administra- 
tive policy. 

"The creation of a Bureau 
of Mines, designed to mini- 
mize dangers to mine em- 
ployees. 

"Common carriers required 
to furnish detailed reports of 
accidents to the Interstate 
Commerce Commission. 

"Law requiring use of safe- 
ty appliances on railroads 
made broader and more com- 
plete. 



160 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



the present Democratic Ad- 
ministration, which besides 
putting all the previously 
well-chosen works on a solid 
and prosperous basis, has 
built 5,000 miles of canals, 
thus reclaiming 1,000,000 
acres and making 15,000 farm 
homes. Due to a Republican 
filibuster in the last hours of 
the 65th Congress and Re- 
publican inaction in the pres- 
ent Congress the extension 
of the reclamation principle 
and practice to swamp, cut- 
over and other unuseJ* lands, 
as planned and earnestly rec- 
ommended by the Depart- 
ment of the Interior for 
more than two years, has not 
been authorized, thus depriv- 
ing the people of a continua- 
tion of the historic Ameri- 
can policy of free or easy ac- 
cess to landed proprietor- 
ship. 

INDIAN POPULATION 
— Is steadily on the increase 
and the old plaint of "a van- 
ishing race" no longer has 
foundation in fact. In seven 
years the number of Indians 
using the English tongue has 
been augmented by 50,000 
and under sympathetic con- 
trol of the Administration, 
more Red Men have become 
American citizens in the past 
three years than in the pre- 
ceding ten. 

NATIONAL PARKS— 
Now number 19 r an addition 
of six since 1913. 

VALUABLE LANDS— 
Bearing oil, coal, gas, phos- 
phate, sodium, etc., have been 
thrown open to the people 
with the passage of the Oil 
Land Leasing bill, an Admin- 
istration measure. Millions 
of acres are made available 
for development wliich will 
enrich lessees and uncover in- 
calculable deposits of mineral 
wealth for the nation's use in 
future. 

MINE DEATH PRE- 
VENTION— Human life in 



"Adulteration and mis- 
branding of insecticides and 
fungicides prohibited at the 
request of farmers and or- 
chardists. 

"White Slave traffic penal- 
ized by a system of heavy 
fines for interstate commerce 
therein. , 

"Drastic regulations de- 
signed to prevent collisions at 
sea. 

"The parole of federal pris- 
oners whose conduct after 
conviction warrants clem- 
ency. 

\ 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



161 



American mines has achieved 
a new value and 5,000 miners 
saved from death and 500,000 
from injury, on conservative 
estimate, by a campaign of 
practical education carried 
out by the Bureau of Mines. 



JUSTICE 

RESTORATION OF 
PUBLIC LANDS— The De- 
partment won from the 
courts orders returning 189,- 
843 acres of land to the pub- 
lic domain. It successfully 
concluded litigation involving 
the Oregon and California 
land grants resulting in re- 
storation of tracts valued at 
$30,000,000. 

LEVER LAW — Designed 

by the administration as a 
wartime measure for prose- 
cution of all persons interfer- 
ing wfth production or dis- 
tribution of necessities, this 
act has proved the main re- 
liance of the Department in 
its successful fight against 
profiteering, from which prac- 
tical results in the form of 
price reductions have been 
noted in every section of the 
country. 

PRISON REFORM — Un- 
der Democratic Administra- 
tion, Federal prisons have 
lost their terror as gloomy 
places of incarceration and 
have become industrially pro- 
ductive schools of reform. 
At the Atlanta institution 
there is a $1,000,000 cotton 
duck mill capable of turning 
out $5,000,000 worth of this 
material annually. Construc- 
tion of a plant for manufac- 
ture of government office fur- 
niture is progressing at Leav- 
enworth. / 

BOLSHEVISM AND AN- 
ARCHY— Have been kept 
from our shores or crushed 
on the rare occasions of in- 
ternal appearance by the 
same vigilance obtaining dur- 
ing the war. Abounding in 
prosperity and wisely gov- 



"Seal fisheries of Alaska 
protected by up-to-date legis- 
lation. 

"Gold coin fixed as the me- 
dium for paying the public 
debt of the United States. 

"The act reconstructing the 
government of Hawaii in im- 
portant particulars. 

"Creation of a commission 
of Fine Arts. 

"Provision made for raising 
the battleship Maine. 



162 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



erned, the nation has little to 
fear from such old-world ap- 
paritions. 

PACKERS PERMA- 
NENTLY ENJOINED— 
Five great corporations have 
been permanently enjoined 
from engaging in sale or dis- 
tribution of food and other 
products not legitimate side- 
lines to the meat-packing in- 
dustry. The Department of 
Justice avoided years of ex- 
pensive litigation by securing 
consent of packers to institu- 
tion of undefended injunction 
suits. 

ANTI-TRUST LAW — In 

face of bitter opposition by 
special interests, the Clayton 
Anti-Trust act became law. 
It accomplished complete re- 
vision of iegislaticn.designed 
to cure the evil of trust mo- 
nopoly. Ninety cases are be- 
ing pressed at present. 

STATE 

A VITAL FACTOR FOR 
VICTORY— The State De- 
partment did much toward 
winning the war through ac- 
tivities of its departmental 
and foreign service machin- 
ery. Its prestige under 
Democratic administration 
brought about a powerful 
alignment of Latin-American 
nations against Germany 
soon after the United States 
entered the battle arena, the 
majority severing diplomatic 
relations with the Teutons 
and seven declaring war. 

RELIEF MEASURES— 
More than $4,000,000 was for- 
warded by the State Depart- 
ment to 50,000 Americans 
stranded in Europe at the 
outbreak of war in 1914. An 
American consul general in 
Italy chartered the first 
steamer to bring such unfor- 
tunates to the United States. 
The Administration, through 
this department, took part in 
a gigantic relief work among 
Jews, Armenians, Syrians 
and other nationalities. 



"An appropriation to en- 
able the Department of Agri- 
culture to conduct tests look- 
ing to the discovery of a sub- 
stitute for spruce in the 
manufacture of pulp paper. 

•'An appropriation to en- 
able the Geological Survey 
to carry on the work of 
gauging streams and for the 
promotion of the conserva- 
tion of water-power sites. 



v 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



163 



AMERICANS PROTECT- 
ED IN RUSSIA— Through 
the vigilance and good judg- 
ment of State Department 
representatives in Russia, not 
one American has been killed 
during the chaos of revolu- 
tion and bolshevism, and 
American property losses 
have been small. 

UNCOVERING GER- 
MAN PLOTS— The State 
Department first gave to the 
world evidence of Germany's 
intention to inaugurate un- 
restricted submarine warfare 
(February 1, 1917). It ex- 
posed the famous series of 
telegrams from Luxburg, 
German charge d'affaires in 
the Argentine Republic, to 
the Berlin Government in 
which he recommended that 
Argentine supply ships be 
"spurlos versenkt" — "sunk 
without a trace." The De- 
partment also uncovered in- 
trigues of the German Em- 
bassy at Washington for the 
destruction of the Canadian 
Pacific Railway. 

COMMERCE 

COMMERCIAL AT- 
TACHE SERVICE EX- 
PANDED— Largely through 
the efforts of the Bureau of 
Foreign and Domestic Com- 
merce, America is in a posi- 
tion to secure a major part of 
post-war trade, especially 
with South American coun- 
tries. Under the administra- 
tion available annual appro- 
priations have been increased 
more than 400 per cent, and 
13 "business diplomats" sta- 
tioned at world centers, as 
well as 11 resident trade com- 
missioners. 

COASTAL CHARTING 
FOR SAFE NAVIGATION 
—Unparalleled growth of our 
merchant marine has created 
a tremendous demand for 
nautical charts, fully met by 
the Coast and Geodetic Sur- 
vey. ^ The development of 
this important branch along 



"An appropriation granted 
the Department of Justice 
for the prosecution of vio- 
lators of the Sherman Anti- 
Trust law. 

"An appropriation for the 
use of the joint commission 
charged with the duty of set- 
tling questions relating to 
boundary waters between the 
United States and Canada. 

"The creation of the Gla- 
cier National Park in Mon- 
tana. 



164 



RECORDS OF ACHIEVEMENT 



such lines has meant the sav- 
ing of thousands of tons of 
shipping. Location of pin- 
nacle rocks and other sub- 
marine obstructions along 
the Alaskan coast has greatly 
decreased dangers of navi- 
gation. 

SUBSTITUTE FOODS 
TO BEAT THE HIGH 
COST OF LIVING— The ad- 
ministration has encouraged 
all government agencies in 
efforts to make practicable 
and popular the use of little- 
known foods as a substitute 
for .products the cost of 
which soared, due to war. 
Expansion of the fish indus- 
try under the Bureau of Fish- 
eries has furnished American 
tables a cheap and abundant 
food, including species hither- 
to considered inedible. Skins 
of the shark and other ma- 
rine denizens have been 
found an excellent substitute 
for leather. 

FOURTEENTH CENSUS 
— Efficiency is demonstrating 
itself in the enumeration of 
the fourteenth decennial cen- 
sus, which is progressing 
with unequalled celerity. An- 
nouncement of population by 
states and in detail is sched- 
uled for October. Collection 
of industrial statistics has 
been especially rapid, and 
these will become available 
at an earlier comparative 
date than in the thirteenth 
census, tabulated by a Re- 
publican administration. 

STEAMBOAT INSPEC- 
TION SERVICE — Inspec- 
tion of ocean-going and river 
steamboats has become much 
more rigid in the past seven 
years, insuring greater safety 
to millions of passengers. In- 
vestigations of disasters and 
violations of the law are con- 
ducted in greater detail than 
ever before. 



"The big-tree forest of Cal- 
ifornia protected by addition- 
al safeguards. 

"The various tariff acts 
from the Morrill law to the 
Payne law, all of inestimable 
value to the country and the 
people. 

"To these can be added a 
legion of minor acts all look- 
ing to and resulting in the 
material advancement of the 
nation and the welfare of the 
people." 



Pershing said: 

"Lafayette, we are here." 
Will Harding say , 

"Lafayette, we have quit" ? 



COVENANT 

OF THE 

LEAGUE OF NATIONS 



The High Contracting Parties, 

In order to promote international cooperation and to 
chieve international peace and security 

by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war; 

by the prescription of open, just and honorable relations 
between nations; 

by the firm establishment of the understandings of inter- 
national law as the actual rule of conduct among gov- 
ment§, and 

by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for 
all treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples 
with ane another, 
gree to this Covenant of the League of Nations. 

ARTICLE 1 

The original Members of the League of Nations shall be 
lose of the Signatories which are named in the Annex to 
lis Covenant and also such of those other States named in 
le Annex as shall accede without reservation to this Cove- 
ant. Such accession shall be effected by a Declaration 
eposited with the Secretariat within two months of the 
oming into force of the Covenant. Notice thereof shall be 

nt to all ofher Members of the League. 

Any fully self-governing State, Dominion, or Colony not 
amed in the Annex may become a member of the League if 
s admission is agreed to by two-thirds of the Assembly, pro- 

ded that it shall give effective guarantees of its sincere 

tention to observe its international obligations, and shall 
:cept such regulations as may be prescribed by the League 
regard to its military, naval, and air forces and armaments. 

Any Member of the League may, after two years' notice of 
intention so to do, withdraw from the League, provided 

tat all its international obligations and all its obligations 

ider this Covenant shall have been fulfilled at the time of 
withdrawal. 

ARTICLE 2 

The action of th*e League under this Covenant shall be 

fected through the instrumentality of an Assembly and of 

Council, with a permanent Secretariat. 

ARTICLE 3 

The Assembly shall consist of Representatives of the Mem- 
irs of the League. 

165 



166 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

The Assembly shall meet at stated intervals and from 
time to time as occasion may require at the Seat of the 
League or at such other place as may be decided upon. 

The Assembly may deal at its meetings with any matter 
within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the 
peace of the world. 

At meetings of the Assembly each Member of the League 
shall have one vote, and may not have more than three Rep- 
resentatives. 

ARTICLE 4 

The Council shall consist of Representatives of the Prin- 
cipal Allied and Associated Powers, together with Repre- 
sentatives of four other Members of the League. These four 
Members of the League shall be selected by the Assembly 
from time to time in its discretion. Until the appointment of 
the Representatives of the four Members of the League first 
selected by the Assembly, Representatives of Belgium, Brazil, 
Spain, and Greece shall be members of the Council. 

With the approval of the majority of the Assembly, the 
Council may name additional Members of the League whose 
Representatives shall always be members of the Council; the 
Council with like approval may increase the number of 
Members of the League to be selected by the Assembly for 
representation on the Council. 

The Council shall meet from time to time as occasion may 



WILL AMERICA KEEP THE FAITH? 



We have got to choose between military pre- 
paredness for future wars and political pre- 
paredness for future peace. 

Vital international problems should be 
. THOUGHT out, not FOUGHT out. 

Another war would not only be diabolical; it 
zvould be unendurable. 

It is a question of saving the mothers of future 
generations from sending their sons into zvar. 

There is only one League and it is a going con- 
cern to-day, with budget, officers, and- rapidly 
expanding functions. 

There are 81,000 reasons why the women of 
America will vote for a League of Nations to 
preserve peace: 

They are your 81,000 sons and brothers who died 
in France and Flanders to end the war. 

WE MUST NOT BREAK FAITH -WITH 
OUR DEAD! 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 167 

squire, and at least once a year, at the Seat of the League, 
r at such other place as may be decided upon. 

The Council may deal at its meetings with any matter with- 
i the sphere of action of the League or affecting the peace 
I the world. 

Any Member of the League not represented on the Council 

lall be invited to send a Representative to sit as a member 

any meeting of the Council during the consideration of 

atters specially affecting the interest of that Member of 

le League. 

At meetings of the Council each Member of the League 

presented on the Council shall have one vote, and may 
ive not more than one Representative. 

ARTICLE 5 

Except where otherwise expressly provided in this Cove- 
mt, or by the terms of this Treaty, decisions at any meeting 

the Assembly or of the Council shall require the agree- 
ent of all the Members of the League represented at the 
eeting. 

All matters of procedure at meetings of the Assembly or of 
e Council, the appointment of committees to investigate 
rticular matters, shall be regulated by the Assembly or by 
e Council and may be decided by a majority of the Mem- 
rs of the League represented at the meeting. 
The first meeting of the Assembly and the first meeting 

the Council shall be summoned by the President of the 
lited States of America. 

ARTICLE 6 

he permanent Secretariat shall be .established at the Seat 
the League. The Secretariat shall comprise a Secretary 
neral and such secretaries and staff as may be required. 

he first Secretary General shall be the person named in 
Annex; thereafter the Secretary General shall be ap- 
inted by the Council, with the approval of the majority of 

Assembly. 

he secretaries and staff of the Secretariat shall be ap- 
inted by the Secretary General with the approval of the 
uncil. 

he Secretary General shall act in that capacity at all 
etings of the Assembly and of the Council. 



HOOVER HOLDS LEAGUE MEANS LESS 
ARMAMENT 



E cannot fiddle while. Rome burns. The Allies 
may themselves ratify this Treaty without us, 
and thus assemble a council of nations of their own 
in an endeavor to solve the problems of Europe. It 
would be a council of Europe and in the midst of 
these terrible times, ... I would rather that we be 
represented therein lest it become a league of Europe 
against the Western Hemisphere. A PEACE WITH- 
OUT US MEANS MORE ARMY AND NAVY FOR US, 
with the old treadmill of taxes and dangers for us. — 
From an address delivered by HERBERT HOOVER at 
Leland Stanford University, October 3, 1919. 



168 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

The expenses of the Secretariat shall be borne by the 
Members of the League in accordance with the apportion- 
ment of the expenses of the International Bureau of the 
Universal Postal Union. 

ARTICLE 7 

The Seat of the League is established at Geneva. 

The Council may at any time decide that the Seat of the 
League shall be established elsewhere. 

All positions under or in connection with the League, in- 
cluding the Secretariat, shall be open equally, to men and 
women. 

Representatives of the Members of the League and officials 
of the League when engaged on the business of the League 
shall enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities. 

The buildings and other property occupied by the League 
or its officials or by Representatives attending its meetings 
shall be inviolable. 

ARTICLE 8 

The Members of the League recognize that the mainte- 
nance of peace requires the reduction of national arma- 
ments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and 
the enforcement by common action of international obliga- 
tions. 

The Council, taking account of the geographical situation 
and circumstances of each State, shall formulate plans for 
such reductipn for the consideration and action of the several 
Governments. 

Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration and revision 
at least every ten years. 

After these plans have been adopted by the several Gov- 
ernments, the limits % of armaments therein fixed shall not be 
exceeded without the concurrence of the Council. 

The Members of the League agree that the manufacture 
by private enterprise of munitions and implements of war is 
open to grave objections. The Council shall advise how the 
evil effects attendant upon such manufacture can be pre- 
vented, due regard being had to the necessities of those 
Members of the League which are not able to manufacture 
the munitions and implements of war necessary for their 
safety. 

The Members of the League undertake to interchange full 
and frank information as to the scale of their armaments, 
their 1 military, naval and air programs and the condition of 
such of their industries as are adaptable to war-like purposes. 

t ARTICLE 9 

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to advise 

INTERPRETATION OF COVENANT 



"The captious may say that our platform reference to res- 
ervations is vague and indefinite. Its meaning, in brief, is 
THAT WE SHALL STATE OUR INTERPRETATION OF 
THE COVENANT AS A MATTER OF GOOD FAITH TO 
OUR ASSOCIATES AND AS A PRECAUTION AGAINST 
ANY MISUNDERSTANDING IN THE FUTURE."— From 
JAMES M. COX'S Speech of Acceptance, August 7, 1920. 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 169 

the Council on the execution of the provisions of Articles 1 
and 7 and on military and naval questions generally. 

ARTICLE 10 
The Members of the League undertake to respect and pre- 
serve as against external aggression the territorial integrity 
and existing political independence of all Members of the 
League. In case of any such aggression or in case of any 
threat or danger of such aggression the Council shall advise 
upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled. 

ARTICLE 11 

Any war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting 
any of the Members of the League or not, is hereby declared 
a matter of concern to the whole League, and the League 
shall take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual 
to safeguard the peace of nations. In case any such emer- 
gency should arise, the Secretary General shall, on the re- 
quest of any Member of the League, forthwith summon a 
meeting of the Council. • 

It is also declared to be the friendly right of each Member 
of the League to bring to the attention of the Assembly or 
of the Council any circumstance whatever affecting interna- 
tional relations which threaten to disturb international peace 
or the good understanding between nations upon which peace 
depends. 

ARTICLE 12 

The Members of the League agree that if there should 
arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a rupture, 
they will submit the matter either to arbitration or to inquiry 
by the Council, and they agree in no case to resort to war 
until three months after the award by the arbitrators or. the 
report by the Council. 

, In any case under this Article the award of the arbitrators 
shall be made within a reasonable time, and the report of the 
Council shall be made within six months after the submis- 
sion of the dispute. 

ARTICLE 13 

The Members of the League agree that whenever any 
dispute shall arise between them which they recognize to be 
suitable for submission to arbitration and which cannot be 
satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they will submit the 
whole subject-matter to arbitration. 

Disputes as to the interpretation of a treaty, as to any 
question of international law, as to the existence of any fact 
which if established would constitute a breach of any inter- 
national obligation, or as to the extent and nature of the 
reparation to be made for any such breach, are declared to 
be among those which are generally suitable for submission 
to arbitration. 

For the consideration of any such dispute the court of 
arbitration to which the case is referred shall be the court 
agreed on by the parties to the dispute or stipulated in any 
convention existing between them. 

The Members of the League agree that they will carry 
out in full good faith any award that may be rendered, and 
that they will not resort to war against a Member of the 
League which complies therewith. In the event of any fail- 



170 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

ure to carry out such an award, the Council shall propose 
what steps should be taken to give effect thereto. 

ARTICLE 14 
The Council shall formulate and submit to the Members 
of the League for adoption plans for the establishment of a 
Permanent Court of International Justice. The Court shall 
be competent to hear and determine any dispute of an inter- 
national character which the parties thereto submit to it. 
The Court may also give an advisory opinion upon any dis- 
pute or question referred to it by the Council or by the 
Assembly. 

ARTICLE 15 

If there should arise between Members of the League any 
dispute likely to lead to a rupture, which is not submitted 
to arbitration in accordance with Article 13, the Members of 
the League agree that they will submit the matter to the 
Council. Any party to the dispute may effect such submis- 
sion by giving notice of the existence of the dispute to the 
Secretary General, whq will make all necessary arrangements 
for a full investigation and consideration thereof. 

For this purpose the parties to the dispute will communi- 
cate to the Secretary General, as promptly as possible, state- 
ments of their case, with all the relevant facts and papers, 
and the Council may forthwith direct tho publication thereof! 

The Council shall endeavor to effect a settlement of the 
dispute, and if such efforts are successful, a statement shall 
be made public giving such facts and explanations regarding 
the dispute and the terms of settlement thereof as the Council 
may deem appropriate. 

If the dispute is not thus settled, the Council either unani- 
mously or by a majority vote shall make and publish a 
report containing a statement of the facts of the dispute and 
the recommendations which are deemed just and proper in 
regard thereto. 

Any Member of the League represented on the Council 
may make a public statement of the facts of the dispute and 
of its conclusions regarding the same. 

If a report by the Council is unanimously agreed to by the 
members thereof other than the Representatives of one or 
more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the 
League agree that they will not go to war with any party 
to the dispute which complies with the recommendations of 
the report. 

If the Council fails to reach a report which is unanimously 
agreed to by the Members thereof, other than the Repre- 
sentatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the 
Members of the League reserve to themselves the right to 
take such action as they shall consider necessary for the 
maintenance of right and justice. 

If the dispute between the parties is claimed by one of 
them, and is found by the Council to arise out of a matter 
which by international law is solely within the domestic 
jurisdiction of that party, the Council shall so report, and 
shall make no recommendation as to its settlement. 

The Council may in any case under this Article refer the 
dispute to the Assembly. The dispute shall be so. referred 
at the request of either party to the dispute, provided that 
such request be made within fourteen days after the submis- 
sion of the dispute to the Council. 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS "171 

la any case referred to the Assembly, all the provisions 
of this Article and of Article 12, relating to the action and 
powers of the Council shall apply to the action arid powers 
of the Assembly, provided that a report made by the Assem- 
bly, if concurred in by the Representatives of those Mem- 
bers of the League represented on the Council and cf a 
majority of the other Members of the League, exclusive in 
each case of the Representatives of the parties to the dis- 
pute, shall have the same force as a report by the Council 
concurred in by all the members thereof other than the 
Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute. 

ARTICLE 16 

Should any Member of the League resort to war in disre- 
gard- of its covenants under Articles 12, 13, or 15, it shall 
ipso facto be deemed to have committed an act of war 
against' all other Members of the League, which hereby un- 
dertake immediately to subject it to the severance of all 
trade or financial relations, the prohibition of all intercourse 
between their nationals and the nationals of the covenant- 
breaking State, and the prevention of all financial, com- 
mercial or personal intercourse between the nationals of the 
covenant-breaking State and the nationals of any other State, 
whether a Member of the League or not. 

It shall be the duty of the Council in such case to recom- 
mend to the several Governments concerned what effective 
military, naval or air force the Members of the League shall 
severally contribute to the armed forces to be used to pro- 
tect the covenants of the League. 

The Members of the League agree, further, that they will 
mutually support one another in the financial and economic 
measures which are taken under this Article, in order to 
minimize the loss and inconvenience resulting from the above 



SCOPE OF LEAGUE COVENANT 



TT provides for disarmament on the part of the great 
fighting nations of the world. 

It provides in detail for the rehabilitation of op- 
pressed peoples, and that will remove most causes of 
war. 

It provides that there shall be no more annexations 
of territory anywhere, but that those territories whose 
people are not ready to govern themselves shall be 
intrusted to the trusteeship of the nations that can take 
care of them, the trustee nation to be responsible in 
annual report to the League of Nations. 

It abolishes enforced labor. 

It provides that every secret treaty shall be invalid. 

It provides for the protection of dependent peoples. 

It provides that high standards of labor, such as are 
observed in the United States, shall be extended to 
the workingman everywhere in the world. — PRESI- 
DENT WILSON in an address at St. Paul, Minnesota, 
September 9, '19 I 9. 



172 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

measures, and that they will mutually support one another 
in resisting any special measures aimed at one of their num- 
ber by the covenant-breaking State, and that they will take 
the necessary steps to afford passage through their territory 
to the forces of any of the Members of the League which 
are cooperating to protect the covenants of the League. 

Any Member of the League which has violated any cove- 
nant of the League may be declared to be no longer a Mem- 
ber of the League by a vote of the Council concurred in 
by the Representatives of all the other Members of the 
League represented thereon. 

ARTICLE 17 

In the event of a dispute between a Member of the League 
and a State which is not a Member of the League, or be- 
tween States not Members of the League, the State or 
States not Members of the League shall be invited to accept 
the obligations of Membership in the League for the purposes 
of such dispute, upon such conditions, as the Council may 
deem just. If such invitation is accepted, the provisions of 
Articles 12 to 16, inclusive, shall be applied with such modifi- 
cations as may be deemed necessary by the Council. 

Upon such invitation being given the Council shall imme- 
diately institute an inquiry into the circumstances of the dis- 
pute and recommend such action as may seem best and most 
effectual in the circumstances. * 

If a State so invited shall refuse to accept the obligations 
of Membership in the League for the purposes of such dis- 
pute, and shall resort to war against a Member of the League, 
the provisions of Article 16 shall be applicable as against 
the State taking such action. 

If both parties to the dispute when so invited refuse to 
accept the obligations of Membership in the League for the 
purposes of such dispute, the Council may take such measures 
and make such recommendations as will prevent hostilities 
and will result in the settlement of the dispute. 

ARTICLE 18 

Every treaty or international engagement entered into 
hereafter by any Member of the League shall be forthwith 
registered with the Secretariat and shall as soon as possible 
be published by it. No such treaty or international engage- 
ment shall be binding until so registered. 

ARTICLE 19 
The Assembly may frpm time to time advise the reconsid- 
eration by Members of the League of treaties which have 
become inapplicable and the consideration of international 
conditions whose continuance might endanger the peace of 
the world. 

ARTICLE 20 

The Members of the League severally agree that this Cove- 
nant is accepted as abrogating all obligations or understand- 
ings inter se which are inconsistent with the terms there- 
of, and solemnly undertake that they will not hereafter enter 
into any engagements inconsistent with the terms hereof. 

In case any Member of the League shall, before becoming 
a Member of the League, have undertaken any obligations 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 173- 

inconsistent with the terms of this Covenant, it shall be the 
duty of such Member to take immediate steps to procure its 
release from such obligations. 

ARTICLE 21 
Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the 
validity of international engagements, such as treaties of arbi- 
tration or regional understandings like the Monroe doctrine, 
for securing the maintenance of peace. 

ARTICLE 22 

To those colonies and territories which as a consequence 
of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of 
the States which formerly governed them and vrhich are in- 
habited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under 
the strenuous conditions of the modern world, there should 
be applied the principle that the well being and development 
of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilization and that 
securities for the performance of this trust should be em- 
bodied in this Covenant. 

The best method of giving practical effect to this principle 
is that the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to 
advanced nations who by reason of their resources, their 
experience or their geographical position can best undertake 
this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and that 
this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on 
behalf of the League. 

The character of the mandate must differ according to the 
stage of the development of the people, the geographical situ- 
ation of the territory, its economic conditions and other simi- 
lar circumstances. 

Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish 
Empire have reached a stage of development where their ex- 
istence as independent nations can be provisionally recog- 
nized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and 
assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able 
to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a 
principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory. 

Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are at 
such a stage that the Mandatory must be responsible for the 
administration of the territory under conditions which will 
guarantee freedom o£ conscience or religion, subject only to 
the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition 
of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic, and the 
liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of 
fortifications or military and naval bases and of military 
training of the natives for other than police purposes and 
the defense of territory, and will also secure equal opportuni- 



WORLD STANDS AT CRISIS 



"The world stands at a crisis in its history. Chastened by 
war, it is ready to adopt our principles of arbitration and dis- 
armament, coupled with projects for the amelioration of the lot 
of mankind,. if we will join in a League for the purpose. Shall 
we do it or not? Shall we allow small things to hinder great 
ones? Shall we now hold back, or shall we consent?" — A. 
LAWRENCE LOWELL, President of Harvard University. 



174 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

ties for the trade and commerce of other Members of the 
League. 

There are territories, such as Southwest Africa and certain 
of the South Pacific Islands, which, owing to the sparseness 
of their, population, or their small size, or their remoteness 
from the centers of civilization, or their geographical con- 
tiguity to the territory of the Mandatory* and other circum- 
stances, can be best administered under the laws of the Man- 
datory as integral portions of its territory, subject to the 
safeguards above mentioned in the interests of the indigenous 
population. 

In every case of mandate, the Mandatory shall render to 
the Council an annual report in reference to the territory 
committed to its charge. 

The degree of authority, control, or administration to be 
exercised by the Mandatory shall, if not previously agreed 
upon by the Members of the League, be explicitly defined in 
each case by the Council. 

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to receive 
and examine the annual reports of the Mandatories and to 
advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance 
of the mandates. 

ARTICLE 23 

Subject to and in accordance with the provisions of inter- 
national conventions existing or hereafter to be agreed upon, 
the Members of the League: 

(a) Will endeavor to secure and maintain fair and humane 
conditions of labor for men, women and children, both in 
their own countries and in all countries to which their com- 
mercial and industrial relations extend, and for that purpose 
will establish and maintain the necessary international or- 
ganizations ; 

(b) Undertake to secure just treatment of the native in- 
habitants of territories under their control; 

(c) Will entrust the League with the general supervision 
over the execution of agreements with regard to the traffic 
in women and children, and the traffic irt opium and other 
dangerous drugs; 

(d) Will entrust the League with the general supervision 
of the trade in arms and ammunition v/ith the countries in 
which the control to this traffic is necessary in the common 
interest; 

(e) Will make provision to secure and maintain freedom of 
communications and of transit and equitable treatment for 
the commerce of all Members of the League. In this con- 
nection, the special necessities of the regions devastated dur- 
ing the war of 1914-1918 shall be borne in mind; 

(f) Will endeavor to take steps in matters of international 
concern for the prevention and control of disease. 

ARTICLE 24 

There shall be placed under the direction of the League 
all international bureaux already established by general 
treaties if the parties to such treaties consent. All such inter- 
ternational bureaux and all commissions for the regulation 
of matters of international interest hereafter constituted shall 
be placed under the direction of the League. 

In all matters of international interest which are regu- 
lated by general conventions, but which are not placed under 
the control of international bureaux or commissions, the 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 175 

Secretariat of the League shall, subject to the consent of the 
Council and if desired by the parties, collect and distribute 
all relevant information and shall render any other assistance 
which may be necessary or desirable. 

The Council may include as part cf the expenses of the 
Secretariat the expenses of any bureau or commission which 
is placed under the direction of the League. 

ARTICLE 25 
The Members of the League agree to encourage and pro- 
mote the establishment and cooperation of duly authorized 
voluntary national Red Cross organizations having as pur- 
poses the improvement of health, the prevention of disease 
and the miti-cation of suffering throughout the world. 

ARTICLE 26 

Amendments to this Covenant will take effect when ratified 
by the Members of the League whose Representatives cora- 



THE TRUTH ABOUT SHANTUNG 



T^HERE is the settlement, -which you have heard so 
much discussed, about that rich and ancient 
Province of Shantung in China. I do not like that set- 
tlement any better than you do, but these were the 
circumstances: In order to induce Japan to cooperate 
in the war and clear the Pacific of the German power, 
England, and subsequently France, bound themselves 
without any qualifications to see to it that Japan got 
anything in China that Germany had, and that Japan 
would take it away from her, upon the strength of 
which promise Japan proceeded to take away Kiao- 
chow and occupy the portions of Shantung Province 
which had been ceded by China for a term of years to 
Germany. The most that could be got out of it was 
that, in view of the fact that America had nothing to do 
with it, the Japanese were ready to promise that thay 
would give up every item of sovereignty which Ger- 
many would otherwise have enjoyed in Shantung Prov- 
ince and return it /ithout restriction to China, and 
that they would retain in the province only the eco- 
nomic concessions such as other nations already had 
elsewhere in China — though you do not hear anything 
about that — concessions in the railway and the mines 
which had become attached to the railway for oper- 
ative purposes. 

But suppose that you say that is not enough. Very 
well, then, stay out of the treaty, and how will that ac- 
complish anything? England and France are bound 
and cannot escape their obligation. 

Are you going to institute a war against Japan and 
France and England to get Shantung back for China? 

That is an operation which does not commend it- 
self to the present generation. — From an address by 
PRESIDENT WILSON at Des Moines, Iowa, Septem- 
ber 6, 1919. 



176 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

pose the Council and by a majority of the Members of the 
League whose representatives compose the Assembly. 

No such amendment shall bind any Member of the League 
which signifies its dissent therefrom, but in that case it shall 
cease to be a Member of the League. 

ANNEX 



I. Original Members of the League of Nations Signatories 

of the Treaty of Peace 

United States of America. Haiti. 

♦Belgium Hedjaz. 

♦Bolivia.. Honduras. 

♦Brazil. ♦Italy. 

♦British Empire. *Japan. 

*Canada. *Liberia. 

♦Australia. Nicaragua. 

♦South Africa. ♦Panama. 

*New Zealand. *Peru. 

*India *Poland. 

fChina. Portugal. 

Cuba. Roumania. 

Ecuador. Serb-Croat-Slovene State. 

♦France. ♦Siam. 

♦Greece. ♦Czecho-Slovakia. 

♦Guatemala. *Uruguay. 

States Invited to Accede to the Covenant 

*Argentine Republic. *Persia. 

*Chili. ' *Salvador. 

♦Colombia. *Spain. 

♦Denmark. *Sweden. 

♦Netherlands. *Switzerland. 

♦Norway. ♦Venezuela. 
♦Paraguay. 

II. First Secretary General of the League of Nations. 
The Honorable Sir James Eric Drummond, K. C. M. G., C. B. 



♦These 29 States have both signed and RATIFIED the 
Treaty, with the Covenant, and are, therefore, Members of 
the League. 

fChina refused to sign the Versailles Treaty with Ger- 
many; she has since signed the Treaty with Austria; when 
she ratifies this she will automatically become a Member of 
the League. 

TAFT DECLARES LEAGUE INEVITABLE 
"My feeling about a League of Nations is that the stars in 
their courses are fighting to make it inevitable. Senator Borah 
can introduce resolutions aimed at entangling alliances. But 
what are we in now? We are in a place where we cannot 
escape it. We went into this war because we were driven into 
it. We were forced into it to defend our rights on the seas. . . . 
If there isn't a League of Nations created at Paris, the whole 
thing is a failure. I don't think it will be a failure. I do think, 
however, that the people at Washington had better get on the 
band wagon immediately." — From speech by EX-PRESIDENT 
TAFT at dinner given by Committee on Information of League 
to Enforce Peace, at New York, December 7, 1918. 



ORGANIZATION AND AIMS 
OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 



Thirty - Seven Countries Have Become Mem- 
bers — United States, Germany, Russia, 
Turkey and Mexico Leading 
Nations Still Outside 



The League is composed of nations which have agreed to 
settle their differences by arbitration and to do all they can 
to prevent war and promote justice in the world. 

The following THIRTY-SEVEN NATIONS ARE NOW 
MEMBERS OF THE LEAGUE because they have both 
signed and ratified the Treaty of Versailles (German Treaty), 
or the Treaty of St. Germain (Austrian Treaty), or else (in 
the case of the thirteen neutral nations invited to join) by 
adhesion: British Empire, China, France, Italy, Japan, Po- 
land, Spain, Belgium, Brazil, Czecho-Slovakia, Netherlands 
(Holland), Rumania, Sweden, Switzerland, Denmark, Nor- 
way, Portugal, Serb-Croat-Slovene State, Argentine Repub- 
lic, Chili, Colombia, Greece, Peru, Bolivia, Guatemala, Haiti, 
Panama, Paraguay, Persia, Salvador, Siam, Uruguay, Vene- 
zuela, Liberia and Hedjaz. Cuba and Nicaragua have actually 
ratified but have not as this is written deposited ratification. 

The principal nations now outside the League besides the 
former enemy Powers AND THE UNITED STATES, are 
Russia, Turkey and Mexico. 

WHAT IT PROPOSES 

The League proposes to promote international cooperation 
and to achieve international peace between all nations in the 
following manner: 

(1) By respecting one another's territory and political in- 
dependence and by combining to punish aggressor nations. 

(2) By submitting to arbitration any dispute likely to lead 
to war and by agreeing to accept the plan of settlement rec- 
ommended. 

(3) By imposing the boycott and if necessary by using 
force, in order to restrain any nation which tries to start 
war — whether or not that nation be a member. 

(4) By inquiring into any matter that threatens to disturb 
the peace and by making any war or threat of war the con- 
cern of the whole League. 

(5) By setting up, and agreeing to resort to, a Permanent 
Court of International Justice. 

(6) By reducing armaments (armies and navies) to the 
smallest force that will guarantee national safety and insure 
the enforcement of international obligations. 

(7) — By putting an end to "secret diplomacy" — filing and 
publishing all future treaties and making void existing 
treaties which conflict with the purpose of the League. 

(8) BY RECOGNIZING THE MONROE DOCTRINE 
AND APPLYING IT TO THE WHOLE WORLD. 

(9) By helping weak and small nations created by the war 
to the attainment of full self-government by the appointment 

177 



178 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

of mandatories ("Big Brothers") over them until they are 
able to take care of themselves. 

(10) By promoting humanitarian work: by urging legisla- 
tion for the betterment of the conditions of labor (men, 
women and children); by securing free communication and 
transit and the just treatment of commerce; by regulating the 
traffic in opium and other dangerous drugs; by taking mea- 
sures for the control and prevention of disease and by en- 
couraging and assisting the work of the Red Cross. 

HISTORY OF THE COVENANT 

The Covenant which forms Part I of the Treaty of Peace 
with Germany, is the CONSTITUTION cf the League of 
Nations. The Treaty itself is a long document consisting 
of fifteen parts. Altogether it contains 440 articles, only 
twenty-six of them having to do with the League of Nations. 
In one publication the Treaty makes 260 pages of small type; 
the Covenant makes onlv thirteen pages of the 260. IT IS 
ONLY A LITTLE MORE THAN ONE-HALF AS LONG 
AS THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
It is written for the most part in plain language (although 
containing some technical terms) and is easily understand- 
able by any one who really wants to understand it. 

The Peace Conference, which drafted the League of Na- 
tions Covenant, met on January 12, 1919. The Treaty, in- 
cluding the Covenant, was signed on June 28, 1919 — five 
months and sixteen days later. 

The Treaty was submitted to the United States Senate on 
July 10, 1919, and finally rejected on March 9, 1920 — eight 
months and nine days later. 

IT TOOK THE SENATE NEARLY THREE MONTHS 
LONGER TO DEBATE AND REJECT THE TREATY 
THAN IT TOOK THE DELEGATES OF THE PEACE 
CONFERENCE TO FRAME IT AND AGREE UPON IT. 
In fact, it took them nearly five months longer, for the final 
text of the Covenant was formally adopted at a plenary ses- 
sion of the Peace Conference on April 28, 1919. 

It is a mistake to think that the making of the Covenant 
was the work of any one man, either President Wilson, or 
Lloyd George, or Clemenceau, or Baron Sonnino, or Baron 
Makino. It was in fact drafted by a special committee ap- 
pointed by the delegates of all the nations represented at the 
Peace Conference. President Wilson was made chairman of 
the committee. Including the experts, probably 500 of the 
best minds shared in the work of framing the terms of the 
Covenant. It was adopted by unanimous agreement. 

EXPLANATION OF COVENANT 

The Preamble states the purpose for which the League of 
Nations was formed: To achieve peace for the world by an 
agreement among the nations not to resort to war; to bring 
about open, just and honorable relations between them, to 
establish international law and provide for its observance; to 
require respect for all Treaty obligations. 

Article I — Provides that, in addition to the original mem- 
bers named in the Covenant, any self-governing State (Na- 
tion, Dominion or Colony), may join if approved by a two- 
thirds majority of the Assembly. PROVISION IS ALSO 
MADE FOR THE WITHDRAWAL OF ANY MEMBER. 

Four nations (San Marino, Luxembourg, Iceland, Georgia) 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 179 

have already applied for admission. They will be proposed 
for membership at the first meeting of the Assembly on No- 
vember 15. 

If at any time the United States should become dissatis- 
fied with the operation of the League, this Article provides 
a simple and easy plan for it to withdraw. After giving two 
years' notice of its intention to withdraw, for which no reason 
is required, it would automatically cease to be a member. 

Article 2 — Provides that the League shall be composed of 
two bodies: an Assembly and a Council. 

In certain respects these two bodies correspond to the 
lower and upper houses of a Congress, but, strictly speaking, 
the Assembly is more like a parliamentary body (or legisla- 
ture), and the Council more like a responsible cabinet with 
limited executive powers. 

Article 3-r-Provides for an Assembly (or Body of Dele- 
gates) made up from one to three representatives from each 
member of the League. No member nation is to have more 
than one vote. 

This is the Article under which it is asserted by opponents 
of the League that Great Britain would have six votes to one 
by the United States, because Australia, Canada, New Zea- 
land and South Africa (British Dominions) and India (Brit- 
ish Colony) are members of the Assembly. 

A complete answer is that the Council and not the Assem- 
bly is the real governing body of the League. Great Britain 
has but one vote in this Council and none of her Dominions 
is a member. But even if, at. any future time, the Dominions 
were to have a representative in the Council, all action taken 
must be by unanimous consent and the representative of the 
United States (whether one or more) would always be able 
to exercise the power of veto. 

Article 4 — Provides for a Council of nine members, the 
United States, Great Britain, France, Italy and Japan, always 
having one member each. The other four members will be 
selected from time to time by the Assembly — these being 
planned to rotate memberships among the smaller nations. 
Each member has but one vGte. The Council, with the ap- 
proval of the Assembly, can increase its membership. 



LEAGUE DOOMS MILITARISM, DECLARES 
HERBERT HOOVER 



T^O me every line of the covenant (of the League 
of Nations) is the complete negation of mili- 
tarism. During the course of negotiations in Paris 
that fact stood out with regard to the League. Oppo- 
sition to it there arose entirely from the representatives 
of the old militaristic regimes and from the reaction- 
aries of the world in general. . . . They had the vision 
to see and even openly to state that it would mean 
the ultimate abandonment of military force in the 
world. — From an address by HERBERT HOOVER at 
Leland Stanford University, October 3, 1919. 



180 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

Article 5 — Provides that all decisions of the Assembly and 
the Council shall be by unanimous vote of all members rep- 
resented at the meeting except where otherwise expressly 
provided. 

Article 6 — Provides for a General Secretary, with a staff 
of associates and assistants. 

The "Secretariat" is the administrative branch of the 
League and is similar to the various departments of our Gov- 
ernment, such as Post Office Department, Department of the 
Interior, etc. 

Article 7 — Provides for the establishment of the seat of 
the League at Geneva, Switzerland. It is stipulated that all 
positions under or in connection with the League shall be 
open to women equally with men. 

Article 8 — Provides for the general reduction of armaments, 
and for the revision, at least every ten years, of such plans as 
have been accepted and adopted by the several Governments. 

Article 9 — Provides for a permanent commission to advise 
the Council in carrying out the first eight Articles of the Cov- 
enant. 

Under Article 8 each Nation agrees to give the Council in- 
formation concerning its armaments. The Council can then 
recomment what reductions, in its judgment, should be made, 
each Nation acting for itself, under its own laws, with full 
regard for its own safety. 

Article 10 — Provides that the members of the League shall 
respect and guarantee each other's sovereignty against exter- 
nal aggression. In the event of such aggression, or in case 
aggression is threatened, the Council shall advise how this 
obligation of mutual defense against a covenant-breaking na- 
tion shall be carried out. 

This limits the League to action only in cases of outside 
attacks on the territory or independence of its members and 
does not apply in cases of rebellion or revolution or CiviJ 
war, which are considered domestic affairs, or matters for 
each nation to deal with inside its own borders. The League 
does not provide for any regulation of the domestic or inter- 



WOULD ISOLATE AMERICA IN A 
WORLD FULLY ARMED 



HP HIS country, if it wishes to stand alone, must standi 
alone as a part of a world in arms. . . . The or- 
ganization contemplated by the League of Nations 
without the United States would merely be an alliance 
and not a League of Nations. It would be an alliance 
in which the partnership would be between the more 
^powerful European nations and Japan, and the other 
party to the world arrangement, the antagonist, the 
disassociated party, the party standing off to be 
watched by the alliance, would be the United States 
of America. There can be no League of Nations in 
the true sense without the partnership of this great 
people. — From PRESIDENT WILSON'S address at the 
Coliseum, St. Louis, Mo., September 5, 1919. 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 181 

nal affairs of any nation. Only when such rebellion or revo- 
lution actually threatens the peace of the world could the 
League take action to preserve world peace, which is the main 
purpose for which the League was formed. 

In case of an outside attack upon the territory or inde- 
pendence of a member nation, the only "action" the Council 
could take on its own authority would be to advise action in 
fulfilment of the Covenant obligation and this would have to 
be unanimous. If the representatives of the United States 
on the Council voted with the other eight members to recom- 
mend the use of force against any nation or nations which at- 
tacked members of the League, such action on our part could 
be taken only with the express approval of Congress, which 
is the only power in this country authorized by the Constitu- 
tion to declare war. >' 

The principle of Article 10 is the principle of the Monroe 
Doctrine (a guarantee of sovereignty) applied to the whole 
world. That this principle makes for peace and not for war 
is shown by the test of experience, as stated so clearly by 
Governor Cox in his speech of acceptance, referring to the 
Monroe Doctrine as follows: 

Skeptics viewed Monroe's mandate with alarm, pre- 
dicting recurrent wars in defense of Central and South 
American States, whose guardians they alleged we need 
not be. And yet not a shot has been fired in almost one 
hundred years in preserving sovereign rights on this 
hemisphere. 

Article 11 — Provides that, in the event of an emergency aris- 
ing which seriously threatens the immedate disturbance of 
peace, any member of the League may, through the Secretary 
General, summon a meeting of the Council forthwith. Any 
war, whether directly affecting any of the members of the 
League or not, is declared to be a matter of concern to the 
whole League, which shall take such action as it may deem 
wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations. 

This gives the League the right to deal with matters which 
if permitted to develop, might endanger the peace of the 
world, before the peace has actually been broken. 

Article 12 — Provides that members of the League must sub- 
mit to arbitration or to inquiry by the Council, any dispute 
which is likely to lead to war, and must not resort to\ war 
until three months after the award by the arbitrators or ±hV 
report of the Council. The Council shaHhatfe sixlmontbscijr 
which to conduct its inquiry, rrendftrii^s^xifron^and mak«aitr 
recommendations, hn ;: ~s*§- 

Article 13 — Provides for the arbitration of wliat are called 
"justifiable, matteus;? ntfca*Tlsp&atte^:whicfci-are prober tdlae 
examined byt a court of justice t and states What matter* shall 
be so cbnadered,osuchl:a*Jt!ie meaning o£ & trea^yivV^tiestfdiis; 
ofcinternartionai law; if afti&ti to keep obligations tfes kitttfrliaa 
amouaaAsef xeparatibiif < judgment; ifiHfesV etc,>f klu& rftsmbebteet 
the League agreeLtoccaUfyfioiittnef decisions iftog$o^->faitfr*af*# 
pledge themsgiye^ np-t-to resort to war with: a, member whiph 
does so? j- »■» a • . 

Article 14 — Provide^ for the formtriatieitoof plansi fbrvtte' 
establishment of a perj»*j^o±i Court : £ ^tsfhationat justi*^ 
competent to hear and decide all cases submitted to it ami to 
givfc advisory opinions to the Council and AssemT?lyYin^4ifr 
putes referred to it by them. 



182 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

In compliance with the provisions of this Article a commit- 
tee of twelve jurists of international reputation was appointed 
at the second session of the Council of the League of Nations, 
held at London, February 13, 1920. Mr. Elihu Root, Secretary 
of State in President Roosevelt's Cabinet, was one of these 
jurists selected to draft a "convention" (detail plan or scheme 
of organization) for the establishment of this international 
tribunal. Mr. Root did not represent the United States offi- 
cially, as this country is not yet a member of the League. 

A plan, devised and agreed upon by this committee, was 
approved by the Council at its sixth session at San Sebastian. 
After the plan has been approved by the League Assembly, 
the Court will be set up at the Hague. 

Article 15 — Provides for the settlement by conciliation (by 
the Council or Assembly of the League) of disputes which 
cannot be settled by diplomacy and which are not formally sub- 
mitted to a court of arbitration. If the Council fails to settle 
the dispute it shall publish a report of its findings as to the 
facts together with its recommendations. The members of 
the League agree not to go to war with any party to the dis- 
pute which complies with the recommendations of the Coun- 
cil. If the Council finds that the matter in dispute is a do- 
mestic one it will so report and make no recommendation of 
settlement. If the Council reaches a unanimous agreement on 
the dispute arid fails to get the assent of either or both par- 
ties to the dispute, it may take such action as it considers 
necessary to maintain right and justice. Provision is made 
for the Council to refer disputes to the Assembly, but the find- 
ings must have a majority of the Assembly in addition to the 
members who are represented in the Council. 

Article 16 — Provides that any member of the League which 
goes to war without first having recourse to the means of 
peaceful settlement afforded by Articles 12, 13, or 15, shall be 
deemed to have committed an act of war against all other 
members of the League, and provides for a boycott of the 
offending nations, as follows: The nations in the League to 
sever ail trade, and financial relations with the offender, to 
stop all intercourse between the people of the offending na- 
tions and the people of the other League nations and prevent 
all financial, commercial or personal intercourse between the 
tifiwtj©brjeaking nations and the people of any other nation, 
wHttteraiDlBiihhasraoi t£ie League or not. The Council will 
iBC«rftSBomi3wai»l7idrttel8liiihbe used and the members agree 
tstis^porf)ii&cJnaD^kEi8jiHiibe9me^tur.es, taken to uphold the 
agreements of the League; the offending nation to be expelled 

d§Bbd 9ib HSHto noilBilidiB 9di ioi zMvoiH.— u 
9<5"b* 1&$mq tthiffoitfate&&Btk$zCSBito2i&ottBtA<bihe cora- 
dlfi*&3fc'&}tj£rft ffidw «3fftr$e dsfdas^soi^DhlKs. itoowarlgtf fiErfncould 
?sabb@$D$w^$&yi$3$ l&ygRtnjsmraihiakidnaao^SaebiancfacBi or 
4ta&i»&I Mi s, Wi*&#Moeq&9Bl oft taarffett1;wffoteBpi*im:pdrBofr} 

4^fi^i^tfc^^§ojtitfib^fc»3fts3H*3*ciod^itK±>0]fds53ajs augs* 

rf^fefm^D^sft^ 

tain obligations by joining the League, the "when" and the 

'Ssb^6bfetislqelobKg&t»farsio% ^diidttd tfcsfttreague just as they 

^•itfitft/^fi^tt«^*^ri©s*titfatettox«to«i9 r * 

° ^rtrcfe.v — ProvKres for seufinff. disputes between members 

-2iDTm T vIcrm933A,DnB lionuqP air f v 

ot the League and non-members; and, when both parties are 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 183 

non-members, first by inviting the non-member (or non-mem- 
bers) to joint the League. If a non-member state refuses 
to join the League (and accept the obligation of mem- 
bership), and makes war on a member of the League, the 
Council will take action as provided in Article 16. If both 
parties refuse to accept membership the Council may recom- 
mend such action as will prevent war and settle the dispute. ( 

Article 18 — Provides that every treaty or agreement be- 
tween nations hereafter made by any member of the League 
shall be registered with the Secretary's office and published 
by it. No treaty or agreement shall be considered binding 
unless and until so registered. 

Article 19 — Provides that the Assembly may advise the re- 
consideration of treaties already in existence and may call at- 
tention to conditions which, if continued, might endanger 
peace. 

Article 20 — Provides that the acceptance of the Covenant 
of the League of Nations shall abrogate (make void) all 
treaties inconsistent with its terms; and the members pledge 
themselves not to enter into any treaty hereafter that is 
inconsistent with the League agreement. 

Article 21 — Provides that nothing in the Covenant shall 
affect such understandings as the Monroe Doctrine or such 
other agreements as make for peace. 

This is the first time since the Monroe Doctrine was af- 
firmed, nearly a hundred years ago, that it has been officially 
recognized by the nations of the world. 

Article 22 — Provides for Mandatories for the colonies and 
territories now independent of the States which formerly gov- 
erned them, referring particularly to those formerly under 
Turkey and Germany. A permanent commission will be 
formed to examine the annual reports which must be made 
by the Mandatories, and to advise the Council in matters re- 
lating thereto. 

A mandatory is a trustee or agent who cares for property or 
interests placed in his hands. In this case a mandatory would 
be a "Big Brother" to the small and weak nations created by 
the war. 

The United States, since the Spanish-American War, has 
practically been the mandatory for the Philippines and Cuba. 
We have never thought of either as colonies to be exploited, 
but as temporary dependencies, to be trained for self-govern- 
ment. Cuba has already received her freedom at our hands 
and we are pledged to give the Filipinos their independence so 
soon as they have proved themselves ready for it. 

Article 23 — Provides that the League shall use its best en- 
deavors to maintain fair and humane conditions of labor; to 
secure just treatment of native inhabitants in territory under 
control of League members; to supervise the fulfilment of 
agreements with regard to traffic in women and children and 
the traffic in opium and other dangerous drugs; to supervise 
trade in arms and ammunition in countries in which it is nec- 
essary to control this traffic; to secure freedom of communi- 
cation and transit and equitable treatment for the commerce 
of all members of the League and to take steps for the pre- 
vention and control of disease. 

All these humanitarian enterprise* are in the nature of vol- 
untary cooperation. The benefits of one country's experience 



;s4 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 



would be made available to all countries through such instru- 
mentalities as the International Labor Office and the Interna- 
tional Labor Conference. Thus the best intelligence and com- 
mon conscience of the world are made available for each 
nation. 

Article 24 — Provides for placing all international bureaus 
and commissions under the League, thus preventing dupli- 
cation of effort. 

Article 25 — Provides that the League shall encourage and 
promote voluntary national Red Cross organizations. 

Article 26 — Provides for amending the Covenant by unani- 
mous vote of the Council and a majority of the Assembly. 

The Constitution of the United States was improved by the 
adoption of ten amendments (the Bill of Rights) within two 
years after its ratification. 

Norway, Denmark and Sweden have already proposed four 
amendments to the Covenant of the League of Nations. 



G. O. P. FOSTERS ANARCHY 



'T-HE people of this country are, getting very 
tired of hearing about Republican efforts 
of "organization against socialism and the in- 
creasing drift toward lawlessness," when the 
failure of the Republican Senators to approve 
the Peace Treaty and the League of Nations is 
stimulating, more than anything else, the in- 
creasing drift toward lawlessness and anarchy. 
The people of the country .know what they 
want, and if I am any judge of the temper of 
the people, they intend to have this Peace 
Treaty approved now and without any more 
delay. I AM DISGUSTED WITH THE SO- 
CALLED REPUBLICAN LEADERS AND 1 
AM NOT A WILSON MAN, either personally 
or politically. On the other hand, I am not in 
favor of LETTING THE COUNTRY DRIFT 
TO THE DEVIL WHILE REPUBLICAN 
LEADERS PLAY HORSE.— From letter of 
former GOVERNOR FRANK D. JACKSON, 
of Iowa (Republican), replying to Representa- 
tive Riddick asking a contribution to the Re- 
publican organization. 



THREAT OF FUTURE WAR 
"The passions of this world are not dead. The rivalries of 
this world have not cooled. They have been rendered hotter 
than ever. The harness that is to unite nations is more neces- 
sary now than it ever was before, and unless there is assurance 
of combined action before wrong is attempted, wrong will be 
attempted just as soon as the most ambitious nation can recover 
from the financial stress o| the war." — PRESIDENT WILSON 
at Columbus, Ohio, September 4, 1919. 



REPUBLICAN VIEWS IN 1906 
ON TREATY-MAKING POWER 



Vy HEN in the past Republican Presidents have undertaken 
to negotiate treaties with foreign governments, Repub- 
lican leaders have taken the position that the conduct 
of foreign affairs was vested exclusively in the Executive. 
But when a Democratic President undertook to negotiate a 
treaty, Republican leaders of a Republican Congress demand- 
ed that they should be made parties to the negotiations, and 
tried by every means to embarrass and handicap President 
Wilson while he sat at the Council table in Paris. In this 
connection the remarks of the late John C. Spooner, former 
Senator from Wisconsin and one of the greatest constitu- 
tional lawyers ever identified with the Republican Party, and 
those of Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, delivered in the Senate 
in January, 1906, during a discussion of the sending of Ameri- 
can delegates to the Algeciras conference, are interesting as 
illustrating the remarkable facility with which the Republican 
Party can shift its position on public questions when political 
exigencies require it. 

POWER IN PRESIDENT EXCLUSIVELY 

Senator Spooner, speaking in the Senate January 23, 1906, 
said: 

"THE SENATE HAS NOTHING TO DO WITH THE 
NEGOTIATION OF TREATIES OR THE CONDUCT 
OF OUR FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND RELATIONS 
SAVE THE EXERCISE OF THE ONE CONSTITU- 
TIONAL FUNCTION OF ADVICE AIID CONSENT 
which the Constitution requires as a precedent condition to 
the making of a treaty. . . . From the foundation of the gov- 
ernment, it has been conceded in practice and in theory that 
the Constitution vests the power of negotiation and the vari- 
ous phases — and they are multifarious — of the conduct of our 
foreign relations — EXCLUSIVELY IN THE PRESI- 
DENT. . . . The words 'advice and consent of the Senate' 
are used in the Constitution with reference to the Senate's 
participation in the making of a treaty and are well translated 
by the word 'ratification' popularly used in this connection. 
The President negotiates the treaty to begin with. He may 
employ such agencies as he chooses to negotiate the proposed 

treaty THE SENATE HAS NO RIGHT TO DEMAND 

THAT HE SHALL UNFOLD TO THE WORLD OR TO 
IT, EVEN IN EXECUTIVE SESSION, HIS INSTRUC- 
TIONS OR THE PROSPECT OR PROGRESS OF THE 
NEGOTIATIONS. . . . When he shall have negotiated and 
sent his proposed treaty to the Senate, the jurisdiction of this 
body attaches and its power begins." 

INDORSEMENT BY LODGE 

Senator Lodge, speaking later, gave his complete indorse- 
ment to the position assumed by Senator Spooner by saying: 

"I don't think it is possible for anybody to make any addi- 
tion to the masterly statement in regard to the powers of the 
President in treaty making, . . . which we have heard from the 
Senator from Wisconsin this afterifoon." 

185 



186 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

On the following day Senator Lodge, in a more elaborate 
statement, used these words: 

"No one, I think, can doubt the absolute power of the 
President to initiate and carry on all negotiations. . . . There 
is no doubt that the Senate can, by resolution, advise the 
President to enter upon a negotiation or to advise the Presi- 
dent to refrain from a negotiation, BUT THESE RESOLU- 
TIONS HAVE NO BINDING FORCE WHATSOEVER, 
and the action of the Senate becomes operative and actually 
effective only when a treaty is actually submitted to it. WE 
HAVE NO POSSIBLE RIGHT TO BREAK SUDDENLY 
INTO THE MIDDLE OF A NEGOTIATION AND DE- 
MAND FROM THE PRESIDENT WHAT INSTRUC- 
TIONS HE HAS GIVEN TO HIS REPRESENTATIVE. 
THAT PART OF TREATY-MAKING IS NO CONCERN 
OF OURS. ... IT IS A MERE INVASION OF THE 
POWERS AND RIGHTS OF THE PRESIDENT if we 
are to plunge in at a stage of the negotiations when we have 
no business and demand from him the instructions which he 
has given to his properly appointed representative. When the 
treaty made by those representatives comes before us then is 
the time and not before, in which we can properly ask for 
information in regard to all which led up to it." 

"ENTANGLING ALLIANCES" 

Cn the same day Senator Lodge committed himself as to 
the use of the words 'advice and consent'; he also expressed 
some ideas concerning "entangling alliances" which are very 
pertinent. Senator Lodge, on the day mentioned, that is, Jan- 
uary 24, 1906, speaking in the Senate, said: 

"The idea that there is something very strange and very novel 
in our joining with other nations in the settlement by treaty of 
matters affecting "commercial questions, or indeed other ques- 
tions, is a -wholly mistaken one. 

"The famous warning against 'entangling alliances' which 
is embodied in Washington's Farewell Address, as everyone 
is aware, grew out of the trouble which Washington endured 
on account of our alliances with France. . . . But he was alto- 
gether too sensible and too practical a man to suppose that 
because we were not to engage in alliances which might in- 
volve us in the wars of Europe, in which we had no concern, 
therefore we were never to engage in any agreements with 
any nation of Europe, no matter how beneficial they might 
be to the world at large or to ourselves. . „ . 

"If the principle were carried out that we were never to 
join with any other countries, that entangling alliances meant 
anything of that kind, most of the great and beneficial things 
which have been achieved by international agreement would 
have become impossible to us. 

"It is the policy of the United States to be at peace; but 
more than that the policy and interest of the United States 
alike demand the peace of the world, and IT IS NOT TO BE 
SUPPOSED FOR A MOMENT THAT WE ARE NEVER 
TO EXERT OUR GREAT MORAL INFLUENCE OR TO 
USE OUR GOOD OFFICES FOR THE MAINTENANCE 
OF THE WORLD'S PEACE." 



Great in War, Great in Peace, fclie Democratic Party 
Stands on Its Record. 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS URGED 
BY LODGE AND ROOSEVELT 



President Wilson Quotes Sentiments Ex- 
pressed by Leaders of Republican 
Party, Whole-heartedly Indorsing 
Principle Underlying Covenant 
of Union to Preserve Peace 



"TF anybody discusses this question on the basis of party 
A advantage, I repudiate him as a fellow American. And 
in order to validate what I have said, I want to make one 
or two quotations from representatives of a party to which 
I do not belong. The first I shall make from a man who 
has for a long time been a member of the United States 
Senate. In May, 1916, just about two years after the great 
war began, this Senator, at a banquet at which I was myself 
present, uttered the following sentences: 

" 'I know, and no one I think can know better than one 
who has served long in the Senate, which is charged with an 
important share of the ratification and confirmation of all 
treaties; no one can, I think, feel more deeply than I do 
the difficuties which confront us in the work which this 
league — that is, the great association extending throughout 
the country known as the League to Enforce Peace — under- 
takes, but the difficulties can not be overcome unless we try 
to overcome them. I believe much can be done. 

" 'Probably it will be impossible to stop all wars, but it 
certainly will be possible to stop some wars, and thus di- 
minish their number. THE WAY IN WHICH THIS 
PROBLEM MUST BE WORKED OUT MUST BE LEFT 
TO THIS LEAGUE AND TO THOSE WHO ARE GIV- 
ING THIS GREAT SUBJECT THE STUDY WHICH IT 
DESERVES. 

" 'I know the obstacles. I know how quickly we shall 
be met with the statement that this is a dangerous question 
which you are putting into your agreement, that no nation 
can submit to the judgment of other nations, and we must 
be careful at the beginning not to attempt too much. 

" 'I know the difficulties which arise when we speak of 
anything which seems to involve an alliance, but I do not 
believe that when Washington warned us against entangling 
alliances he meant for one moment that we should not join 
with the other civilized nations of the world if a method 
could be found to diminish war and encourage peace. 

" 'It was a year ago,' he continues, 'in delivering the 
Chancellor's address at Union College, I made an argument 
on this theory, that if we were to promote international 
peace at the close of the present terrible war, if we were to 
restore international law as it must be restored, WE MUST 
FIND SOME WAY IN WHICH THE UNITED FORCES 
OF THE NATIONS COULD BE PUT BEHIND THE 
CAUSE OF PEACE AND LAW. I said then that my 
hearers might think I was picturing a Utopia, but it is in 

187 



188 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

the search for Utopias that great discoveries have been 
made. Not failure, but low aim, is the crime. 

" 'This League certainly has the highest of ail aims for 
the benefit of humanity, and because the pathway is sown 
with difficulties is no reason that we should turn from it.' 

"The quotation is from Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge. 

"I read another quotation from one of the most energetic, 
practical and distinguished leaders of the Republican Party, 
uttered in an article published in the New York Times in 
October, 1919: 

' 'The one permanent move for obtaining peace which has 
yet been suggested with a reasonable chance of obtaining 
its object is by an agreement among the great powers, in 
which each should pledge itself not only to abide by the 
decisions of a common tribunal, but to back with force the 
decision of a common tribunal. THE GREAT CIVILIZED 
NATIONS OF THE WORLD which do possess force, 
actually or immediately potential, SHOULD COMBINE 
BY SOLEMN AGREEMENT IN A GREAT WORLD 
LEAGUE FOR THE PEACE OF RIGHTEOUSNESS.' 

"A very worthy utterance by Theodore Roosevelt. 

"I am glad to align myself with such utterances as those. 
I subscribe to every word of them. And here in concrete 
form is the fulfillment of the plan which they advocate. 
We can not in reason, we cannot as lovers of liberty, we 
cannot as supporters of right turn away from it." — From 
President Wilson's address at stadium, San Diego, Calif., Sept. 
10, 1919. 

LODGE'S COMMENT ON LODGE 

"It is an interesting comment, as it were, on Senator 
Lodge of 1919 by Senator Lodge of 1916," says the Hartford 
(Conn.) Times, reproducing the following from the Chicago 
Evening Post: 

"The other day we ran across the proceedings of the 
first annual convention of the League to Enforce Peace. 
It was held on May 26 and 27, 1916, in the Capital City. 

"Running down the contents table our eye was caught by 
the name of Henry Cabot Lodge. Now, Senator Lodge not 
long since expressed at some length his opposition to the 
League of Nations idea, that found its first strong advocacy 
in America through the organization of the League to En- 
force Peace and that has become one of the great world 
issues to be considered at the Versailles conference. 

"Hence, we turned curiously to the pages on which ap- 
peared the 1916 speech of Senator Lodge. We found there 
rather interesting and significant passages in the Senator's 
eloquent utterances: 

" 'This league certainly has the highest of all aims for 
the benefit of humanity, and oecause the pathway is sown 
with difficulties is no reason that we should turn from it. 
It is the vision of a perhaps impossible perfection that has 
led humanity across the centuries. If our aspirations are 
for that which is great and beautifu' and good and beneficent 



Tried and proved in the greatest task that ever fell 
to a Government, the Democratic Party can be trusted 
to meet and solve the problems of the new age. 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 189 

to humanity, even when we do not achieve our end, even 
if the results are little, we can at least remember Arnold's 
lines: 

'Charge, then, and be dumb, 

Let the victors, when they come, 

When the frost of folly fall, 

Find your body at the wall !' 

"Earlier in his speech Senator Lodge declared: 
'"The limit of voluntary arbitration has, I think, been 
reached. ... I think the next step is that which this 
league proposes, and that it is to put force . behind inter- 
national peace. We may not solve it in that way, but if 
we cannot solve it in that way, it can be solved in no other.' " 



THE EXISTING LEAGUE 



\f7H Y close our eyes to actual world conditions ? 
™ A LEAGUE OF NATIONS ALREADY 
EXISTS. IT IS NOT A PROJECT, IT IS A 
FACT. WE MUST EITHER ENTER IT OR 
REMAIN OUT OF IT. 

What nations have actually signed and ratified 
the treaty? 

Brazil, Bolivia, Great Britain, Canada, Austra- 
lia, South Africa, New Zealand, India, Czecho- 
slovakia, Guatemala, Liberia, Panama, Peru, 
Uruguay, Siam, Greece, Poland, Japan, Italy, 
France and Belgium. 

What neutral states, invited to join the League, 
have actually done so? 

Norway, Venezuela, the Netherlands, Den- 
mark, Colombia, Chile, Argentina, Paraguay, 
Persia, Salvador, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland. 

Even China will become a member when she 
ratifies the Austrian treaty. 

Germany has signed and is preparing to take 
the place which awaits her in the League of 
Nations. 

WHAT NATIONS STAND OUTSIDE? REV- 
OLUTIONARY MEXICO, BOLSHEVIST RUS- 
SIA, UNSPEAKABLE TURKEY AND— THE 
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

It is not yet too late. Let us stand with the 
forces of civilization. The choice is plain. It is 
between the Democratic Party's support of the 
League of Nations, with its program of peace, 
disarmament and world fraternity, and the Re- 
publican Party's platform of repudiation, provin- 
cialism, militarism and world chaos. — Extract 
from keynote speech of Homer Cummings, as 
temporary chairman of Democratic National 
Convention, June 28, 1920. 



190 LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

ROOSEVELT FAVORED LEAGUE 

The one permanent move for obtaining peace which has 
yet been suggested, with any reasonable chance of attaining its 
object, is by an agreement among the great powers, in which 
each should pledge itself not only to abide by the decisions of a 
common tribunal, but to back with force the decision of the 
common tribunal. THE GREAT CIVILIZED NATIONS OF 
THE WORLD WHICH DO POSSESS FORCE, ACTUAL OR 
IMMEDIATELY POTENTIAL, SHOULD COMBINE BY SOL- 
EMN AGREEMENT IN A GREAT WORLD LEAGUE FOR THE 
PEACE OF RIGHTEOUSNESS. 



Such a scheme as the one briefly outlined will not bring per- 
fect justice any more than under municipal law we obtain per- 
fect justice, but it will mark an immeasurable advance on any- 
thing now existing, for it will mean that at last a long stride 
has been taken in the effort to put the collective strength of 
civilized mankind to secure the peace of righteousness, the 
peace cf justice, among the nations of the earth. — From an 
article by THEODORE ROOSEVELT in the "New York Times," 
October 19, 1914. 



Did your son give his life in the Great War that it 
might breed a thousand other wars? He fought to 
destroy war. The League of Nations was his goal. 



TAFT DEFENDS ARTICLE X. 



'T 1 HE arguments against Article X which have been 
most pressed are those directed to showing that 
under its obligations the United States can be forced 
into many wars and to burdensome expeditionary 
forces to protect countries in which it has no legiti- 
mate interest. This objection will not bear examina- 
tion. * * * * 

* * * * How much will it involve us in war? 
Little, if any. In the first place, the universal boycott, 
first to be applied, will impose upon most nations such 
a withering isolation and starvation that in most cases 
it will be effective. In the second place, we'll not be 
drawn into any war in which it will not be reasonable 
and convenient for us to render efficient aid, because 
the plan of the council must be approved by our rep- 
resentatives, as already explained. In the third place, 
the threat of the universal boycott, and the union of 
overwhelming forces of the members of the League, if 
need be, will hold every nation from violating Article 
X and Articles XII, XIII and XV, unless there is a 
world conspiracy, as in this war, in which case the 
earlier we get into the war the better. — WILLIAM 
HOWARD TAFT, in Philadelphia "Public Ledger," 
April 30, 1919. 



LODGE ONCE CHAMPION 

OF LEAGUE OF NATIONS 



Excerpts from editorial, Springfield (Mass.) ''Daily Republi- 
can/' March, 1919. 

W/'HEN the world war came, the League of Nations found 
** in Mr. Lodge an early advocate. In his Union College 
address, June 9, 1915, the Senator declared: 

The great nations must be so united as to be able to 
say to any single country, you must not go to war, 
and they can only say that effectively when the country 
desiring war knows that the force which the united 
cations place behind peace is irresistible. . . . It may 
seem Utopian at this- moment to suggest a union of 
civilized nations in order to put a controlling force be- 
hind the maintenance cf peace and international order 
but ... it is along this path that we must travel if 
we are to attain in any measure to the end we all 
desire of peace upon earth. 

******** 

Mr. Roosevelt, in October, 1914, had already written that 
"the great civilized nations of the world which do possess 
force, actual or immediately potential, should combine by 
solemn agreement in a great world league for the peace of 
righteousness." Senator Lodge, himself, in May, 1916, went 
so far as to indorse the program of the American League 
to Enforce Peace with which Mr. Taft is identified. Said 
the Senator: , 

I know how quickly we shall be met with the state- **«. 
ment that this is a dangerous question which you are 
putting into your agreement; that no nation can submit 
to the judgment of other nations; and we must be care- 
ful at the beginning not to attempt too much. I know 
the difficulties which arise when we speak of anything 
which seems to involve an alliance. But I do not believe 
that when Washington warned us against entangling 
alliances he meant for one moment that we should not 
join with other civilized nations of the world, if a method 
could be found to diminish war and encourage peace. 

The limit of voluntary arbitration has, I think, been 
reached. ... I think the next step is that which this 
league proposes, and that is to put force behind inter- 
national peace. We may not solve it in that way but 
it can be solved in no other. 

In that utterance of Mr. Lodge in 1916 we have also the 
answer to the warning of Mr. Lodge in the Senate yester- 
day against "entangling alliances.". 

Few men have done so much as Mr. Lodge to force 
tills country into its present position with relation to 
Europe — a position which now seems to alarm him to 
the depths of his soul. 

President Wilson did not espouse the idea of the League 
of Nations until after Mr. Lodge did; and when he did 
espouse it he was warranted in thinking that he could count 
on Mr. Lodge's support. The Massachusetts Senator, fur- 

191 



192 



LEAGUE OF NATIONS 



thermore, by his attacks on the administration's neutrality, 
helped to carry the country into the war against the central 
powers and thus to execute an intervention in European 
affairs that was wholly without precedent and has resulted 
in entirely destroying the old European balance of power. 

Mr. Lodge went even farther than that in creating the 
present situation. In his speeches in the last few months 
he has demanded that the political reorganization of Europe 
be effected in a particular way. If Mr. Lodge was in favor 
of the return of America to the isolation and Monroeism 
of past generations why has he recently insisted that the 
terms of peace provide for the establishment of the inde- 
pendent states of Poland, Bohemia, . T iigo-Slavia, Lithuania 
and Armenia, for the separation of Constantinople from 
Turkey and its maintenance by the Allies as a free port, lor 
the autonomy of Palestine, the return of Schleswig to Den- 
mark and the neutralization of the Kiel Canal? 

WHAT BUSINESS OF THE UNITED STATES IS IT 
HOW EUROPE IS REORGANIZED IF WE ARE TO 
RETURN TO OUR ISOLATION? 



"The income from war-made fortunes, those of non-pro- 
ducers and those derived from industries that exist by unfair 
privilege may be able to carry their present load, BUT TAXES 
ON THE EARNINGS OF THE WAGE-EARNER, OF THE 
SALARIED AND PROFESSIONAL MAN, OF THE AGRI- 
CULTURAL PRODUCER AND OF THE SMALL TRADES- 
MAN SHOULD BE SHARPLY MODIFIED."— From JAMES M. 
"COX'S Speech of Acceptance, August 7, 1920. 



REPUBLICAN PARTY VICTIM 

OF CHRONIC SLEEPING-SICKNESS 



r P HIS peace resolution is a sugar-coated pill pre- 
scribed by Dr. Lodge to be taken by all regular 
Republicans before thinking. It is painless as 'well as 
senseless and will in effect put the stamp of approval 
of the House of Representatives on the action of the 
Treaty -wreckers in the Senate. If you are a Repub- 
lican and are sick it will make you well, and if you 
are well it will make you better. 

Would to God it might cure the Republican 
Party of the sleeping-sickness that has kept it 
from doing anything constructive since they 
captured control of the House and Senate, ex- 
cept to criticize the Democrats. 

How about the reforms Republicans were to put 
into effect when they came into control? . Where is 
the budget? What have they done about the taxes? 
How have they reduced the high cost of living? — 

REPRESENTATIVE FULLER (Republican), in the 
House of Representatives, April 9, 1920. 



WINNING 
THE WAR 



REPUBLICANS BESMIRCH 
AMERICA'S WAR RECORD 

HOPING TO AID PARTY 



Had Fifty "Smelling Committees" at Work 

Attempting Unsuccessfully to Discredit 

Nation's Glorious Effort to Preserve 

Human Liberty 



WAR TIME ADMINISTRATION 

PRAISED BY REPUBLICAN 



T* HE strategy and plan of operations worked 
out exactly as designed, and American 
arms contributed absolutely to end the war. 
We looked into the situation pretty thoroughly 
and found things in pretty good shape. * * * 
A great deal of money was wasted because of 
the sudden termination of the war. Some mis- 
takes have been made, but in view of the way 
the war ended there was comparatively little 
waste. NO MONEY WOULD HAVE BEEN 
WASTED HAD THE WAR CONTINUED 
ACCORDING TO EXPECTATIONS.— From 
a newspaper interview with REPRESENTA- 
TIVE ANTHONY (Republican) of Kansas. 



gINCE the victory of American and Allied arms that 
resulted in the armistice of November 11, 1918, no 
responsible leader of the Republican Party has ut- 
tered a notable word of praise for the American Army 
or Navy. No spokesman for that party has paid trib- 
ute to the national administration that organized Amer- 
ica for the supreme effort which in nineteen months 
snatched victory from the Kaiser's legions. 

193 



194 WINNING THE WAR 

On the contrary, both the press and the halls oi 
Congress have been filled with t criticism and com- 
plaints. Charges, innuendos and accusations have 
been poured forth endlessly without supporting facts. 
Fifty "smelling committees," at a cost to the public of 
two million dollars, have pried into every war activity 
of the Government WITHOUT FINDING A SINGLE 
SCANDAL ATTRIBUTABLE TO A RESPONSIBLE 
OFFICIAL. 

THE TOTAL RESULT HAS BEEN TO CAST A 
CLOUD OVER THE GLORY OF OUR ARMS, TO 
BESMIRCH UNJUSTLY THE INDIVIDUAL BRAV- 
ERY OF OUR SOLDIERS AND SAILORS AND TO 
BELITTLE THE EFFORTS OF OUR SPLENDID 
OFFICERS. 

Everybody with a grievance— discharged and dis- 
credited employees, unruly soldiers with unsavory mili- 
tary records, disgruntled officers — all these have been 
called before "smelling committees" to fill the records 
with their complaints, and the sum of their tales has 
been but confirmation of the truth the whole world 
knows— THAT AMERICA'S EFFORT BROUGHT 
THE WAR TO AN EARLY AND TRIUMPHANT 
CLOSE. 

EFFORT TO TARNISH NATION'S HONOR 

The time has come to inform the American public 
of the dastardly attempt of a political party to tarnish 
the national honor for the sake of a partisan victory. 

THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION WON 
THE WAR, AND THEREIN LIES ITS FAULT IN 
THE EYES OF THE REPUBLICAN LEADERS. 

If anyone doubts the truth of this assertion, let him 
demand of administration critics why General John 
J. Pershing, Commander-in-Chief of the A. E. F., was 
never summoned before a "smelling committee" after 
his return to America to tell what he knew of how the 
war was concluded. 

The answer, of course, is that these traducers 
of American honor and bravery know that Per- 
shing would tell them the truth. And the truth 
is that no nation in all the annals of time ever did 
a greater task so creditably and efficiently, and so 
swiftly. 

The people of the United States are in ignorance 
to-day of what great deeds their sons and brothers did 
on battlefield and high seas. During the war the glo- 
rious tale could not be told for reasons of military pre- 
caution. The enemy must not Ise informed. But with 
the ending of hostilities, instead of a paean of praise 
for our fighters which naturally was to be expected, 



WINNING THE WAR 195 

there came a tornado of hostile criticism — not from the 
beaten foe, not from the Allies who had fought at our 
side, but FROM HOME. 

JEALOUS OF TRIUMPH 

ENVIOUS AND JEALOUS POLITICIANS HAS- 
TENED TO BEFOUL THE AIR WITH THEIR 
CLAMOR IN AN ENDEAVOR TO HIDE FROM 
• AMERICA THE FACTS THAT IN THEIR HEARTS 
THEY KNEW WOULD WIN THE APPLAUSE AND 
GRATITUDE OF THEIR COUNTRYMEN. They 
feared that gratitude towards an administration which 
had placed America in the forefront of the nations 
would be translated into a victory for the Democratic 
Party at the next election. To prevent that .conse- 
quence the High Command of Republicanism gave out 
the order to attack the conduct of the war. THEY 
DID THIS DESPITE THE KNOWLEDGE THAT TO 
DESTROY THE ADMINISTRATION THEY MUST 
DESTROY AT THE SAME TIME THE GLORY OF 
THE RECORD MADE BY AMERICAN SOLDIERS 
AND SAILORS.* BUT THE LEADERS OF THE 
REPUBLICAN PARTY DID NOT HESITATE TO 
TARNISH THE NATIONAL HONOR TO WIN A 
PARTISAN VICTORY. That victory they hope to 
win in the November elections. The public is already 
well acquainted with Republican charges of incompe- 
tence in the conduct of the war. It is time the people 
knew the truth. They know the war was won, but few 
of all our millions realize even faintly how it was won 
by the organized genius of America, guided by an ad- 
ministration that placed efficiency above politics. 

Contrasted with other wars carried on by the United 
States since 1776, the conduct of our part in the World 
War is the most brilliant page in our military annals. 

EAGLE SYMBOL OF AMERICA'S POWER 

The eagle has been variously represented as the emblem of 
our glorious country — symbolical of its greatness, its breadth 
of vision, its vast potentialities. In one claw he holds an 
olive branch suggestive of our peaceful intentions toward 
mankind; in the other is clasped a sheath of arrows indicative 
of our determination to defend our democratic principles and 
our American institutions against the encroachments of a 
turbulent world. 

To-day the American eagle stands supreme upon an inter- 
national pinnacle of fame as lofty as his natural haunts. 

AT THE CALL OF OUR ALLIES AN ARMY OF 2,000,000 
AMERICANS CROSSED 3,000 MILES OF SEA, INFESTED 
BY ENEMY SUBMARINES, MET THE FLOWER OF THE 
GERMAN ARMY AND BY THEIR VALIANT SPIRIT OF 
COURAGE AND AGGRESSIVENESS MATERIALLY ASSIST- 
ED AT A CRUCIAL MOMENT IN EFFACING FROM THE 
EARTH THE MENACE OF HOHENZOLLERN WORLD SU- 
PREMACY. " 



196 WINNING THE WAR 

The daring involved in such an undertaking, the innu- 
merable difficulties of transportation, supply and construction 
to be met and overcome on such a colossal scale, and finally 
the succession of victories on the field of battle, UN- 
MARRED BY A SINGLE DEFEAT, will be recorded in 
history as an achievement that has never been equalled. 

The American eagle has proven himself a worthy emblem 
of our invincible republic. The World War has demon- 
strated beyond a doubt our greatness, our breadth of vision, 
our vast potentialities. 

The military record of the United States from the date of 
its birth until the day of our entry into the great war is one 
of undefeat. But the most patriotic student of our history 
is bound to admit that it is not one devoid of mistakes 
through which our victories were dearly bought. 

To realize this is not to detract from the reverent honor 
due to those brave and loyal men who in past wars laid down 
their lives in defense of our liberty, but inexorable history 
sets it down as a mark against a system which permitted 
political interference and partisan favoritism to be injected 
into the direction of war operations. 

PROFITING BY FORMER MISTAKES 

If the Administration that brought American participation 
in the World War to a glorious conclusion had failed to 
profit by the errors of our former wars it would have de- 
served all and more of the criticism — and the silence — of 
partisan commentators. But it took counsel from the lessons 
of experience, cast aside political interests and prejudices, 
repudiated policies whose sole merits lay in precedents and 
laid the foundation of a victorious military force every fea- 
ture of which was reared on sane and correct principles. 

In time of war the responsibility for defeat or victory is 
shared by civilian and soldier alike. Battles may be lost 
beneath the dome of the Capitol as well as on the field; they 
may be lost in the cabinet, or in the office of some depart- 
ment secretary. 

George Washington realized how much success in war 
depended on the organized conduct of war and even in the 
days before the word "efficiency" had become a sort of fetish 
he placed leadership and selected man-power above mere 
mass, when, early in the Revolution, he wrote to the Presi- 
dent of the Congress: "What we need is a good army, not 
a large one." That his hands were often tied by the lack of 
unity and cohesion in the infant Republic is a matter of his- 
tory. The feeble direction of the British military campaign 
worked to the advantage of the young nation, in which the 
Continental Congress was harassed and rendered impotent 
by the jealousies of the several Colonial executives who re- 
fused full recognition to the sovereign power of a central 
government. 

* LESSONS OF THE REVOLUTION 

Fundamental mistakes in army legislation proceeded from 
the inexperience of our early statesmen in military affairs, 
and from this inexperience sprang the errors of short enlist- 
ments instead of for the duration of the war; dependence on 
volunteers instead of on a national army selectively drafted; 
the system of bounties; appointment of officers based on con- 
siderations other than their military fitness; absence of 



h WINNING THE WAR 197 

measures for the training and discipline of troops, and 
over-cautiousness in expenditure by State and Federal legis- 
latures. These flaws in the military policy of a nation in the 
making, fighting desperately for its existence, merely pro- 
longed the struggle and delayed the hour of deliverance, but 
unfortunately the fearful lesson they taught went unheeded 
and the mistakes endured through a century and a half of 
the Republic's history. 

In the War of 1812 the discipline and training of the navy 
saved the country. To the failure to profit by the lessons of 
the War of the Revolution, and not to any lack of courage 
on the part of our soldiers or want of patriotism on the part 
of their leaders, may be attributed the chain of disasters in 
that war, from the surrender of the Detroit garrison to the 
defeat at Bladensburg, which culminated in the burning of 
the national capitol by the enemy. 

SUCCESSES IN MEXICAN WAR 

The Mexican War, as conducted uunder a Democratic 
Administration, is one which Americans may look back upon 
with the conviction that there was an earnest purpose, suc- 
cessfully accomplished, to wage it in avoidance of the mis- 
takes of past wars. The success of that war can be ascribed 
to the preparedness of officers and men, the greater part of 
whom had been well trained and disciplined before being 
sent to the front. In the Mexican War the Administration 
formed a national army, organized and supported by the 
Congress, thus heeding the plain intent of the Constitution. 
The result was a series of victories unmarred by a single 
defeat. A contrast of the conduct of this war with that of 
1812, with its chain of disasters, shows how well the Admin- 
istration had Jearned the causes of those disasters. 

But by 1860 these lessons had been forgotten, and the 
great nation that now stretched from ocean to ocean and 
included within its boundaries 31,000,000 people had a Regu- 
lar Army of but 13,000 troops scattered along far-flung 
frontiers, and a militia nominally at a strength of 3,000,000, 
but mostly unorganized, destitute of training and instruction 
and hardly more available than the Regular Army for a 
sudden emergency. 

THE LESSON LEARNED OVER 

Out of this paucity of available military force and the hap- 
hazard first measures of the Government proceeded the suc- 
cession of futile efforts which culminated in the disaster at 
the first Battle of Bull Run. Political interference and our 
want of correct military organization was responsible for the 
prolongation of the Civil War, for it was not until the suc- 
cessive failures in the first two years to subdue the Con- 
federacy that the measures were invoked which won the war. 
After the nation had been appalled by the sacrifice of life 
and property in those first two years the representatives of 
the people were forced to adopt conscription and to concen- 
trate in the hands of the President all the war powers 
granted by the Constitution. 

While unmarred by defeats on the field of battle, the 
prosecution of the Spanish-American War by the McKinley 
Administration gives us little to be proud of beyond the 
patient martyrdom of our men as they lay sick and 



198 WINNING THE WAR 

wounded in a tropical clime without the barest necessities 
of food, clothing and medical attention. 

The misery of these conditions of supply, transporta- 
tion and shelter, as presented by the late Colonel 
Roosevelt, a former Republican President, throw into 
bold relief the efficiency with which the World War 
was prosecuted by the Democratic Administration. 

No longer compelled to doubt the prowess of our armies, 
the time has come to ask what was the predominant cause of 
disasters in former wars. The blame cannot be laid to 
the lack of courage of our forefathers, nor can it be laid 
to any individual, be he military commander or statesman. 
The accusing hand points directly to a system which in every 
war since the adoption of the Constitution had permitted civil 
officials and national legislators below the President to over- 
ride military commanders and bring to naught their wisdom 
and their counsels. 

DEMOCRACY'S RESOLUTE COURSE 

War with Germany was declared on April 6, 1917. Now 
let us see what steps President Wilson and the Democratic 
Administration took while holding the wheel of government 
at such a critical moment. Were they going to be* guided 
by the precepts of our forefathers? Was the law of precedent 
so ingrained in their souls that they must search the pages 
of history for established rules of ministry? Would a strong 
central government assume its responsibilities standing on its 
own feet, meeting issues squarely and unbiased by partisan 
conventions, facing the impending storm resolute in their 
ability and determination to guide the Ship of State through 
a treacherous channel to the harbor of a victorious peace? 
Or were they to flounder irresolute and timid, influenced to 
take half measures as well by the German propagandists in 
our midst as by the misguided efforts of pacificists? 

HAVING TAKEN THE IRREVOCABLE STEP, THEY 
BRAVED THE ELEMENTS WITH FLASHING EYES 
AND LEVEL HEADS. WITH GREAT BREADTH OF 
VISION, MINDS CLEARED FOR ACTION, SOULS 
PURGED OF POLITICAL JEALOUSIES, LOCAL 
PREJUDICES, MERCENARY MOTIVES AND PARSI- 
MONIOUS STINT OF OUR VAST RESOURCES, THEY 
UNITED FOR THE COMMON GOOD OF THE REPUB- 
LIC AND PROCEEDED TO ERECT A NATIONAL 
BULWARK OF DEFENSE THAT WAS TO ASTOUND 
THE WORLD IN ITS COLOSSAL SIZE AND 
STRENGTH. 



|^JUCH of the sentiment uttered concerning 
our part in the war is balderdash. — 

SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING in Unit- 
ed States Senate, June 8, 1917. See "Con- 
gressional Record," page 3325. 



WINNING THE WAR 199 

It would be amusing, had it not been fraught with so much 
danger for our liberty, to record the action of a Republican 
member of the House of Representatives (Mr. Madden of 
Illinois) three days after our entry into the war. On April 9, 
1917, he introduced a bill * for the creation of a "Joint Com- 
mittee on the Conduct of the War, to, make a special study of 
the problems arising out of the war, to confer and advise 
with the President of the United States and the heads of 
various executive departments, and to make report to Con- 
gress from time to time in its own discretion, or when 
requested to do so by either branch of Congress." 

Here, not only identical in name but the equivalent in pur- 
pose,, was the spectre of that misguided committee which 
exercised throughout the Civil War such an unfortunate 
influence on the conduct of operations. To its prying not 
only into the present but future plans of commanders, to its 
utter lack of regard for secrecy, to the influence its members 
wielded in forcing the retreat of the Army of the Potomac 
from the Peninsula may be credited in no small degree the 
apathy of the Union Army in the year 1862. In every 
country save our own the inability of unprofessional men 
to command armies and plan military operations would he 
accepted as a self-evident proposition. One has no hesi- 
tancy in branding the "Joint Committee on the Conduct of 
the War" as the most damnable assemblage of busybodies 
that was ever thrust on a self-respecting people. 

And yet, with its record of interference bared to the 
world by military historians, Mr. Madden had the te- 
merity again to bring forth this ghost of the past for 
the acceptance of the American people. Be it to the 
credit of a Democratic Congress, the bill was smoth- 
ered at once. 

WISELY ADOPTED THE DRAFT 

The Democratic Administration wisely accepted the les- 
sons of the past and unhesitatingly approved the draft as the 
only efficient means of mobilizing the armed resources of our 
country. Not content with this they organized the entire 
resources of the nation for the carrying on of the war. The 



* MR. MADDEN (Republican, Illinois) — Mr. Speaker, in this connection 
I would like to say that there ought to be the closest kind of cooperation 
between the executive and the legislative branches of the Government, and 
I have taken the liberty this morning to introduce a bill for the creation 
of a committee on the conduct of the war, the provisions of which I will 
read to the House for its information now. I read: 

BE IT ENACTED, ETC., That a joint committee shall be appointed 
composed of six members of the Senate, including four Democrats and 
two Republicans, and six members of the House of Representatives, 
including three Republicans and three Democrats, to be known as the 
"Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War." The membership of 
such committee shall be designated by the respective committees 
which select tb^e members of the regular standing committees. Such 
committee shall sit during the sessions or the recesses of Congress, shall 
make a special study of the problems arising out of the war, shall con- 
fer and advise with the President of the United States and the heads 
of the various executive departments, and shall make report to Con- 
gress from time to time in its own discreticm, or when requested to do so 
by either branch of Congress. Such committee shall have power to act 
by subcommittee or otherwise, and to send for persons and papers, to 
administer oaths, to summon and compel the attendance of witnesses, 
and to employ such clerical, expert and stenographic assistance as 
shall be necessary; and to pay the necessary expenses of such com- 
mittee there is appropriated out of any money in the Treasury not 
otherwise , appropriated, the sum of $50,000 to be paid out upon the 
audit and order of the Chairman or acting Chairman of said com- 
mittee. 



200 WINNING THE WAR 

selective service law was passed on May 19, 1917, and, as 
subsequently amended, it mobilized all the manpower of the 
Republic from the ages of 18 to 45, inclusive. At the out- 
break of the war the total male population of the country 
was about 54,000,000. During the war some 26,000,000, or 
nearly half of all, were either registered under the Selective 
Service Act or were serving in the Army or Navy without 
being registered. About 4,000,000 men were called to the 
colors during the war, more than one-half of whom served 
in France. 

The experience of the Civil War furnishes a basis for 
comparing the methods used and the results obtained in the 
two great struggles. This comparison is strikingly in favor 
of the methods employed in the recent conflict. During the 
Civil War large sums were paid in bounties in the hope that 
by this means recourse to the draft might be made unneces- 
sary. This hope was frustrated and the draft was carried 
through by methods which were expensive and inefficient. 
This may be summed up by noting that DURING THE 
WAR WITH GERMANY WE MOBILIZED TWICE AS 
MANY MEN AS WE MOBILIZED DURING THE CIVIL 
WAR AND AT ONE-TWENTIETH THE COST. In the 
late war 60 per cent, of all armed forces were secured by 
the draft as compared with 2 per cent, during the Civil War. 
The willing acceptance of compulsory military service by the 
American people was truly remarkable, and is a most 
astounding indication of their confidence in those who held 
the reins of government. 

By this first and most striking departure from past methods 
the Democratic Administration initiated a procedure of effi- 
ciency from which it never swerved during the struggle. 



TRAINING THE ARMY 

The next great stride which redounds to the undying credit 
of the Democratic Administration was the attitude it assumed 
relative to the training and quartering of our Army and to its 
transportation overseas. It deferred to the judgment of mili- 
tary men in the education for war of officers and soldiers. 
About 200,000 commissioned officers were required for the 
Army, of which number less than 9,000 were in the Federal 
Service at the beginning of the war. The officers' training 
camp was the instrumentality that solved the problem of 
securing the trained commissioned personnel of the Ameri- 
can Army, and to the credit of this institution our platoon 
and company commanders more than justified the trust and 
responsibility thrust upon them. The average American 
soldier who fought in France had six months of training 
here, two months overseas before entering the line, and 
one month in a quiet sector of the front before going into 
battle. AT THE SIGNING OF THE ARMISTICE THERE 
HAD BEEN TRAINED AND SENT OVERSEAS 42 
AMERICAN DIVISIONS— a remarkable achievement of 
forethought and perspicacity in the light of the record in all 
previous wars in which we have participated concerning the 
education and training of the soldier. 

Relative to the quartering of our men during their instruc- 



WINNING THE WAR 201 

tion, shelter was constructed in a few months for 1,800,000 
men. * 

TRANSPORTATION OF TROOPS 

Concerning the transportation of our Army overseas, Con- 
gress again indicated its rare judgment in confiding this 
dangerous and mammoth task to the prof essional ^skill of 
specialists. During nineteen months of our participation in 
the war more than 2,000,000 American soldiers were carried 
to France. Half a million of them went over in the first 
thirteen months and 1,500,000 in the last six months. The 
record for July was 306,000 — more than 10,000 a day. NO 
SUCH TROOP MOVEMENT AS THAT HAD EVER 
BEEN CONTEMPLATED AND NO MOVEMENT OF 
ANY SUCH NUMBER OF PERSONS BY WATER FOR 
SUCH A DISTANCE AND UNDER SUCH CIRCUM- 
STANCES HAD EVER PREVIOUSLY OCCURRED. The 
record has been excelled only by the achievement in bringing 
the same men back to^the snores of the United States. For 
this splendid record the Navy, which armed, manned and 
convoyed the troop transports, deserves the highest com- 
mendation. 

The cargo fleet was almost exclusively American. It 
reached the size of 2,700,000 deadweight tons and carried to 
Europe about 7,500,000 tons of cargo which, in addition to 
materials of normal consumption, included such items as 
1,791 100-ton locomotives, 26,994 standard gauge freight cars, 
47,018 motor trucks, 68,694 horses and mules. 
* These are but a few figures to give a proper perspective 
on the activities and responsibilities which devolved on our 
War Department during the war with Germany. For a more 
comprehensive insight into the colossal task with which this 
executive department of our Government was confronted, 
attention is invited, to the Report of the Chief of Staff, U. S. 
Army, to the Secretary of War for the year 1919. That 
document should be read by every patriotic American. It is 
a living testimonial to the efficiency of those who helped fight 
the war on this side of the ocean and again suggests the 
sagacity of the Administration in assigning tasks to those 
most competent to handle them without inferference. 

PERSHING GIVEN FREE HAND 

The same broad-minded and generous policy was continued 
by the Democratic administration in its relations with the 
military operations in France. Having selected General 
Pershing to command the American Forces overseas, it very 
wisely placed complete confidence in his ability to exercise 
that command for the best interests of the nation. Nothing 
can so imbue a military commander with power and ability 
to serve those whom he represents as a spirit of absolute 
trust and reliance in his judgment. This is most strikingly 
emphasized by General Pershing himself in his report on the 
operations abroad:' 

"OUR ARMIES WERE CONSCIOUS OF THE SUP- 
PORT AND COOPERATION OF ALL BRANCHES OF 
THE GOVERNMENT. BEHIND THEM STOOD THE 
ENTIRE AMERICAN PEOPLE, WHOSE ARDENT PA^ 
TRIOTISM AND SYMPATHY INSPIRED OUR TROOPS 
WITH A DEEP SENSE OF OBLIGATION, OF LOY- 
ALTY, AND OF DEVOTION TO THE COUNTRY'S 
CAUSE NEVER EQUALLED IN HISTORY. IN CLOS- 



202 WINNING THE WAR 

ING THIS REPORT, MR. SECRETARY, I DESIRE TO 
RECORD MY DEEP APPRECIATION OF THE UN. 
QUALIFIED SUPPORT ACCORDED ME THROUGH- 
OUT THE WAR BY THE PRESIDENT AND YOUR- 
SELF." 

HOW AMERICANS FOUGHT 

Of the 42 divisions that reached France, 29 took part in 
active combat service* while the others were used for replace- 
ments. American combat divisions were in battle for 200 
days, during which they engaged in 13 major operations. At 
the time of their greatest activity, the second week of 
October, they held 101 miles of front. In June and July 
they helped to shatter the enemy's advance toward Paris 
and to turn defeat into a triumphant offensive. 

At St. Mihiel they pinched off in a day an enemy salient 
which had been a constant menace to the French line for four 
years, capturing 16,000 prisoners and 4t3 guns, demonstrating 
beyond dispute the ability of our commanders and soldiers to 
plan and execute a big American operation. 

In the Argonne and on the Meuse they carried lines which 
the enemy was determined to hold at all costs, and cut the 
enemy lines of communication and supply for half the west- 
ern battle front. Every available American division was 
thrown into that action. At the end of 47 days of desperate 
fighting Yankee pluck and aggressiveness had conquered — 
the German divisions had been consumed. The Battle of 
the Meuse-Argonne was the greatest ever fought by Ameri- 
can troops. There have been few if any greater battles in 
the history of the world. 

Equally distinguished was the stupendous task of the Ser- 
vices of Supply and the Medical Corps. American Engineers 
built in France 17 new" ship berths, 1,000 miles of standard 
gauge track and 125 miles of narrow gauge track. The Signal 
Corps strung 100,000 miles of telephone and telegraph wire. 
The Army in France always had a generous supply of food 
and clothing — at no time during operations did, the standard 
fall below 45 days reserve. 

DISEASE DEATH-RATE LOWERED 

This is the first war in which the United States has been 
engaged that has ever shown a lower death rate from disease 
than from battle. In previous wars unsanitary conditions at 
camps and the ravages of epidemic diseases have resulted in 
disease deaths far in excess of the number killed on the 
battle field. During the entire war with Germany the avail- 
able hospital facilities in the American Expeditionary Forces 
were always in excess of the needs. The outstanding causes 
of this remarkable record were a highly trained and adequate 
medical personnel, compulsory vaccination of the entire 
Army against typhoid fever^ thorough camp sanitation and 
control of drinking water, and the adequate provision of hos- 
pital facilities. 

the Utter disregard of the democratic 
administration for partisan issues, its un- 
selfish and broad-minded policy of put- 
ting the best men in positions of respon- 
sibility without thought of their politi- 
CAL AFFILIATIONS OR ASPIRATIONS is fittingly em- 



WINNING THE WAR 203 

phasized by the selection of three men whose Republican 
leanings are well known— General Pershing himself, although 
never active in politics, was Republican in his tendencies, 
while Brigadier-General Charles G. Dawes, Purchasing Agent 
of the A. E. F. and American member of the Military 
Board of Allied Supply, and Brigadier-General William W. 
Atterbury, Director General of Transportation, are well 
known for their activities in the Republican Party. 

For the successful termination of the greatest war in 
which the United States has ever participated, the na- 
tion owes its gratitude first and last to the brave heroes 
who fought and shed their blood on the battle-fields 
of France, to General Pershing, whose indomitable sol- 
dierly spirit pervaded from the farmost camps in the 
rear to the shell-torn No-Man's Land of our front lines, 
and to the tireless efforts of his staff that planned the 
operations which led to a succession of victories over 
the flower of the German Army. EVERY AMERI- 
CAN WHO WEARS THE LIBERTY BUTTON TO- 
DAY BEARS A MARK OF DISTINCTION THAT 
OUTRIVALS THE CROSS OF THE CRUSADER OF 
OLD, But all his courage, his unflinching fortitude, his 
heroism, would have been in vain had the Democratic 
Administration failed, as past war administrations 
failed, to make adequate and early legislative provi- 
sions for the mobilization of the armed forces of our 
country. § 

This mobilization, not of a national army alone, but 
of a whole nation, was something which has not been 
seen in any former war. We should thank Divine 
Providence that the wheel of the ship of state was en- 
trusted to a broad-gauge administration during so crit- 
ical a period in our history. 

To its foresight may be attributed the resolute man- 
ner in which it assumed its constitutional powers and 
dispensed them by wise and far-reaching legislation. , 

To its breadth of vision may be ascribed its generous 
provisions for the conduct of the war. 

To its unselfishness and loyalty, not to the party but 
to the great nation which it represents, may be laid the 
direction of a war free from scandals and political bick- 
erings. 

To its clearness of vision maty be attributed its in- 
sistence that the conduct of military operations be ad- 
ministered by professional soldiers. 

THE- RECORD OF THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINIS- 
TRATION DURING THE GREATEST UPHEAVAL OF 
THE WORLD'S HISTORY IS ONE OF UNPARAL- 
LELED STATESMANSHIP AND FIDELITY TO THE 
COUNTRY'S HIGHEST INTERESTS. 



DEMOCRATIC PREPAREDNESS 

vs. 

G. O. P. UNPREPAREDNESS 



"DEPUBLICAN administrations permitted the United 
States Navy to decline to third place in rank, al- 
lowing Germany to excel us in ships and men. The 
chief indictment of the Republican platform of 1920 is 
that the Wilson administration failed to prepare for 
war. 

The following tables of official figures show the 
striking contrast between Democratic preparedness 
and Republican unpreparedness in the Navy: 

ENLISTED MEN IN NAVY 

Roosevelt (1903) authorized 37,000 

(1908) authorized 44,500 

Taft (1909) authorized 44,500 

(1912) authorized 51,500 

(Actually enlisted) 48,387 

Wilson (1914) (Actually in service) 52,667- 

(1916) Total authorized 97,000 

MIDSHIPMEN APPOINTED TO ANNAPOLIS 

Roosevelt, 4 years * 978 

Taft, 4 years 945 

Wilson, 3 years (1913-1916) 1,473 

NAVAL APPROPRIATIONS 

Roosevelt, 4 years $476,764,581 

Taft, 4 years 533,519,596 

Wilson, 3 years (1913-1916) . . 612,587,335 

TOTAL COST OF VESSELS AUTHORIZED 

Roosevelt, 4 years $83,192,938 

Taft, 4 years 127,747,113 

Wilson, 3 years (1913-1916) 655,289,806 

' CAPITAL SHIPS AUTHORIZED 

Roosevelt, 6 years 9 

Taft, 4 years . 6 

Wilson (1913-1917) 22* 



* 



(16 battleships, 6 battle cruisers.) 



EXPENDITURES IN AERONAUTICS 

Roosevelt 

Taft $61,888.06 

Wilson (1913-1917) 5,217,278.57 



204 



\ 



NAVY'S GLORIOUS PART 

IN WINNING OF THE WAR 



Mobilized and Ready to Fight on Day 
America Entered Conflict — Kept Con- 
stant Watch Over Transport Fleet 
and 1,720,360 Soldiers Safely 
Convoyed Overseas 



"We fully realize that, had it not been for the 
Navy, who kept watch night and day over our 
transport fleet, American effort in France would 
never have been successful. The Navy's assist- 
ance was whole-hearted and arduous and was 
always given in a most generous spirit of cooper- 
ation."- — General John J. Pershing, Commander- 
in-Chief of the A. E. F., April 21, 1919. 

"HP HE first duty of the Navy is to keep open the road to 
A France; to guard our transports and supply ships, to 
keep moving the stream of troops and supplies being sent 
overseas," declared Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Navy, 
when our troops were being transported to Europe. The 
tribute of General Pershing, as quoted above, six months 
after the close of hostilities, and the fact that NOT ONE 
MAN ABOARD AN AMERICAN TRANSPORT WAS 
LOST ON THE WAY TO FRANCE, is proof of how well 
the American Navy carried out the policy of Secretary 
Daniels, and what part it played in winning the war. 

When the Democratic administration came into power in 
1913 the Republican administration handed over to it a navy 
that was admittedly INFERIOR to the navies of England 
and Germany, and which lacked officers and men as well as 
enough ships of the most modern type. In the years that 
intervened between 1913 and 1917, when war came to the 
United States, so well had Secretary Daniels' policy of pre- 
paredness been carried out that the United States Navy was 
ready for immediate duty. 

MOBILIZED IN FIVE HOURS 

FIVE HOURS AFTER WAR WAS DECLARED THE 
FLEET WAS MOBILIZED. Destroyers were ordered to 
fit out for distant service on April 14, and on the 4th of May, 
less than a month after war had been declared, a flotilla of 
American destroyers was at work in European waters against 
German submarines. On its arrival at Queenstown the com- 
mander of this flotilla, living up to the traditions of the 
American Navy, was able to report "WE ARE READY FOR 
SERVICE NOW, SIR." 

From that hour the American Navy, increasing day by day, 
in numbers and efficiency, CARRIED ON AN AGGRES- 
SIVE WARFARE, y/HICU, BY THE ADOPTION OF 
AMERICA'S NEW, BOLD AND AUDACIOUS POLI- 
CIES, MADE LARGE CONTRIBUTIONS TO DRIVING 
THE GERMAN SUBMARINES FROM THE HIGH 

255 



NAVY'S WAR RECORD 



gAFEGUARDED lives of 1,720,360 Ameri- 
can troops and transported 911,047 the 
3,000 miles across the Atlantic without the 
sinking of a single troop ship or the loss of a 
single soldier on the way to France. 

Brought home from Europe 1,700,000 
American troops without loss of a life or a ves- 
sel. 

Put into service in European waters 373 
vessels and 81,000 officers and men — more 
ships and more men than were in the entire 
Navy previous to the war. 

Created Cruiser and Transport Force that 
grew to a fleet of 142 vessels and a Naval 
Transportation Service that operated 378 ves- 
sels. 

Proposed and laid 80 per cent, of the North 
Sea Mine Barrage, stretching 230 miles from 
Scotland to Norway. 

Enlisted, trained and put into service the 
largest personnel ever possessed by any Navy 
in the world — over 532,000 officers and men, 
100,000 more than were in the British Navy. 

Prosecuted a building program embracing 
1,000 war vessels, including 275 fast de- 
stroyers of most modern type. 

Designed, built, sent to France and operated 
six Naval Railway Batteries of 14-inch guns, 
the largest ever placed on mobile mounts and 
the most powerful artillery used by the Allies. 

Built up a Naval Aviation force of 3,117 of- 
ficers and 45,632 men, of whom 18,736 served 
in Europe. 

Developed the largest radio and communi- 
cations system in existence, extending to Eu- 
rope on the east and Asia on the west, and 
from Panama to Alaska. 

Developed the most successful devices used 
for the detection of submarines. 

Designed and built the largest seaplanes in 
existence, the N-C type, which in 1919 made 
the first flight across the Atlantic. 

Armed 384 American merchantmen for pro- 
tection against submarine attack, and furnished 
them naval guns and gunners. 

Manned and operated 2,400 vessels, and 
maintained ships in every zone of naval activ- 
ity. 

Increased Marine Corps from 13,500 to 75,- 
000 officers and men, sending 30,000 Marines 
to serve with the Army in France. 



206 



WINNING THE WAR 207 

SEAS, AND INSURED THE DELIVERY OF MORE 
THAN 2,000,000 SOLDIERS'SAFELY IN EUROPE, and, 
without the loss of a soldier entrusted to its care through 
the submarine infested zone, enabling the Allies to crush the 
military power of the Hohenzollerns. 

In prosecuting its aggressive policy, the United States 
Navy conceived and carried out the new and outstanding 
feature of the naval phase of the World War. 

NORTH SEA MINE BARRAGE 

On April 15, 1917, NINE DAYS AFTER THE UNITED 
STATES ENTERED THE WAR, the Navy Department 
perfected plans for a mine barrage to be built across the 
North Sea from Scotland to Norway, preventing the egress 
of German U-boats, and this was proposed to the Allies. The 
Allies rejected this proposal at the time and it was not ac- 
cepted until October 1917, and then could not be put into 
operation until the Spring of 1918. Then, under the direc- 
tion of an American admiral, Admiral Joseph Strauss, 
80 PER CENT. OF THIS BARRAGE, 230 MILES LONG, 
WAS BUILT BY THE AMERICAN NAVY. THIS BAR- 
RAGE DESTROYED sy 2 PER CENT. OF ALL THE 
GERMAN SUBMARINES SUNK IN THE WAR. 

This mine barrier did more, perhaps, than anything else to 
break the morale of the German Navy and bring about those 
mutinous outbreaks in the German naval ports that later spread 
to the entire population and helped to smash the morale of the 
German people. 

The American Navy not only proposed and took the labor- 
ing oar in the construction of the North Sea barrage, but it 
was busy when the armistice was signed manufacturing mines 
to lay a like barrage in the Mediterranean which would have 
shut up in their holes the Austrian and German submarines 
operating in that area. 

The first troops sent to France were convoyed by the 
American Navy. The President, before the United States 
entered the war, saw the necessity of the convoy system, 
which was recommended by the General Board of the Navy 
in March, 1917. Even' after we entered the war, Allied navies 
clung to the belief that dispersion was the best policy, but 
later adopted the convoy system which justified its wisdom, 
both in the protection of trodps and cargo ships. 

THE NAVY PREPARED 

The brilliant story of what the American Navy did in actual 
operations throughout the war has a background of intelli- 
gent preparation carried on with thoroughness in the years 
that preceded the outbreak of hostilities. 
^ While Secretary Daniels was building ships and enlisting 
men to handle them, he was not overlooking tliat feature of 
higher organization so necessary to the coordination and 
direction of a great enterprise. Early in his administration 
of the Navy Department the Office of Naval Operations was 
created and Admiral W. S. Benson was placed at its head — 
the Admiral who continued in this office so successfully 
throughout the war. 

LONG BEFORE THIS COUNTRY ENTERED THE 
WAR, SECRETARY DANIELS HAD THE VISION 
TO CALL INTO BEING THE NAVAL CONSULTING 



208 WINNING THE WAR 

BOARD. At its head he placed Thomas A. Edison, Amer- 
ica's wizard of science. As early as 1915 this board, com- 
prising America's most gifted scientists, made a study of in- 
ventions that might aid in the war, and later was adopted 
by the Council of National Defense as the Inventions Board 
for all military purposes. With its cooperation, the Navy 
made, beginning in 1915, a survey of all the country's indus- 
tries and sources of supply, with a view to their utilization in 
the production of munitions, materials, and supplies that 
would be needed in war. 

THE THREE-YEAR PROGRAM 

The only continuing plan ever conceived and put into 
operation for the building up of the United States Navy 
was the now famous "Three- Year Program," PROPOSED 
BY SECRETARY DANIELS IN 1915, URGED BY PRES- 
IDENT WILSON IN HIS MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN 
DECEMBER, 1915, AND ADOPTED BY CONGRESS IN 
1916, which had its conception in President Wilson's message 
to Congress asking for $500,000,000 for naval construction. 
This program provided for 156 vessels, including 10 battle- 
ships of the largest type, 6 battle cruisers and 10 scout 
cruisers. There was also adopted a continuing policy for 
the accumulation of reserve ammunition, ANOTHER POL- 
ICY NEVER UNDERTAKEN UNTIL THE DEMO- 
CRATIC ADMINISTRATION CAME INTO POWER 
AND SET FORTH UPON THE PARTY'S PURPOSE OF 
UPBUILDING THE NAVY ACCORDING TO ITS TRA- 
DITIONAL POLICY. 

While he wrought in iron and steel, Secretary Daniels did 
not overlook the human element that goes to make up a 
fighting machine, e From the time he became Secretary, he 
determined to make the service attractive to enlisted men, 
and he did this by throwing open to them the gates of Op- 
portunity. HE DEMOCRATIZED THE NAVY. Prior to 
his administration the Navy had been, in the words of a 
former admiral, "the only aristocracy in our democracy." 
SECRETARY DANIELS ESTABLISHED A SYSTEM 
OF SCHOOLS WHICH EXTENDED TO EVERY SHIP 
AND STATION, AFFORDING EDUCATIONAL AD- 
VANTAGES TO ALL ENLISTED MEN. He obtained 
from Congress a law which permitted sailors from the ranks 
to become cadets at the Naval Academy at Annapolis, thus 
placing their feet upon the first rung of the ladder of pro- 
motion which leads onward to the four stars of admiral. In 
June of this year 81 enlisted men were appointed, after com- 
petitive examination open to all enlisted men, as midshipmen 
and will enter the Academy in September. THE STAR 
GRADUATE OF THE NAVAL ACADEMY IN THE 
FIRST TERM AFTER ENLISTED MEN WERE AD- 
MITTED WAS AN ENLISTED MAN. 

NAVY AT FULL STRENGTH 

During the Roosevelt and Taft administrations there were 
not enough sailors in the Navy to man the ships. The new 
Democratic Secretary, by his wise policy, QUICKLY 
FILLED THE NAVY TO ITS FULL AUTHORIZED 
STRENGTH, SO THAT THERE WERE CREWS FOR 
EVERY FIGHTING SHIP, despite the fact that the num- 
ber of ships was constantly increasing. As a result of the 



V 

Winning the war 209 

recommendations he made in 1914, a Naval Reserve was 
authorized in 1915, and under the more extended authority 
granted in 1916, over 250,000 men were enlisted, trained and 
put into service before the armistice. Prior to 1915 ours 
was the only Navy in the world without provision for an 
adjunct reserve for war. In the same year, legislation was 
secured which built up the Naval Militia, an organzation that 
rendered most efficient service in the war. 

ARMOR PLATE PLANT PROVIDED 

THE GOVERNMENT HAD BEEN GOUGED FOR 
YEARS BY PRIVATE FIRMS ENGAGED IN MANU- 
FACTURING ARMOR PLATE FOR NAVAL VESSELS. 
SECRETARY DANIELS FROCURED LEGISLATION 
PROVIDING FOR A GOVERNMENT-OWNED ARMOR 
PLATE AND PROJECTILE PLANT, IN WHICH AR- 
MOR PLATE WOULD BE MANUFACTURED AT 
COST, and where improved processes in manufacture would 
be known only to the American Navy. Labor benefited 
through this and other policies adopted under Democratic 
administration. 

From 16,000 employees in the Navy Yards in 1913, the 
number increased to 24,000 in 1916, with an accompanying 
increase in wages, and during the war the number grew to 
more than 80,000. "Preparedness" was not a sham slogan 
for political expediency under Secretary Daniels and the 
Democratic administration. It was a policy to be carried 
out, and was carried out with such system and foresight that, 
when the United States entered the war in 1917, the United 
States Navy was ready for immediate service. 

Soon after the Lusitania was sunk in 1915 the General 
Board of the Navy, at the direction of the Secretary, drew 
up a plan for the building of a navy equal to any in the 
world, and upon this plan the "Three- Year Program" was 
based. The same Act of Congress which adopted this pro- 
gram authorized permanent increase in enlisted strength to 
74,700 and, in case of national emergency, 97,000, enough to 
man every ship in the Navy and enough to provide all the 
men needed on shore for purely naval purposes in the early 
davs of the war. 

WHEN WAR WAS DECLARED THE NAVY HAD 364 
SHIPS. WHEN THE WAR ENDED IT WAS OPERATING 
OVER 2,000 VESSELS. 

Of the American troops sent to France, 1,720,360 (82.75 
per cent.) were convoyed by U. S. Naval vessels, and 911,047 
were transported in vessels operated and manned by the Navy. 
Of the troops returned from France, 1,700,000 were brought 
home in U. S. Naval transports. Not a soldier was lost on any 
troop-ship manned by the Navy. 

The Navy FURNISHED NEARLY ALL OF THE DE- 
STROYERS WHICH WERE EMPLOYED IN THE 
CRITICAL AREA AROUND QUEENSTOWN, and not 
only had a squadron of battleships in the North Sea, operat- 
ing with the British Grand Fleet, but also had vessels in ser- 
vice in the Mediterranean and the Adriatic, off the coast of 
France, in the Azores, in Russian waters and in every region 
of naval activity. % 

When the war began the American people whole-heartedly 
entered it Parents knew the dangers to which their sons 



210 WINNING THE WAR 

were subjected on the battlefields. They were willing to risk 
tnat as m everything else; but the thing that hovered like a 
pall over every home and every heart was not the way 
11 ° y ir7~ uld dle fi ghting in the field with an equal 
Wmr e /n U ^ WHETHER ON THE WAY OVER THEY 
^UT^F B r E W f^^ RINED IN THE SEA WITH- 
THATWac^ CE ° F DE FENDING THEMSELVES. 

EVeJy RnJ? E A F J^ R IN EVERY HE * RT AND IN 
THA? tm °5 T ™ THE FIGHTING MEN HAD 

1hat in their own hearts— the dav nw 
out T a IN c G hI^ S ^ marine in mL-ocLnwith' 

£S?JL CHANCE F ° R THEIR LIVES « When the first 
BY KAvZ'^Vr*' 7 Were attacked ^ submarines, BUT 
rnTT^Ja^ GILANCE > SKILL > STRATEGY AND 
nvrr^ THE SUBMARINES THAT MENACED THE 
THAT Kmf,™ MADE ^POTENT, SO 
THF wS2?Sc T J?i S PALL WAS REMOVED FROM 
™ J*?**™ OF T HE AMERICAN PEOPLE AND 

2! SE MirHT Y pP S^S IDENCE THAT > WHATEVER 

twiT ™™ h ^?™ done ' the navy would land 

WmTTn E »Ax?£ F A ELY IN FR ANCE WHERE THEY 
WOULD HAVE A CHANCE TO MEET THE FOE 

«, ivi-r. Carly A^ S ° f *« war ' when Secretary Baker told 
K.i i !f^ £ ffairS Commit tce that 500,000 soldiers would 
c?d a m France *y A P ril > WW, there was much skepti- 
cism and some members of the Committee said it was im- 
possible. Instead of 500,000, which the Secretary of War 
naa been told was too high a figure, WE ACTUAT T v 
TRANSPORTED A MILLION BY JULY OF Jl^, when 
22^1? taken ovcr at the rat e of 300,000 a month and 
MORE THAN 2,000,000 BEFORE HOSTILITIES EnSc)ED 
No such transporting even of civilians, without any sub-' 

£?A r x m w m 5!^ Ce> had ever been dreamed of before. THE 
NAVY, COOPERATING WITH THE ARMY CARRIED 
THIS GREAT PROJECT OUT WITHOUT 'THE LOSS 
OF LIFE, WITH DISPATCH, WITH EASE AND 
WITH SAFETY AND WITHOUT DISCOMFORT ?S 
pfnr M T E A' T JL HAS ' THE WORLD OVE™ BEEN 
HISTOR Y f A RECORD UNPARALLELED IN 

DID A BIG JOB WELL 

^^m* a , ppr °P ri . atel y Secretary Daniels has said, regarding 

nn 7?f m v the War: " The more the American peopl! 
know about their Navy and its achievements, the greater will 
be their pride and confidence in it. Our experiences in the 
war have convr ced me that the Navy can accomplish any- 
thing that needs to be done." A cursory examination of the 

«w? . I e ^° dd War wiU Convincc even the mos t skepti! 
cal that the Navy, with a big job to do, did it as well as 

was humanly possible. The American people know: 

That it was due to the Navy that our million, of sol- 
diers were taken to France without the loss of a .ingle 
soldier on an American troop-ship; 

That the Navy brought them back in American .hip.; 

I hat with the wonderful mine barrage in the North 
aea , the German .ubmarine. were .hut in and the morale 
of the German Navy shattered; 

That is was by the gallant work of our destroyers, oper- 
ating with the Allied navies, that the German U-boat. 



» WINNING THE WAR 211 

were checked, and ruthless submarine warfare defeated; 

That there was a rejuvenation in the spirits of our Allies 
when our destroyers reached the other side of the Atlantic; 

That in the ranks of the German armies there was con- 
sternation when it was learned that American soldiers were 
in the field in ever-increasing numbers against them; 

That the big guns designed and made by the Navy 
played their part in the final thrusts at the German lines 
which brought about the armistice; 

And that the Marines, "the soldiers of the sea," made 
glorious history for America at Belleau Wood, Blanc Mont 
Ridge and on other historic fields. 

These outstanding facts afford the lasting proof of NAVAL 
REPAREDNESS, NAVAL INITIATIVE, NAVAL RE- 
OURCE, AND NAVAL -EFFICIENCY— EFFICIENCY 

LL ALONG THE LINE, beginning in wise planning in 
Washington and ending with bold execution by regulars and 
eserves in every area where the Navy was called upon to 
erve. 

When the German hordes were knocking at the gates of 
aris for a second time on June 2, 1918, the Fifth and Sixth 
egiments of Marines, fighting with the Second Division of 
le Regular Army on the Paris-Chateau-Thierry Road, made 
le whole world ring with the tale of their bravery. 

GLORY WON BY MARINES 

In his annual report for 1918, the Secretary of the Navy 
ays: 

The Marines fought strictly according to American meth- 
ds — a rush, a halt, a rush again, in four?wave formation, 
le rear waves taking over the work of those who had fallen 
efore them, passing over the bodies of their dead comrades 
rid plunging ahead, until they, too, should be torn to bits, 
ut behind those waves were more waves, and the attack 
ent on. 

'Men fell like flies'; the expression is that of an officer 

riting from the field. Companies that had entered the 

ttle 250 strong dwindled to 50 and 60, with a sergeant in 

ommand; but THE ATTACK DID NOT FALTER. Then 

me the enemy counter-attacks; BUT THE MARINES 

IELD. 

In Belleau Wood the fighting had been literally from tree 

tree, stronghold to stronghold; and it was a fight which 
mst last for weeks, before its accomplishment in victory, 
elleau Wood was a jungle, its every rocky formation form- 
lg a German machine-gun nest, almost impossible to reach 
v artillery or grenade fire. -There was only one way to wipe 
at these nests— by the bayonet. AND BY THIS METHOD 
/ERE THEY WIPED OUT, FOR THE UNITED 
TATES MARINES, BARE-CHESTED, SHOUTING 
HEIR BATTLE-CRY OF 'E-E-E-E-E-Y-A-A-H-H-H- 
IP' CHARGED STRAIGHT INTO THE MURDEROUS 
IRE FROM THOSE GUNS AND WON! . . . 

DEFEATED GERMANY'S BEST DIVISIONS 

"In all history of the Marine Corps there is no such battle 
i that one of Belleau Wood. F I G-H TING DAY AND 
IGHT WITHOUT RELIEF, WITHOUT SLEEP, 
FTEN WITHOUT WATER, AND FOR DAYS WITH- 



212 WINNING THE WAR 

OUT HOT RATIONS, THE MARINES MET AND DE- 
FEATED THE BEST DIVISIONS THAT GERMANY 
COULD THROW INTO THE LINE,. . . . After thirteen 
days in this inferno of fire a captured German officer told 
with his dying breath of a fresh division of Germans that 
was about to be thrown into the battle to attempt to wrest 
from the Marines that part of the wood they had gained. The 
Marines who for days had been fighting only on their sheer 
nerve, who had been worn out from nights of sleeplessness, 
from lack of rations, from terrible shell and machine gun 
fire, straightened their lines and prepared for the attack. 
It came — as the dying German officer had predicted. 

"At 2 o'clock on the morning of June 13 it was launched 
by the Germans along the Whole front. Without regard for 
men, the enemy hurled his forces against Bouresches and 
the Bois de Belleau, and sought to win back what had been 
taken from Germany by the Americans. The orders were 
that these positions must be taken at all costs; that the ut- 
most losses in men must be endured that the Bois de Belleau 
and Bouresches might fall again into German hands. BUT 
THE DEPLETED LINES OF THE MARINES HELD; 
the men who had fought on their nerve alone for days once 
more showed the mettle of which they were made. With 
their backs to the trees and boulders of the Bois de Belleau, 
with their sole shelter the scattered ruins of Bouresches, the 
thinning lines of the Marines repelled the attack and crashed 
back the new division which had sought to wrest the position 
from them. 

"And so it went. Day after day, night after night, while 
time after time, messages like the following traveled to the 
post command; 

'Loss heavy. Difficult to get runners through. Some 
have never returned. Morale excellent, but troops about 
all in. Men exhausted/ 

Exhausted but holding on. . . . And in the recognition of 
their sacrifice this praise was forthcoming from the French: 

'Army Headquarters, June 30, 1918. 

In view of the brilliant conduct of the Fourth Brigade 
of the Second United States Division, which in a spirited 
fight took Bouresches and the important strong point of 
Bois de Belleau, stubbornly defended by a large enemy 
force, the general commanding the Sixth Army orders 
that henceforth in all official papers, the Bois de Belleau 
shall be named "Bois de la Brigade de Marine." 

DIVISION GENERAL DEGOUTTE, 

Commanding Sixth Army.'*' 

MERCHANT SHIPS PROTECTED 

Even before this country was at war the Navy was taking 
part in the protection of our merchant shipping against the 
assaults of Gecmany's U-boats. Two days after the President 
ordered the Navy to place armed guards and guns on Ameri- 
can merchant vessels for protection against submarine at- 
tacks these guards were on duty aboard our merchant ves- 
sels, sailing for the war zone. The record of the aimed 
guards forms one of the most brilliant chapters in the war 
history of the Navy. The first life lost by America was that 



WINNING THE WAR 213 

of John I. Eopolucci, a member of the armed guard of the 
Aztec, sunk April 1, 1917, a few days before our declaration 
of war, while the first American officer killed in the war was 
Lieutenant Clarence C. Thomas, of Grass Valley, California, 
who with four of his men perished after the sinking of the 
Vaccuum, April 28, 1917. 

The value and efficiency of the armed guard service, to 
say nothing of their gallantry, is shown by the fact that in 
the first three months of the war we lost only six armed 
vessels, four of these slow tankers, while in the same period 
the Allied sinkings amounted to over two million tons. 
During the war naval guns and armed guards were placed 
aboard 384 American merchant vessels. Of that number only 
31 were sunk by submarines. Submarine attacks against 193 
were successfully repelled. 

In active service in the Navy July 1, 1917, there were 
4,594 officers of the regular force, 3,344 Reserve officers, 126,- 
260 enlisted men and 32,379 Reserves, a total of about 8,000 
officers and 156,600 men. That was only three months after 
war was declared, the personnel of the Navy having been 
more than doubled. By January, 1918, there were 113 United 
States naval vessels in European waters, and the Navy com- 
prised a total of 300,000 officers and men. 

UNPARALLELED ACHIEVEMENT 

The rapid growth of the Navy in ships and personnel 
during the war was an unparalleled achievement. When the 
United States entered the war there were 364 vessels on the 
naval list, of which 20 were listed as unserviceable for war 
purposes. At the time of the signing of the armistice the 
Navy was manning and operating more than 2,000 vessels. 
At the beginning of the war the Navy had 64,680 enlisted men 
and 4,366 officers, a total of 69,046. In the Marine Corps 
were 12,266 enlisted men and 426 officers, a total of 13,692. 
At the time of the armistice the Navy, including marines, had 
grown to a force of over 600,000, divided as follows: 

Enlisted Men Officers Total 



Regular Navy 216,644 10,467 227,111 

Naval Reserve Force 290,963 21,985 312,948 

Marine Corps 70,527 2 t 435 72,962 

Total...... 583,839 35,610 619,449 

Before the armistice was signed the Navy was operating 
834 vessels and had a force of 175,000 officers and men 
engaged either in European waters or in trans-Atlantic war 
service, to and from Europe, plying the war zone. Directly 
in the European force there were 373 vessels actually present 
on November 11, 1918, with 27 other ships assigned to- that 
service, and 81,000 officers and men, more vessels and men 

Domestic peace and security, a better day for the 
toiling millions, a sound and righteous government, 
honor and leadership among the nations — these are 
for the American people under Democratic custodian- 
ship. 3 



214 WINNING THE WAR 

and Europt in the ZT co ™* nt »>' ***** between America 

a force of 4,672 officers ari^ [ 29,m men VeSS6lS *******. 

WAR PLANS WERE READY 

J' ",* ™ a ? er ° f record that th e Navy had not only general 

Powers of 115 3 C ° n * tlon ° f War with the Central 
afteTr^onrrh SS^£E?5 V* '***> 

GREAT BUILDING PROGRAM 

THE HE WA U p NI t T ™,^ ATES PROSECUTED DURING 

GR^M IN HI^fo R A v RGE t T ? AVAL BUILDING PRO- 
cludm* 27< £L Y ' £ mbracl "g * thousand vessels, in- 

entrant fatothl yerS V Co " traCtS were let ' "on after our 
couW build an* r ' ° r a " thC destr °y«" American yards 
wL„ ' 9 on f reSs . °" the recommendation of the 

tional for aPPr ° Pnated ° n °«°*« °. 191?, $350,000,000 addi! 
tional for the construction of destroyers. To build these it 

Thin " e " Ssa 7 \° "^ additional faculties? to build new 

tu h r a M a S ss an ro e s n e a out °' f d "^ The ^^ ?'-* at S q ua„ 
rum, Mass rose out of a swamp and in six months after 

ground had been broken, the keels of five desteovers werl 
laid m a single day. New records in construction X em a d e 
vessels being completed in eight months as agafast twenty 
months to two years in peace times. y 

launched i!fm/ 1Slan t Na 7 Yard the destr °y er Ward was 
3 F .7, V A workln g da ys after the keel had been laid 

and the vessel was put in commission in 70 days At the 
c ose of hostilities there were 655 naval vessels undeV con! 
struction or contract, while 400 submarine chasers manvde 
into° y se r rvrc n e d "* °' °^ ?* ^ '°™ 'ompfeM put 

pa° n of°th t e he , n b Q i V hingS d -°" e by J the Na ^ was Ae rapid re- 
pair of the 109 German interned vessels, whose msrlhm Jl, 

of d the e r ar WreCked b ? ** G ™ crews W o h n OS the m o a utbre e a ry 



Ut wa, est.mated I that 18 months would be required to repair 
these vessels, but by the use of electric welding and other „ew 

." m°o»th stt ^ r ^ alred them In * th!rd ° f ">a« tin,:. ^ 
vess^^r SaVT " n" a \ trai "P°"*> —I ">ese ex-German 
vessels carried half a million American troops to France. 



* WINNING THE WAR 215 

In the platform adopted by the Republican National 
Convention at Chicago, June 10, 1920, there appears this 
paragraph: 
• 
"The outstanding features of the Democratic adminis- 
tration have been complete unpreparedness for war and 
complete unpreparedness for peace. Inexcusable failure 
to make timely preparation is the chief indictment against 
the Democratic administration in the conduct of the war." 

IN VIEW OF THE PUBLIC RECORD OF NON- 
PREPAREDNESS THROUGH THE 16 REPUBLICAN 
YEARS THAT PRECEDED THE PRESENT DEMO- 
CRATIC ADMINISTRATION, AS CONTRASTED WITH 
WHAT SECRETARY DANIELS ACHIEVED BETWEEN 
1913 AND 1917, ONE CAN ONLY WONDER AT THE 
CONTEMPT IN WHICH REPUBLICAN LEADERS 
HOLD THE INTELLIGENCE OF THE AMERICAN 
PUBLIC. 



CONTRASTS IN DEMOBILIZING 

AFTER TWO AMERICAN WARS 



TN the War with Spain the greatest strength of the 
A American Army was reached on August 31, 1898, 
on which date it included 216,256 officers and men. 
The armistice was signed on August 12, 1898, and 
the muster out began on September 5, 1898, con- 
tinuing until June 22, 1899, on which date 179,397 
officers and men had been demobilized. Some volun- 
teer regiments were held in the Philippines until 
November 23, 1899. The muster out of the entire 
army in the war with Spain thus consumed more than 
a year. 

The following table shows the speed with which 
demobilization was carried out under a Democratic 
administration following the World War: 

19 18 

Officers Men 

Nov. 11-30 593 43,000 

December 37,043 609,000 

19 19 

January 23,563 358,000 

February 14,913 263,000 

March 1 1,479 263,000 

April 12,185 298,000 

May 14,622 383,000 

June 13,588 391,000 

July 16,404 361,000 

August 15,987 151,000 

September 8,717 73,000 

October 10,798 33,000 

November 1-10 585 10,266 



THE 14 AMERICAN POINTS 



1. During what administration has the 
American farmer received the greatest returns 
for his toil? 

2. During what administration has the 
American laborer had his fullest dinner pail 
and received his greatest pay? 

3. During what administration has the 
American business man made his largest prof- 
its? 

4. During what administration have the 
American banker and American stockholder in 
other corporations received their largest divi- 
dends ? 

5. During what administration has Amer- 
ica enjoyed her greatest prosperity? 

6. During what administration has the 
greatest merchant marine ever owned by 
America been built? 

7. During what administration has the 
greatest banking system ever known been cre- 
ated? 

8. During what administration has the 
wealth of America been made to bear its just 
proportion of taxation by the passage of in- 
come tax laws? 

9. During what administration did America 
become the greatest financial center of the 
world ? 

10. During what administration has the 
American Navy reached its highest efficiency? 

11. During what administration were 4% 
million Americans, untrained in times of peace, 
transformed into soldiers and sailors of such 
disciplined valor that kaiserism crumbled be- 
fore their assaults? 

12. During what administration did Amer- 
ica achieve for herself, and aid in achieving for 
the Allies, the greatest victory of all the ages? 

13. During what administration was Amer- 
ica changed from the greatest debtor nation to 
the greatest creditor nation in the world? 

14. During what administration did Amer- 
ica take her place as the first power in 
world ? 



216 



REPUBLICAN INCOMPETENCE 
IN SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 

Him i .-iii. i. 

democratic Efficiency During World War 
Contrasted with G. O. P. Failure in 1898 

JAMES W. COLLIER, representative from the Eighth 
Mississippi district, in a speech in the House of Repre- 
sentatives on August 28, 1919, compared the achievements of 
the United States in the World War under a Democratic 
administration with those during the Spanish-American War 
under Republican leadership. At the same time he pointed 
out the legislative record of the Democratic party since 1911. 
Extracts from his speech follow: 

"I indulged in the vain hope that we might proceed to the 
solution of these problems, so vital to the interest of our 
country, without our efforts being hampered by a narrow 
and selfish partisanship, which throughout every stage of the 
Democratic administration, not even excepting the period of 
the war, has marked the conduct of so many Republican 
members of this House. 

"We had to raise, train and equip 4,000,000 soldiers. We 
had to provide the machinery for the raising of these soldiers. 
We had to create the War Risk Bureau so the dependent 
ones of our soldiers could be protected in their absence. We 
had to create an insurance department. We had to take over 
railroad and telegraph and telephone lines. We had to build 
factories and arsenals to manufacture and store guns and 
ammunition and explosive shells and all kinds of munitions 
of war. We had to build camps to take care of these sol- 
diers. We had to build vessels to carry them across the 

seas. 

FAILED IN SPANISH WAR 

"Several times you Republicans tried to take the manage- 
ment and control of this war out of the hands of President 
Wilson and the Democratic administration and put this man- 
agement in the control of a joint committee of members of 
the House and Senate. . . . What is there in the record of 
the Republican administrations in the conduct of a war that 
even in a remote degree justifies you in asking the American 
people to permit you to take part in the management and 
control of war? They gave you a chance to show what you 
could do in the Spanish-American war. 

"According to the report of your own investigating 
commission, the almost criminally inefficient and incom- 
petent manner in which that war was conducted by the 
Republican administration branded your party as utterly 
incapable and incompetent to handle such matters even 
on a small scale. 

"THE REPORT SHOWS INCOMPETENCY AND IN- 
EFFICIENCY EVERYWHERE. It shows how guns fitted 
to improper carriages were sent useless into the fields; it 
shows that small packages of medicine were shipped from 
one point to another in the United States by freight instead 
of by express and did not reach their destination for months; 

217 



218 WINNING THE WAR 

it shows that after the war was over troops that wera in the 
field since the beginning of the war had never been supplied 
with sufficient clothing or camp or garrison equipage; it 
shows that the belts furnished the soldiers at Chickamauga 
were absolutely worthless on account of their flimsy char- 
acter, poorness of sewing and lack of room for the cartridges 
"General Miles said that the beef furnished the soldiers 
would not be good in any country in the stomach of any 
man. The chief surgeon, at Chickamauga, testified that sick 
soldiers had to buy medicine at their own expense, and THE 
TESTIMONY SHOWS THAT THE SOLDIERS ON 
TRANSPORTS HAD TO TRADE THE VERY SHIRTS 
OFF THEIR BACKS TO THE SAILORS FOR FOOD. 
"The commissary general of the Army was court-martialed. 
A round robin signed by men of the high character and 
standing of President Theodore Roosevelt, General Joseph 
Wheeler, General Leonard Wood, General Henry W. Lawton, 
and many others complained of the lack of knowledge in 
Washington of conditions in Cuba and urged the War De- 
partment to take some action before it was too late or the 
army would perish from sickness and disease. 

"And, with a record like this not much more than twenty 
years ago, you wanted us to take the control and manage- 
ment of this war out of the hands of President Wilson and 
the Democratic administration and turn it over in part to 
you! 

JOB TOO BIG FOR REPUBLICANS 
"But, Mr. Chairman, I would not be fair either to this House 
or to myself if I did not state that the Republican investigating 
commission excused the greater part of the inefficiency and in- 
competency of the Republican administration because of the 
stupendous task of raising an army of nearly 250,000 men 
and sending nearly 20,000 of them a few hundred miles to 
Cuba. It was too big a job for the Republican administration. 

"For every soldier the Republican administration sent a 
few hundred miles to Cuba, and failed to give him needed 
medicine, equipment and supplies, the Democratic adminis- 
tration sent over 100 men, fully equipped with all medicine 
hospital and other supplies, more than 3,000 miles to Europe,' 
and at the same time took care of over 2,000,000 soldiers here 
in the United States. 

"Mr. Chairman, if the Republican administration, though 
doing the very best it could, was unable to properly equip 
and take care of 250,000 soldiers during the progress of a 
war a few hundred miles from our shores, should not the 
American people thank God that when it came to the equip- 
ping and taking care of an army of over 4,000,000 soldiers 
and safely sending 2,000,000 of them more than 3,000 miles 
across the seas, to meet what was then supposed to be the 
greatest and most powerful military machine on the face of 
the earth, and, meeting it, break that machine to pieces as 
they drove the great army of Germans in confusion across the 
Rhine, should not the American people thank God that in 
the great World War there was in power an administration 
which knew how such a t war should be properly and victori- 
ously conducted? 

"In his fight against Germany President Wilson showed a 
patriotism above partisanship and party lines. ' Did you Re- 
publican members of this House and elsewhere, in President 



WINNING THE WAR 2» 

Wilson's fight to preserve peace and tranquillity throughout 
the world, rise above partisanship and party lines? 

"When Woodrow Wilson sat at the peace table at Ver- 
sailles he was not alone your spokesman, not alone our 
spokesman, but the spokesman of 100,000,000 American 
people. But every utterance of his before that great tribunal, 
of which he was the leading figure, was criticized by the 
Republican leaders, who in order to make political capital 
tried in every way they could to embarrass and humiliate and 
discredit the representative of all the American people as in 
their name and by their desire he tried as best he could to 
bring about a condition which would insure peace and happi- 
ness and tranquillity to the human race for generations to 
come." 



UNPREPAREDNESS IN 1898 

(Excerpts from "The Fight for Santiago," by Stephen 
Bonsai, late Lieutenant Colonel, U. S. A. Published 1899 by 
Doubleday & McClure Co., New York.) 

"Upon his sailing there was only one condition imposed: 
General Shafter was not to sail with less than 100,000 men. 

"And so it was that the transports were loaded and the 
troops embarked helter-skelter and pell-mell. Chaos and 
confusion rather than the order and the discipline so indis- 
pensable to the effective organization of an army, reigned at 
Tampa during the days that were occupied in embarking. 

||C $ * * 

"When the night closed in (at El Caney), nearly two thou- 
sand American soldiers, doing our bidding in a humane cause, 
lay dead or wounded upon the firing-line. The richest 
government in the world had only three ambulances there 
to carry its wounded sons to the dressing-stations. Had it 
been a rabble, and not an army subjected to an iron disci- 
pline, that saw this thing, someone would have been hung to 
the nearest guasima-tree after the somewhat summary 
method of Cuban military procedure. As the chief offenders 
were probably not within reach, it was well that our men 
suffered in silence, giving such little aid and comfort to those 
who had been stricken in the cause of suffering humanity 
as was within the very narrow limits of their power. But 
those who saw those scenes of suffering humanity which 
might have been avoided — the, heaps of wounded men 
huddled together in the army wagens, moaning with every 
step and every jolt of the interminable journey down to the 
hospital, and wounded men creeping about in the jungle for 
days with their wounds undressed — will never forget the 
sight. 



Did we give a hundred thousand lives, the agony 
of other thousands, the sacrifices of millions and spend 
two-score billions of dollars to scuttle before the great 
enterprise was done? 



THE PROTEST OF A FATHER 



Following is the text of a letter written to the New York 
"Tribune'* by a Republican reader of that newspaper: 

C INCE the days of childhood I have read the "Tribune." 
*^ Naturally I am a Republican; generally in hearty accord 
with your editorial policy." 

I sent two stalwart sons to the fighting-front to help stamp 
out the war disease that was still inherent in imperialism. 
One will never come back except in spirit. He died as the 
other brave thousands did, covering their names and their 
country with undying glory. 

Our poignant grief was tempered and even gladdened by 
the thought that out of their great sacrifice would be born 
an eternal testimonial — a League of Nations to prevent, in 
so far as possible, a recurrence of such vast international 
tragedies. Our grand old party, except for its few bigoted 
old reactionaries, has always stood for this. 

These same reactionaries took control of the party con- 
vention at Chicago and gave us a candidate who now, with 
their full approval, repudiates this principle in toto, which 
their hand-made platform precursed. You helped us swallow 
the first bitter dose by an editorial juggling of words about 
interpretive meanings, etc. 

Now, following the complete repudiation of a League idea 
by the reactionary candidate, you turn to "The Next Great 
War" because of "Wilson's stubborn folly," etc. Do you 
really mean to swallow the entire dose without a dissent? 
Has politics got to be as rotten as that? Do we need 
the pro-German, pro-Irish, pro-Bolshevist vote so badly to 
win? 

I demand of those Senators who choked the League an 
open declaration for it in whatever form or a return of ray 
boy, alive, radiant and vibrant, as I sent him; and if the thou- 
sands of other families who sacrificed similarly do not make 
the same demand or refuse to vote them back to power I 
shall be terribly mistaken. And if you do not stir up your 
red blood to compel them to it I shall be terribly disap- 
pointed. 

This is no time to feed intelligence with empty platitudes. 
I beg of you, rise to the situation as the founder of your 
paper would do and compel them at the consequent expense 
of your support to put back into the party declarations the 
principles that Lincoln and Roosevelt would honor — and 
these were not repudiation. C. A. QUIRI. 

New York, July 24th. 



/"INE of the things that America has had most at 
heart throughout her existence has been that 
there should be substituted for the brutal processes of 
war the friendly processes of consultation and arbi- 
tration, and that is done in the covenant of the League 
of Nations. — From PRESIDENT WILSON'S address at 
Convention Hall, Kansas City, Mo., September 6, 1919. 



220 



SPANISH WAR CONDITIONS 
AS PICTURED BY ROOSEVELT 



"The Rough Riders," by Theodore Roosevelt, Colonel 
f the First United States Volunteer Cavalry, published 
>y Charles Scribner's Sons, in 1899, graphically pictures ad- 
ninistrative conditions which marked the conduct of the 
Var with Spain, by a Republican Administration. 

These conditions, as presented by the late Colonel Roose- 
elt, a former Republican President, throw into bold relief 
he efficiency-, with which the World War was prosecuted by 
he Democratic Administration. 

ROOSEVELT'S OWN STORY 

The following are excerpts from "The Rough Rider": 

"At three o'clock we received orders to march over to an 
mtirely different track, and away we went. No train ap- 
seared on this track either, but at six o'clock some coal cars 
:ame by and these we seized. By various arguments we 
>ersuaded the engineer to back us down to Port Tampa, 
vhere we arrived covered with coal dust but with all our be- 
ongings. * * * * 

"After over an hour's industrious and rapid search through 
:his swarming ant heap of humanity, Wood and I, who had 
separated, found Colonel Humphrey at nearly the same time 
ind were allotted a transport — the Yucatan. ... I happened 
to find out that she had previously been allotted to two other 
regiments — the Second Regular Infantry and the Seventy- 
first New York Volunteers, which latter regiment contained 
more men than could be put aboard her. Accordingly, I ran 
at full speed to our train and, leaving a- strong guard with 
the baggage, I double-quicked the rest of the regiment to 
the boat, just in time to board her as she came into the quay 
and then to hold her against the Second Regulars and the 
Seventy-first, who had arrived a little too late. . . . 



NO LANDING FACILITIES 

"We did the landing as we had done everything else — that 
is, in a scramble, each commander shifting for himself. The 
port at which we landed was Daiquiri, a squalid little village 
where there had been a railroad and iron works. There were 
no facilities for landing, and the fleet did not have a quarter 
the number of boats it should have had for the purpose. All 
we could do was to stand in with the transports as close as 
possible and then row ashore in our own few boats and the 
boats of the wa^hips. . . . 

"From another transport our horses were being unloaded, 
together with the mules, by the simple process of throwing 
them overboard and letting them swim ashore, if they 
could. * * * * 

"On one occasion a foreign military attache 1 visited my 
headquarters together with a foreign correspondent who had 
been through the Turco-Greek war. They were both most 
friendly critics and, as they knew I was aware of this, the 
correspondent finally ventured the remark that he thought 
our soldiers fought even better than the Turks, but that on 
the whole OUR MILITARY ADMINISTRATION 

221 



222 WINNING THE WAR 

SEEMED RATHER WORSE THAN THAT OF THl 
GREEKS. * * * * It was curious that when war camj 
we should have broken down precisely on the business an| 
administrative side, while the fighting edge of the troops cer| 
tainly left little to be desired. * * * * 

OFFICIALS PANIC-STRICKEN 

"The authorities at Washington, misled by the reports the] 
received from one or two of their medical advisers at tri{ 
front, became panicstruck and, under the influence of thei| 
fears, hesitated to bring the army home lest it might impor] 
yellow fever into the United States. Their panic was absoj 
lutely groundless. . . . The Washington authorities seemec 
determined that we should stay in Cuba. They, unfortunately| 
KNEW NOTHING OF THE COUNTRY NOR OF TH] 
CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE ARMY, and the plans thaj 
were from time to time formulated In the War Department 
(and even by an occasional general or surgeon at the front] 
for the management of the army WOULD HAVE BEE] 
COMIC IF THEY HAD NOT POSSESSED SUCJ 
TRAGIC POSSIBILITIES." 



CONSULTATION AIM OF LEAGUE 

"To hear some men talk about the League of Nations yoi 
would suppose that it was a trap set for America; you woulc 
suppose that it was an arrangement by which we entered int< 
an alliance with other great, powerful nations to make war at 
some time. 

"Why, my fellow countrymen, it bears no resemblance t< 
such description. It is a great method of common council witl 
regard to the common interests of mankind. We shall not b< 
drawn into wars; we shall be drawn into consultation, and we 
'will be the most trusted adviser in the whole group. Consulta- 
tion, discussion, is written all over the whole face of the cove- 
nant of the League of Nations, for the heart of it is that the 
nations promise not to go to war until they have consulted, 
until all the facts in the controversy have been laid before the 
court which represents the common opinion of mankind. That 
is the League of Nations. 

"Nothing can be discussed there that concerns our domestic 
affairs. Nothing can be discussed there that concerns the do- 
mestic affairs of any other people, unless something is occurring 
in some nation which is likely to disturb the peace of the world." 
—From address of PRESIDENT WILSON at St. Paul, Minn., 
September 9, 1919. 

f 



TT AD I been in the Senate I would have voted 

for the League and treaty as submitted; 

and I advocated its ratification accordingly. — 

WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT, in New York 
"Tribune," August 2, 1920. 



WAR VICTORY A TRIUMPH 

FOR AMERICAN INDUSTRY 



How Nation's Tremendous Industrial Effort 

Supported and Sustained Military Forces 

of United States and Allies 



A MERICA'S part in the World War was essentially indus- 
■^ trial. That was its chief characteristic. Without dis- 
counting in the slightest degree the part played by American 
manpower — and that was a decisive part — it was upon our 
industry that the nation and the Allies too relied for victory. 

Hence in the correct judgment of the War Department's 
war record its industrial activities must receive chief consid- 
eration. The strategic situation should be borne in mind. 
Because of the shortage in ocean shipping, because the Allies 
possessed an excess manufacturing capacity beyond the needs 
of their own armies, and because the crying need was for 
troops to withstand the expected German drive of 1918, the 
concerted plan emanating from the Supreme War Council 
was for America to send her men first to be equipped largely 
by the Allies and meanwhile to build her war industry on a 
scale to throw the whole weight of American munitions into 
the struggle in 1919 and 1920. 

It must always be remembered that we were not acting 
alone but in council with our Allies. The intelligent coopera- 
tion of all effort and the coordinated utilization of all avail- 
able resources that won the war was set in motion by the 
Supreme War Council,-on which sat for the French Foch, the 
supreme commander, and Clemenceau, the prime minister; 
General Robertson and Lloyd George for the British, and 
Colonel House and General Bliss for America. Upon these 
men devolved the responsibility of devising and carrying 
out the cooperative plan which won the war twelve months 
before this result was expected or even hoped for, simply 
because the union achieved for war purposes was a perfect 
one and special interests were sunk or forgotten for the 
benefit of the common, indeed the universal, cause. 

ALLIED NEED OF EXPLOSIVES 

How this great purpose was to be achieved is perhaps most 
clearly revealed in the following cable from General Bliss. 
It reads: 

"The representatives of Great Britain and France state 
that their production of artillery (field, medium, and heavy) 
is now established on so largS a scale that they are able to 
equip completely all American divisions as they arrive in 
France during the year 1918 with the best make of British 
and French guns and howitzers. 

"The British and French ammunition supply and reserves 
are sufficient to provide the requirements of the American 
Army thus equipped at least up to June, 1918, provided that 
the existing 6-inch shell plants in the United States and 
Dominion of Canada are maintained in full activity, and pro- 
vided that the manufacture of 6-inch howitzer carriages in 
the United States is to some extent sufficiently developed. 

"On the other hand, the French, and to a lesser extent the 
British, require as soon as possible large supplies of propel- 

224 



224 WINNIN.G THE WAR 

lants and high explosives; and the British require the largest 
possible production of 6-inch howitzers from now onward 
and of 8-mch and 9.2-inch shells from June onward. 

"In both of these matters they ask the assistance of the 
Americans. 

"With a view, therefore, first to expedite and facilitate the 
equipment of the American armies in France, and, second, to 
secure the maximum ultimate development of the ammuni- 
tion supply with the minimum strain upon available tonnage, 
the representatives of Great Britain and France propose that 
the American field, medium and heavy artillery be supplied 
during 1918, and as long after as may be found convenient, 
from British and French gun factories; and they ask: 

(A) That the American efforts shall be immediately di- 
rected to the production of propellants and high explosives 
on the largest possible scale; and 

(B) Great Britain also asks that the 6-inch, 8-inch, and 9.2 
shell plants already created for the British service in the 
United States shall be maintained in the highest activity, and 
that large additional plants for the manufacture of these 
shells shall at once be laid down. 

"In this way alone can the tonnage difficulty be minimized 
and potential artillery development, both in guns and shells, 
of the combined French, British and American armies be 
maintained in 1918 and still more in 1919." 

ACCORDINGLY OUR WAR INDUSTRY IS TO BE 
JUDGED NOT BY WHAT IT PRODUCED AND SENT 
TO FRANCE, BUT BY THE PROGRESS IT HAD MADE 
TO MEET THE OBLIGATION IMPOSED UPON IT. 

Now as to some of its successes: 

First, guns — and by that is meant the cannon tubes only, 
not the vehicles on which they are mounted. In 1917 there 
were FOUR gun factories in the United States, and the 
Government (both Army and Navy) had been buying from 
them at the rate of 55 guns a year. In October, 1918, there 
were NINETEEN gun factories, most of them newly built 
at the cost of millions largely provided by the War Depart- 
ment. The gun forgings that month numbered 2,031, which 
was at the rate of MORE THAN 24,000 GUNS A YEAR. 
The forgings went to finishing plants, which in October 
turned out 769 finished cannon ready for mounting. In all 
the gun factories turned out over 4,000 guns and over 8,000 
gun forgings by the end of 1918. 

BUILT FINISHED RECUPERATORS 

Then the gun mounts, the most important parts of which 
are the recuperators. The w©rd has an uninteresting look, 
but the object is far from uninteresting. The recuperator is 
the device that takes up the recoil of a gun and holds it in 
aim. It is the device which, made the rapid-fire field gun 
possible. In efficiency there are just two kinds of recu- 
perators: the French hydro-pneumatic recuperator and all 
others. Our own inventors, those of the British, and those 
of the Germans had never been able to build recuperators 
that equaled those of the French. Place a silver dollar on 
the wheel of a French 75 and the recoil of the gun will not 
jar it off, so thoroughly is that recoil absorbed. This makes 
for extreme precision in rapid fire and accounts largely for 
the superiority of French artillery. 



WINNING THE WAR 225 

When we accepted the offer of the French and proposed 
to manufacture these delicate devices in quantity in our own 
shops there was general skepticism of our ability to do so. 
Time and again the Germans had stolen the French recu- 
perator plans, but had never been able to build any of them. 
The British did not attempt their manufacture when the 
French offered them the plans. The French recuperator is 
essentially a single piece of sculpture wrought from the hard- 
est of steels, without valves or adjustments. The French 
can build them because of the superior craftsmanship of 
French machinists, who do much of the work on them by 
hand. We proposed to do it all by machinery and to build 
them in quantity. 

YET IN SPITE OF ALL DOUBTS WE BUILT THEM 
AS PLANNED. A sewing machine manufacturer of Eliza- 
bethport, N. J., a Detroit automobile maker, a Chicago maker 
of elevators, and the Government arsenals at Rock Island 
and Watertown did the work with specially designed machin- 
ery and in newly equipped plants costing millions of dollars. 
The finished recuperators, the first ever built outside of 
France, were delivered in the autumn of 1918, and six months 
later (well within the schedule) all the contracts were virtu- 
ally completed. 

Another great operation was the manufacture of gun car- 
riages and caissons. A complete artillery unit consists of 
the gun and recuperator mounted on a carriage, which is 
accompanied by a limber and ammunition and tool caissons. 
By letting contracts and giving direct financial aid the War 
Department created, as an addition to the facilities in ex- 
istence, 14 gigantic new ordnance factories for making recu- 
perators and carriages — these in addition to the 19 gun 
factories, and saying nothing of the many steel companies 
that furnished rough forgings or of the factories that built 
limbers and caissons. The artillery program alone was an 
enterprise that in size compared favorably with the largest 
manufacturing operations in time of peace. 

APPROACHED ALLIED PRODUCTION RATES 

This great industry had reached great quantity production 
in the Fall of 1918 and was in a position to cram with field 
artillery the ships that would be available in 1919. In October 
it turned out 465 complete units, which was nearly the British 
monthly rate, and which was approaching the rate of French 
production. At that time practically 15,000 field artillery 
units were on order. BY THE DATE OF THE ARMIS- 
TICE THE INDUSTRY HAD DELIVERED MORE 
THAN 2,000 ARTILLERY UNITS READY FOR SER- 
VICE; and, though no strenuous effort had been made to ship 
these bulky products overseas, more than 800 units had been 
sent to the A. E. F. 

These production and export figures include railway artil- 
lery. The Ordnance Department took 54 naval and seacoast 
defense guns and mounted them on specially designed railway 
cars, while on November 11, 1918, the outstanding orders 
called for the further delivery of nearly 200 additional ones 
so mounted. These weapons ranged in size from the 7-inch 
NaVy guns to the giant 16-inch howitzers, and the manufac- 
turing operation enlisted the efforts of some of the largest 
car, locomotive and bridge-building plants in the United 
States. 



226 ' WINNING THE WAR 

In connection with the artillery program mention should 
be made of the great proving grounds constructed by the 
War Department at Aberdeen, Md., and at Port Clinton, 
Ohio, and also of the great Government ordnance plant on 
Neville Island in the Ohio River, near Pittsburg. The armis- 
tice stopped the construction of this project, which was to cost 
$150,000,000 and was to be THE BIGGEST GUN FACTORY 
IN THE WORLD, making exclusively large guns for rail- 
way mounts. 

In providing sights and other optical instruments for the 
artillery, and for the Army generally, the War Department 
created in this country what had never existed here before— 
an optical glass industry — thus freeing the United States 
from dependence upon European sources, principally Ger- 
man. 

THE UNITED STATES WENT FURTHER THAN 
ANY OTHER BELLIGERENT IN SUBSTITUTING ME- 
CHANICAL POWER FOR ANIMAL POWER IN THE 
MOVEMENT OF FIELD ARTILLERY. The Ordnance 
Department designed and put into production on a. large 
scale the first caterpillar gun mount. This was a tractor 
which carried on its back a heavy field gun mounted ready 
for firing. Other tractors were designed to pull the field 
guns in substitution for teams of horses. The Army heavily 
motorized its supply vehicles, designing a standardized four- 
wheel-drive truck, officially named the "Militor." Thousands 
of artillery tractors, trucks and trailers were produced and 
shipped to France, and the total project involved the expendi- 
ture of $355,000,000. 

PRODUCTION OF AMMUNITION 

The production of artillery ammunition was one of the 
largest of the war industries. Besides utilizing all of the 
available existing facilities for the manufacture of powder 
end shell the War Department itself constructed either di- 
rectly or through agents or contractors FIFTY-THREE 
NEW PLANTS OF VARIOUS SORTS AT A COST OF 
$360,000,000. FEW CORPORATIONS IN THE WORLD 
TO-DAY HAVE A PLANT EQUIPMENT AS LARGE, 
YET IN THE SHORT PERIOD OF HOSTILITIES THIS 
INDUSTRY WAS BUILT COMPLETELY FROM THE 
GROUND UP AND BROUGHT PRACTICALLY INTO 
COMPLETE OPERATION. 

In accordance with the agreement with the Allies, the out- 
put of the ammunition industry was large. It turned out 
in the war period nearly 650,000,000 pounds of smokeless 
powder, more than half that weight of high explosives, and 
about 17,000,000 rounds of ammunition, or about seventeen 
times as much ammunition as the A. E. F. artillery fired 
during the reduction of the St. Mihiel salient. But this was 
merely the start, for the orders out on November 11, 1918, 
called for a total delivery OF NEARLY 120,000,000 SHELL 
OF ALL CALIBERS, OR NEARLY AS MANY AS THE 
FRENCH AND BRITISH ARTILLERY COMBINED 
FIRED DURING THE YEAR PRECEDING THE 
ARMISTICE. 

The ammunition industry as it existed on armistice day 
included a string of plants for obtaining toluol from coal, 
gas and crude oil, the powder plants at Nitro, W. Va., and 
Old Hickory, Tenn. (largest in the world), the three great 



WINNING THE WAR 227 

bag-leading plants at Woodbury, N. J., Tullytown, Pa., and 
Seven Pines, Va. (Government plants), the great Racine, 
Wis., and Giant, Calif., T.N.T. plants (nearly complete), 
three picric acid plants located respectively at Little Rock, 
Ark., New Brunswick, Ga., and Grand Rapids, Mich, (one 
being in operation and the two others about ready to start 
work), the Government tetryl plant at Senter, Mich, (incom- 
plete), a Government tetranitroaniline (T.N.A.) plant at 
Bound Brook, N. J., 14 new shell-loading plants with a daily 
capacity of 285,000 shell, and several hundred metal-working 
factories forging and machine-finishing the shell. 

When the armistice came the Ordnance Department was 
conducting an enormous manufacture of tanks. One great 
branch of it had begun the production of the French Renault 
6-ton tanks at a rate which insured the delivery of 4,500 of 
them by April, 1919. This was as planned. The Ford Motor 
Company, of Detroit, had developed a 3-ton tank and was 
about ready to begin turning out 100 of them every day. 
Our greatest tank contribution, however, was our design and 
manufacture jointly with the British of the 35-ton Anglo- 
American tank, a monster with the offensive force of 1,000 
soldiers. This project was nearing completion when the 
armistice came, and the manufacture since then has placed 
among our preparedness assets 100 OF THESE TERRIBLE 
ENGINES OF WAR TO BE A FORCE QUICKLY MO- 
BILIZED IN CASE OF INVASION BY A FOREIGN 
POWER. 

Lighter ordnance stowed economically in ships, or else 
could be carried by the embarking soldiers; and so its pro- 
duction was pushed, with striking results. Patiently the 
War Department withstood criticism while it waited for the 
development of the Browning machine gun, a course justified 
by events, for the weapons proved to be markedly adaptable 
to production in quantity. As to their quality, the British, 
French and Belgians clamored for Brownings once they had 
seen them in action. Before the armistice the War Depart- 
ment built 42,000 Browning heavy machine guns and 52,000 
Browning light automatic rifles, besides building thousands 
of Lewis, Marlin and other makes of machine guns. IN ALL 
THE AMERICAN INDUSTRY PRODUCED 181,000 MA- 
CHINE GUNS AND MACHINE RIFLES IN THE WAR 
PERIOD, OR ENOUGH TO ARM A FIELD ARMY OF 
7,000,000 MEN. 

Every American rifleman carried an American-built rifle 
with him as he stepped aboard his transport. The Ordnance 
Department for the sake of quick production took the British 
Enfield rifle that was being manufactured in several factories 
in this country, modified it to take American service ammu- 
nition, standardized it for quantity production and otherwise 
improved it, and then proceeded to build it at the plants 
whose European contracts were expiring. In all, these plants 
and the Government arsenals turned out over 2,500,000 rifles, 
at a great saving in money under what they had been costing 
the British Government. The Ordnance Department also 
produced about 700,000 pistols and revolvers and nearly three 
billion rounds of rifle, pistol and machine-gun ammunition. 

.Consider these figures of ordnance produced before the 
armistice: 31,000,000 hand grenades, 20,000,000 rifle grenades, 
63,000 Livens gas projectors, 1,600 Stokes 3 -inch*- trench 
mortars, 800 other mortars, 4,000,000 trench-mortar shell, mil- 



228 WINNING THE WAR 

lions of rockets, signal lights, and other trench pyrotechnics, 
2,700,000 steel helmets, and 2,000,000 bayonets. 

AIRPLANE PRODUCTION 

Airplane production was disappointing only in the number 
of service or battle planes delivered to the Army, and this 
was a disappointment only to meet early expectations now 
seen to have been extravagant. There were many things 
about this new and unknown industry that only experience 
could teach our airplane builders. One lesson was the imprac- 
ticability of building battle planes in this country, because of 
our distance from the front and because of the rapidity with 
which airplane science advanced. Another six months of war 
would have found in France American factories building 
service planes of materials shipped from the United States. 

Those who attempt to belittle the aircraft effort claim to 
see a discrepancy between the $700,000,000 appropriated for 
aerial machinery and the number of American service planes 
that did duty on the front, failing to mention the prodigies 
which the money did accomplish. But here are some of the 
things we got for our $700,000,000: 

IN LITTLE MORE THAN A YEAR THE AIRCRAFT 
BUREAU BUILT 11,754 AIRPLANES— NEARLY TWICE 
AS MANY AS ENGLAND BUILT IN THE FIRST TWO 
YEARS OF THE WAR. Of these 3,328 were fighting planes 
and the rest training planes. In the same time the Allies 
sold us 5,198 fighting planes, our industry supplying most of 
the raw materials that went into their construction. Our 
training planes were the staunchest and safest ever built, the 
number of American training casualties being much under 
that of any of the Allies. Our service planes were built on 
designs sent across by the A. E. F. At the armistice, how- 
ever, our industry was fully abreast of the march of airplane 
science and HAD DESIGNED THREE OR FOUR TYPI- 
CALLY AMERICAN SERVICE MACHINES THAT 
WERE SUPERIOR TO ANYTHING EUROPE HAD TO 
OFFER. These would have been in heavy production in 
1919. 

To accomplish these results the Aircraft Bureau built 
practically from the ground up an industry consisting of fif- 
teen great airplane factories besides numerous smaller ones. 
When the I. W. W. movement threatened to halt the produc- 
tion of airplane spruce in the Northwest the Aircraft Bureau 
took charge, standardized the logging industry, established 
lumbermen's schools, set up sawmills, built roads and rail- 
roads, and brought cut 180,000,000 feet of aircraft lumber, 
two-thirds of which was shipped to the Allies. 

To augment the dwindling supply of linen for wing cover- 
ing, our industry invented a cotton airplane cloth and pro- 
duced enough of it to reach in a single width from California 
to France. It proved to be not an inferior substitute for linen 
but a fabric superior to linen for its purpose, and it largely 
supplanted linen both in the American and the European 
plane factories. 

To secure the chief raw material for non-inflammable wing 
varnish, or "dope," the bureau established ten great chemical 
plants for producing acetone and other wood distillates. 
These plants made over 1,300,000 gallons of wing "dope." 
Great quantities of "dope" and cotton wing fabric went to 
the Allies. 



WINNING THE WAR 229 

For our $700,000,000 we also got the Liberty engine, that 
famous composite of the best in American gas engine con- 
struction, designed and perfected in six weeks and produced 
in fifteen months to THE NUMBER OF 15,572 ENGINES. 
More than' 1,000 of these went to the Allies. Despite asser- 
tions of enemies of the war administration that the Liberty 
was an overadvertised mediocrity, it stands even to-day as 
T&E WORLD'S PREMIER AVIATION ENGINE. It was 
first to negotiate the trans-Atlantic flight, and it is now used 
extensively in the latest designs of commercial planes. 

In addition, the bureau built 16,848 aviation engines of 
other type3. The most notable feature of this phase of the 
program was the production in a railroad block-signal fac- 
tory in Pennsylvania of over ^,000 Le Rhone rotary engin.es, 
proclaimed by French engineers to be superior to any pro- 
duced in the Gnome-Le Rhone factories in France. 

The bureau produced 676 observation balloons in half a 
dozen American rubber factories and at the armistice was 
turning them out at a rate that supplied all our needs and 
would soon provide all the balloon equipment for the Allies. 

Besides more than 75,000 aircraft machine guns and thou- 
sands of synchronating devices to enable the fixed guns to 
fire through the whirling propellers, the Ordnance Depart- 
ment produced over 500,000 airplane drop-bombs in sizes up 
to bombs weighing half a ton each, and also turned out 
thousands of bomb sights and release mechanisms. The Air- 
craft Bureau produced more than 1,000 airplane cameras, 
besides nearly 100 mobile field dark-rooms and many tons 
of plates, films, sensitized paper, and chemicals. It produced 
50,000 electrically heated, fur-lined suits of flying clothes, and 
thousands of helmets, leather coats, and goggles. It produced 
5,000 sets of oxygen apparatus for the protection of aviators 
in high altitudes. The Signal Corps developed the first 
practicable airplane wireless telephone and produced over 
4,000 complete sets. 

ACHIEVEMENTS IN CHEMICAL WARFARE 

In the Edgewood Arsenal and nine subsidiary plants, four 
of which were built and operated by the Government, the 
Chemical Warfare Service manufactured 10,500 tons of poison 
gas and toxic chemicals. The most effective of these mate- 
rials, mustard gas, the arsenal was producing in the fall of 
1918 at ten times the total capacity of the German industry. 
The arsenal also operated a gas-shell filling plant which 
reached capacity for filling with gas nearly 5,000,000 shell, 
grenades and bombs per month. The service designed the 
safest and best gas masks used in Europe and built over 
5,000,000 of them in two plants, one a great institution in 
Long Island City owned and operated by the Government. 

The War Department maintained the American Expedition- 
ary Forces as THE BEST FED AND BEST CLOTHED IN 
EUROPE. The figures of the food and clothing supply, 
running into the millions of tons, would be monotonous here. 
Some of the food products used in France differed from 
anything known commercially. To secure such things as 
dehydrated vegetables and boneless meat (which saved ship 
space), soluble coffee (which could be prepared *over a 
smokeless alcohol flame in the trenches), and the wheat-and- 
meat cake of the emergency ration, the Quartermaster De- 
partment fostered the establishment of new factories and 



230 WINNING THE WAR 

sometimes of whole new industries. Fifteen large plants 
dried vegetables for the Army. A special plant packed the 
trench reserve rations in hermetically sealed cans. The 
Quartermaster Service expanded the production of soluble 
coffee thirty times by establishing new factories. To save 
money and ship space and give the A. E. F. a better prod- 
uct, the service sent sixteen Army coffee-roasting plants to 
France and thenceforth shipped over the coffee green. 

To insure the wool supply the Quartermaster Department 
cornered the entire American raw wool market. It saved mil- 
lions of dollars by redesigning uniform patterns to provide 
for a minimum waste of cloth in tailoring. It equipped the 
Russian expedition with fur garments. It built up a new 
tanning industry to produce a special shoe-leather that could 
withstand trench service. 

The Quartermaster Service built several thousand rolling 
field kitchens, some of them motor-drawn. To simplify the 
supply problem and to save time and money by doing away 
with the necessity of cabling wordy specifications across the 
Atlantic, the service standardized and catalogued the prod- 
ucts of the entire American hardware and electrical indus- 
tries. It operated two uniform factories. It bought 300,000 
horses and mules in the United States. It operated a chain 
of tremendous storehouses, most of them built after the decla- 
ration of war. After the armistice it inventoried and cata- 
logued all Army materials accumulated during the war. It 
took 10,000 men to do this. 

By baling clothing instead of shipping it packed in wooden 
cases, as was formerly the Army practice, and by giving 
scientific attention to the compact crating of supplies, espe- 
cially of such articles as field kitchens and motor trucks, the 
Quartermaster Service SAVED ABOUT 2,000,000 DEAD- 
WEIGHT TONS OF SHIP SPACE. THIS IS ABOUT 
THE TONNAGE SUNK BY THE GERMANS IN THEIR 
THREE MOST SUCCESSFUL MONTHS OF UNRE- 
STRICTED SUBMARINE WARFARE. The efficient man- 
agement of the supply operation, therefore, largely offset the 
U-boat, to use which to the utmost the Germans were will- 
ing to risk American participation in the war. 

The Quartermaster Department created the famous stand- 
ardized supply truck and produced nearly 100,000 of these 
and other motor vehicles. By salvaging and reclaiming 
worn-out garments and other waste materials formerly sold 
as junk the Quartermaster Corps saved a cool $100,000,000. 

BUILT 32 CAMP CITIES 

The War Department through its Construction Division 
in 90 days built 32 camps and cantonments, providing not 
only housing accommodations for 1,280,000 men, but giving 
their mushroom cities water, sewerage and lighting systems, 
pavements, sidewalks, athletic fields, theatres and other sorts 
of welfare buildings. It constructed similar camps for the 
special training purposes of numerous branches of the Army. 
The camps and cantonments cost $370,000,000 — more than the 
Panama Canal cost. The division built other structures ag- 
gregating a billion dollars in value, using up enough lumber 
to build a 20-foot boardwalk around the earth on the equator. 
The buildings completed included systems of great hospitals, 
cantonments at proving grounds and arsenals, five huge ord- 
nance depots, ordnance warehouses, housing for laborers at 



WINNING THE WAR 231 

the Government powder-bag loading plants, hangars and 
barracks for the aviation fields and airplane testing fields, 
the installations ajt^the six great Quartermaster supply bases 
at Brooklyn, Boston, Philadelphia, Norfolk, Charleston and 
New Orleans, nine Quartermaster interior depots, and other 
great construction enterprises. 

The above paragraphs have omitted reference to thousands 
of railway locomotives, both standard-gauge and narrow- 
gauge, built for the War Department and shipped overseas- 
hundreds of them on their own wheels in the holds of vessels, 
the first time assembled locomotives ever were thus trans- 
ported. The department produced nearly 500,000 tons of 
track material and sent it to France, including hundreds of 
miles of a special narrow-gauge track built in unit sections to 
allow for the rapid repair of trackage under shell fire. Other 
railway production included thousands of specially designed 
freight cars. 

The Engineer Corps designed and "built many portable 
machine shops, blacksmith shops, carpenter shops, water 
sterilizers, printing shops, road sprinklers, pile drivers, der- 
ricks and clam-shell excavators. These were mounted on 
heavy motor trucks and could move to where work was 
to be done. The corps purchased hundreds of cranes and 
hoisting engines for use on the American docks in France. 
It designed and produced an electrical machine that auto- 
matically located the positions of the enemy's guns by re- 
cording the distance and direction of the explosions as the 
guns were fired. It produced a number of strange appearing 
machines for detecting the location of airplanes in the sky 
at night. It developed the most powerful searchlight used is 
the war and built several hundred with mobile mounts. * 

The Signal Corps produced such items as 100,000 tele- 
phones, 15,000 telephone switchboards, thousands of field 
wireless sets and millions of feet of wire, nearly all of this 
equipment being of special war design. 

*In this magnificent production record three names stand 
out — those of Newton D. Baker, the Secretary of War, Bene- 
dict Crowell, the Assistant Secretary, and Bernard N. Baruch, 
the director of the War Industries Board. Mr. Baker's own 
training and experience lay in the field of human contacts 
rather than those of the industrial field. Under his direct 
supervision the human side of the war enterprise, the crea- 
tion of the Army itself, began to outdistance the industrial 
side, the production of equipment. The Secretary thereupon 
picked out Major Crowell of the Engineer Corps, made him 
the Assistant Secretary, and gave that hitherto unimportant 
office carte blanche in all the material phases of the enter- 
prise. Mr. Crowell created that wonderful "overhead" or- 
ganization, the Division of Purchase, Storage and Traffic, and 
through it stiffened up the munitions industry and soon had 
it striding ahead to overtake the development ©f the Army's 
human strength. Behind this organisation was Mr. Baruch, 
who through the War Industries Board managed all of 
American business and procured the raw supplies without 
adequate quantities of which the manufacturing effort would 
have faltered. 

TRANSPORTATION OF SUPPLIES 

After production, monopolizing as it did practically all 
of American factory industry, there remained still another 



\ 

232 ^ WINNING THE WAR 

great industrial enterprise — that of transporting the supplies 
and the troops. 

For several months the Government permitted the railroads 
themselves to manage the movement of military freight along 
with commercial freight, until the railroads, under their sep- 
arate and competitive managements, failed utterly in the 
crisis. 

The severe winter of 1917-1918 descended upon a freight 
congestion that had backed up on the tracks out of New 
York as far as Buffalo and Pittsburgh, while smaller congestions 
existed at every principal producing point. Export dwindled 
almost to nothing, and the chief ministers of the Allies sud- 
denly cabled that unless the situation improved greatly and 
immediately, the war was lost. 

The Government acted by seizing the railroads. The War 
Department's response was to create the Inland Traffic Ser- 
vice, which took charge of all military freight and passenger 
traffic. This service at once installed a system of transporta- 
tion orders that made it impossible for a shipper anywhere 
within the United States to load a pound of War Department 
freight upon a car until he had an order from the terminal 
Baying that the freight could be received and cared for. The 
Railroad Administration adopted a similar system for com- 
mercial freight. The result was that in six weeks, although 
the blizzards were still terrific, all freight was moving freely, 
the congestions were disappearing, and THE RAILROAD 
ADMINISTRATION WAS ABLE LITERALLY TO SAVE 
THE LIVES OF THE ALLIES BY RUSHING TRAIN- 
LOAD AFTER TRAINLOAD OF WHEAT TO THE 
ATLANTIC SEABOARD TO FILL THE SHIPS THAT 
ENGLAND HAD THERE WAITING. The Government 
system was such that in 1918, although the weight of indus- 
trial freight, principally war supplies, was greater than the 
rails had ever borne, for the first time in history the crops 
moved expeditiously and without creating car shortages. 

RAPID MOVEMENT OF TROOPS 
The same organization handled the movement of troops 
in special cars and trains. Before and after the armistice the 
War Department conducted the travel of 15,000,000 military 
passengers on special trains without the slightest distur- 
bance to civilian traffic. In every other great nation in the 
war large military travel was always attended by curtailment 
and sometimes by the absolute suspension of civilian travel. 
In his book "The Rough Riders," Col. Theodore Roosevelt 
recounted the rail travel of his Rough Rider Regiment from 
San Antonio to Tampa, where he described what he saw as 
"a perfect welter of confusion." The regiment rode part of 
the way in dirty coal cars, bought food with its own money, 
finally had to seize and hold a transport against other claim- 
ants, and then stewed for nearly a week in the heat of 
Tampa Bay before the convoy put to sea. t 

"The 79th Division, made up of nearly as many men as em- 
barked from Tampa altogether, moved from Camp Meade, MdL, 
to lliQ ships at Hoboken on July 6 and 7, 1918 — two days— 
anil on the morning of the Sth found themselves well out at 
sea. The division traveled on 29 special trains. The heavy 
regular train service between Washington and New York con- 



WINNING THE WAR 233 

tlnued those two days as usual, and \l is doubtful if a single 
civilian passenger realized that he was riding in the midst of 
a division departing to face the enemy. 

This movement was only typical of what occurred time and 
again. There was not a single failure of rail transportation 
under the Federal direction, not even a serious delay. The 
system worked as smoothly as a well-oiled machine. 

THE EMBARKATION SERVICE 

After the troops came up to the seaboard they fell into 
the hands of another War Department organization, the 
Embarkation Service, which had worked out a system that 
was a marvel of efficiency. The service used the various 
embarkation camps as turnstiles through which one by one 
passed all of the men of the A. E. F. Here, therefore, they 
could be checked and inspected finally, and that was done. 
Here the service looked over every man with regard to his 
health, citizenship and loyalty, gave him his helmet, gas 
mask, and other articles of his overseas equipment, saw to 
it that his clothes were in good condition, issuing new cloth- 
ing when there was the slightest need for it, identified him, 
brought his service papers up to date, arranged for his ship 
quarters, and checked him aboard the transport. For a long 
time it did this at the rate of 10,000 men a day. « 

The Embarkation Service also built up the fleet of Army 
transports, securing them from the Shipping Board, which 
built, commandeered, requisitioned and chartered the vessels 
of our great war merchant marine. At the time of the armis- 
tice the Army transport fleet numbered 512 vessels, including 
the 41 troop transports, but not including 104 ships used in 
freighting American troops and supplies across the English 
Channel. Eighteen of the largest troopships were added 
to the troop fleet within a few months by the extraordinary 
feat of the Navy Department in repairing with the electric 
welding torch the damage done to the seized German pas- 
senger vessels by their interned crews. 

About the time the railroads were approaching complete 
paralysis under private management the new merchant ma- 
rine was in sore straits. The Army, the Shipping Board, the 
War Industries Board, the Food Administration and other 
vital agencies were all maintaining independent ocean fleets 
under more or less great competitive conditions and with 
little coordination of effort. One of the truly great execu- 
tive acts of the war was the proposal of Secretary Baker 
to turn the Army's cargo transport fleet over to the manage- 
ment of a single expert agency, if the other Government ves- 
sel operators would do likewise. The Shipping Board and 
the others agreed; and thus was created the Shipping Control 
Committee with Mr. Baker's choice, Mr. P. A. S. Franklin, of 
the International Mercantile Marine Corporation, at the head 
of it. 

CENTRALIZED CONTROL OF OUR OCEAN MA- 
RINE MADE ONE-THIRD OF THE TONNAGE WE 
ACTUALLY REQUIRED IN THE WAR EFFORT DO 
ALL THE ESSENTIAL FREIGHTING AND LITER- 
ALLY SAVED THE DAY FOR OURSELVES AND THE 
ALLIES. 

DExMOBlLlZATION FEATS 

It had taken nearly seventeen months to transport the 
2,000,000 men of the A. E. F. to France, and more than half 



234 WINNING THE WAR 

of them had crossed the Atlantic in British and other foreign 
ships. The whole American Expeditionary Forces returned 
in ten months, traveling almost entirely in American ships. 
While crowds were in the Washington streets celebrating the 
armistice, Gen. Frank T. Hines, chief of the Embarkation 
Service, was at the War Department explaining to the Secre- 
tary his plan for the return of the troops. Following out this 
plan, the service took 55 of its best cargo transports and in 
less than six months converted them all into troopships by 
ventilating the holds and crowding them with berths. Gn 
these, on the regular transports, on Navy cruisers and battle- 
ships serving in the emergency as transports, and on some of 
the passenger boats which Germany surrendered to the Allies 
after the armistice, the American Expeditionary Forces came 
home. 

The other agencies of the War Department were equally 
prompt in accomplishing demobilization. 

For the Assistant Secretary of War the demobilization of 
war industry amounted to the liquidation of a six billion dollar 
business — probably the largest single business in operation in 
history. Yet it was carried through with amazing efficiency 
and dispatch. 

The armistice found practically our entire industrial struc- 
ture just coming into the quantity production of military 
supplies. In three months its momentum had been brought 
to a standstill and war industry had again become peace 
industry without even a single local business disturbance of 
any consequence, and this in spite of the fact that hundreds 
of thousands of discharged soldiers were adding themselves 
to the labor market. 



U. S. COULD VETO WAR 



"We engage in the first sentence of Article X to re- 
spect and preserve from external aggression the terri- 
torial integrity and existing political independence not 
only of the other member states, hut of all states, and 
if any member of the League of Nations disregards that 
promise, then what happens? The Council of the 
League advises what should be done to enforce the re- 
spect of that covenant on the part of the nation at- 
tempting to violate it, and there is no compulsion upon 
us to take that advice except the compulsion of our 
good conscience and judgment. It is perfectly evi- 
dent that if, in the judgment of the people of the 
United States, the Council has adjudged wrong and 
that this was not a case for the use of force, there 
would be no necessity on the part of the Congress of 
the United States to vote the use of force. But there 
could be no advice of the Council on any such subject 
without a unanimous vote, and the unanimous vote in- 
cludes our own, and if we accepted the advice, we 
would be accepting our own advice. — From PRESI- 
DENT WILSON'S address at Indianapolis, Ind., Sep- 
tember 4, 1919. 



WINNING THE WAR 235 

To-day our World War business is in a more complete 
state of settlement than was that of the Civil War a genera- 
tion after Lincoln's death. Tens of thousands of contractors' 
claims have been settled, AND LESS THAN 100 CON- 
TRACTORS ARE EXPECTED TO SEEK REDRESS IN 
THE COURT OF CLAIMS. Nor has the department gained 
this result by yielding supinely to the claims of the manu- 
facturers, as the present undercurrent of industrial grumbling 
betokens. The department has been generous but just and 
as fair to itself as to the manufacturers. 

Demobilization included the termination of our business 
relations with the Allies. Against what was due from us 
for the artillery, shell and airplanes, about which the enemies 
of the war administration like so well to talk, we set the 
amounts due on their purchases from us, and when the 
agreement was struck they paid us over $100,000,000. 

SALVAGE RETURNS 

The department found itself with a great quantity of surplus 
material on hand. Much of this consisted of articles which 
had war value only, so that they could be considered only as 
junk, worth a small fraction of what the Government had 
paid for them, but the department was not willing to accept 
such a loss. The use of ingenuity in Washington gave many 
of these materials a good market value. 

Unloaded hand grenades were sold by the million as chil- 
dren's coin banks. Shell became desk lamps and paper- 
weights. Buildings were knocked down and sold to relieve 
city housing conditions. The department created a new 



MEN IN KHAKI PROMISED 

VICTORY WOULD END WARS 



TF there had been nine days of discussion, Germany 
would not have gone to war. If there had been 
nine days upon which to bring to bear the opinion of 
the world, the judgment of mankind, upon the pur- 
poses of those governments, they never would have 
dared to execute those purposes. SO THAT WHAT 
IT IS IMPORTANT FOR US TO REMEMBER IS THAT 
WHEN WE SENT THOSE BOYS IN KHAKI ACROSS 
THE SEA, WE PROMISED THEM, WE PROMISED 
THE WORLD, THAT WE WOULD NOT CONCLUDE 
THIS CONFLICT WITH A MERE TREATY OF 
PEACE. We entered into solemn engagements with 
all the nations with whom we associated ourselves that 
we would bring about such a kind of settlement and 
such a concert of the purpose of nations that wars like 
this could not occur again. If this war has to be 
fought over again, then all our high ideals and pur- 
poses have been disappointed, for we did not go into 
this war merely to beat Germany. We went into this 
war to beat all purposes such as Germany entertained. 
— From PRESIDENT WILSON'S address at Indianapo- 
lis, Ind., September 4, 1919. 

P- 



236 WINNING THE WAR 

peace-time industrial center at the Nitro powder plant, sell- 
ing that vast establishment parcel by parcel, buildings and 
ground, to manufacturing concerns that cared to move to the 
place. Commercial commodities were disposed of through 
the various trades in quantities adjusted so as not to break 
the markets and cause unemployment. The department 
opened 24 retail stores for selling at low prices to the people 
the excess food supplies of the Army. 

One instance is typical. The Ordnance Department had on 
hand a surplus of 11,000,000 yards of silk used in_making 
powder bags. It has cost the Government 72 cents a yard, 
but it was oily, unbeautiful stuff, and the best bid the depart- 
ment received was 12^ cents a yard. The department was 
unwilling to swallow such a loss. It called in an expert silk 
man who devised a way to boil the oil out of the fabric, which 
was then dyed in patterns. THE DEPARTMENT THEN 
ARRANGED WITH TWO OF THE LARGEST MER- 
CHANDISERS IN THE COUNTRY TO SELL THE 
SILK, AND AS A RESULT THE GOVERNMENT IS RE- 
COVERING ITS FULL COST AND A FINE PROFIT 
BESIDES. 

At the last report the War Department had sold surplus 
property which had cost $2,559,000,000. For this it had re- 
ceived $1,633,177,000, or 64 per cent, of its war value. Prop- 
erty sold in the United States had brought in 70 per cent, of 
its original cost and that abroad 58 per cent. 

Such in broadest outline was the industrial phase of the 
record of the War Department in the World War. It is a 
record of which the public knows little, for those in charge 
have been too busy with the vast enterprise to spend time 
advertising what they were doing. 

Detractors can never dim its luster as one of the finest 
achievements of all time. And it was carried through to the 
end v/ithout a single embalmed beef episode of Spanish War 
notoriety, without a breath of scandal or graft, without a seri- 
ous charge of the maladministration of funds. Once that 
record is understood, it is incredible that the people will ever 
repudiate it. 

And who can doubt its effect upon the outcome of the 
war? Who, remembering the efficiency of the German espi- 
onage, can disbelieve that it was the knowledge in Berlin 
that America was building a gtfn factory bigger than the 
Krupps', was outdistancing Germany in the production- of 
poison gas, was devoting her whole industry to the manu-, 
facture of a crushing weight of battle materials, and was 
demonstrating her ability to freight these "and her soldiers 
across the ocean in defiance of the submarine— WHO CAN 
QUESTION THAT THIS KNOWLEDGE QUITE A3 
?£UCH AS THE SPLENDID PROWESS OF OUR 
TROOPS THEMSELVES BROKE THE GERMAN 
MORALE AND COMPELLED A HUMILIATING SUR- 
RENDER? 



The World War Was fought and won with honor. 
The Democratic Party is for a return to peace with 
honor. 



INDUSTRY'S PART IN WAR 

PLANNED FAR IN ADVANCE 



Administration's Council of National Defense 

Prepared for Mobilizing Economic Forces 

Months Before America Took Up Arms 



REPUBLICAN CONSISTENCY! 



CONDEMNED FOR NOT PREPARING— 

"Inexcusable failure to make timely prep- 
aration is the chief indictment against the 
Democratic administration in the conduct of 
the war." — From the 1920 Republican Plat- 
form. 

CONDEMNED FOR PREPARING— 

". . . An examination of these minutes 
discloses the fact that a commission of seven 
men chosen by the President seems to have de- 
vised the entire system of purchasing supplies; 
... SO FAR AS I CAN OBSERVE, 
THERE WAS NOT AN ACT OF THE SO- 
CALLED WAR LEGISLATION AFTER- 
WARDS ENACTED THAT HAD NOT, BE- 
FORE THE ACTUAL DECLARATION OF 
WAR, BEEN DISCUSSED AND SETTLED 
UPON BY THIS ADVISORY COMMIS- 
SION." — From a statement by Representative 
W. G. Graham, Republican chairman of Select 
Committee on Expenditures in War Depart- 
ment of House of Representatives, on Activi- 
ties of Council of National Defense. 



T^KE constructive genius and the versatility of the Derao- 
•*■ era tic Adr '.inistraticn were shown no less on the internal 
and civil side of the conduct of the world war than in the 
actual combat and military operations, organizations and 
administrations. Modern war is a conflict of nations, not 
armies merely. The whole nation must become a righting 
machine of which the soldier arid sailor in battle are but the 
points of application of power. With the lessons before 
them that the experience of the nations already in the war 
had taught President Wilson and his advisers began energeti- 
cally to organize the industrial strength of the nation for war 
before we were actually involved. 

BLOWING HOT AND COLD, REPUBLICAN LEAD- 
ERS ONE DAY CONDEMN THE ADMINISTRATION 
FOR NOT PREPARING FOR THE WAR, AND THE 
NEXT DAY EXCORIATE IT BECAUSE IT DID PRE- 

237 



23$ WINNING THE WAR 

PARE. The fact is that preparations for the industrial mobi- 
lization of the United States began two years before we 
entered the war. IT WAS LARGELY DUE TO THIS 
FORESIGHT THAT WHEN WE BECAME ONE OF 
THE COMBATANTS IN THE CONFLICT THE ECO- 
NOMIC MOBILIZATION OF THE REPUBLIC PRO- 
CEEDED SO SMOOTHLY, RAPIDLY AND EFFI- 
CIENTLY. Systematic and comprehensive organization for 
war was accomplished largely through the creation of some 
sixty odd special war agencies in and out of the various 
departments of government, not counting the purely, or 
chiefly, military instrumentalities called into being for the 
emergency. These sixty or more agencies functioned with 
due regard to the maintenance of the national strength and 
vitality. The result was that the normal life of America was 
less disturbed in proportion to the magnitude of its military 
effort than was that of any other great combatant nation 
involved in the war. 

The problems of reconstruction and demobilization, when 
the United States passed from war to peace, were handled, 
consequently, with a comparatively small degree of disruption. 

WHOLE NATION UNDER REGULATION 

Five million men were called to arms and returned to civil 
life, hundreds of thousands of industrial plants were turned 
to war uses and then returned to peace uses, millions of 
workers were directed into unaccustomed activities, the liquid 
capital of the nation was absorbed in public expenditures, the 
consumption of necessaries was restricted, non-essentials 
sometimes eliminated, luxuries dispensed with, transportation 
preferentially rationed; food, clothing and shelter curtailed. 
The whole nation, in fact, was put under rule and regulation, 
sacrifices and deprivation. Yet so wisely was it all done that 
there was no real suffering, little hardship, no temporary 
impairment of any essential industry and no permanent injury 
to any industry or factor of national health and vigor. 

Any one of a dozen of the major phases of the industrial 
and economic mobilization of the nation would have been 
enough to make or break any administration in ordinary 
times. The genius of the Democratic party for great affairs 
was, however, equal to every stress and every crisis. It 
could not have succeeded without the cooperation of all the 
people without regard to party, but it is entitled to the credit 
and the unique distinction among all the war administrations 
in our national history of being whole-hearted, thoroughgoing, 
6ingle-purposed and determined that the nation should strike, 
being in war, with every ounce of its material and spiritual 
strength. 

MAINSPRING OF PREPAREDNESS 

The Council of National Defense, which was the main- 
spring of preparedness, and which grew out of the invaluable 
work of the Industrial Preparedness Committee of the Naval 
Consulting Board, established by Secretary Daniels in 1915, 
was created by Congress in the summer of 1916. It was de- 
signed as a permanent body, but it was the imminence of 
war that prompted its conception and authorization. It took 
over officially the great work done by the Preparedness Com- 
mittee (which had made a survey of the military potentialities 
of 25,000 American manufacturing plants), and became the 



I ! WINNING THE WAR 239 

nation's thinker and planner for the economic phases of war 
in the transitional period. It thus became the mother of a 
great brood of war emergency agencies — of many of the pure- 
ly military and of practically all of the civil agencies — except 
the Shipping Board and the Emergency Fleet Corporation— 
that constituted the liaison between government, industry and 
the people in the. great common enterprise. When war came 
the Council was ready to say what was to be done, and how 
and by whom it could be done. It had outlined and prepared 
for the great elemental tasks. 

The Council of National Defense, made up of the secretaries 
of War, Navy, Labor, Agriculture, Interior and Commerce, 
was supplemented by an advisory commission of specialists, 
appointed by the President, which became the Council's chan- 
nel of information and action. The Council organized in 
December, 1916, and immediately began to plan industrial and 
general preparedness for the war that then seemed inevitable. 
Naturally, these undertakings were necessarily confidential, 
and little was known of them until the "smelling committee" 
(Select Committee on Expenditures in the War Department) 
of the Republican House of Representatives, insisted on pub- 
lishing a large part of the Council's minutes, IN ORDER TO 
PROVE THE DAMNING FACT THAT THE DEMO- 
CRATIC ADMINISTRATION WAS GETTING READY 
FOR EVENTUALITIES SOME MONTHS BEFORE 
CONGRESS DECLARED WAR. 

CHIEF "SMELLER" AMAZED 

Chairman W. Q. Graham of the select committee delegated 
himself as the committee's agent to examine the minutes of 
the Council and its Advisory Commission. He was stunned 
by their showing of industrial planning for the war before it 
was declared, and decided that THIS FORETHOUGHT 
WAS AN USURPATION OF AUTHORITY THAT MUST 
BE CONDEMNED. In order that the information should 
be published widely to the country that the Democratic admin- 
istration had not waited for a declaration of war in order to 
get the country ready, Mr. Graham caused a press agent 
assigned to the "smelling committee" by the Republican 
National Committee TO MAKE A SPECIAL EFFORT TO 
CREATE A PUBLIC SENSATION AND SCANDAL OUT 
OF HIS DISCOVERY. IT WAS THE PURPOSE OF 
THE COMMITTEE MAJORITY TO BREAK DOWN 
THE NATIONAL CONVICTION THAT THE MANAGE- 
MENT OF THE WAR WAS SUCCESSFUL AND CRED- 
ITABLE, as one way of laying the foundation for the Re- 
publican campaign this year. Consequently, it adopted the 
unusual course (for a Congressional body) of using the 
services of a press agent, whose business it was to lay stress 
on every bit of unfavorable testimony. Just at that time it 
was fashionable in Republican circles to talk of "autocratic 
and personal" government, and it seemed to Representative 
Graham that the necessarily secret ante-bellum preparedness 
work of the Council of National Defense offered a golden 
opportunity to show the people how they had been dominated 
by a dictatorial government. With his eye on the bugaboo 
of presidential autocracy, Mr. Graham momentarily forgot tho 
other bugaboo of an administration allegedly unprepared 
for war. & 

HIS CAREFULLY STAGED SCANDAL THUS RE- 



240 WINNING THE WAR 

SULTED IN ONE OF THE MOST AMUSING COME- 
DIES AND EFFECTIVE BOOMERANGS OF THE DAY, 
FOR IT COMMITTED THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 
AND PUT IT ON RECORD THROUGH ITS OWN INI- 
TIATIVE, ITS QWN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE 
AND THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE IN 
CONDEMNATION OF THE VERY PREPAREDNESS IT 
HAD SAID THROUGH OTHER MOUTHPIECES DID 
NOT EXIST. 

ATTACK ON PREPAREDNESS 

"The Secret Government of the United States" was the title 
of the press statement issued by Mr. Graham through the 
Republican National Committee press agent acting under his 
direction. This statement quoted Mr. Graham as describing 
the Advisory Commission of the Council of National Defense 
to his committee as "the secret government of the United 
States," and quotes him as making the following "startling" 
statement: 

"An examination of these minutes discloses the fact that a 
commission of seven men chosen by the President seems to have 
devised the entire system of purchasing war supplies; planned 
a press censorship; designed a system of food control and se- 
lected Herbert Hoover as its director; determined on a daylight- 
saving scheme; and — in a word-r— DESIGNED PRACTICALLY 
EVERY WAR MEASURE WHICH THE CONGRESS SUBSE- 
QUENTLY ENACTED, AND THAT IT DID ALL THIS BEHIND 
CLOSED DOORS WEEKS, AND EVEN MONTHS, BEFORE 
THE CONGRESS DECLARED WAR ON GERMANY." 

Not content with his amazing discovery that the Council did 
not call public meetings nor advertise its war measures, Mr. 
Graham called the Washington newspaper correspondents 
around him and told them what offenses the Council of 
National Defense had committed in its preparedness work. 
Later, the press agent delivered to all Washington newspaper 
correspondents a summary of Mr. Graham's "disclosures" to 
his committee (all of which are in the published reports of 
the hearings), from which the following damning excerpts 
are taken: 

GRAHAM'S "DISCLOSURES" 

"It appears from the minutes of the Advisory Commission 
of the Council, which were kept separately, that practically 
all of the measures which were afterwards considered as war 
measures were initiated by this Council and Advisory Com- 
mission, adopted by the Council and afterwards acted upon 
by Congress. IN MANY CASES A CONSIDERABLE 
PERIOD BEFORE THE ACTUAL DECLARATION OF 
WAR WITH GERMANY THIS ADVISORY COMMIS- 
SION WAS DISCUSSING MATTERS WHICH WERE 
THOUGHT TO BE NEV/ LEGISLATION CONCEIVED 
BY REASON OF THE NECESSITIES OF WAR, * * * * * 

"On February IS, about two months before the declaration 
of war, Commissioners (Howard E.) Coffin and (Samuel) 
Qompers made a report as to the exclusion of labor from 
military service AND THE DRAFT WAS DISCUSSED. 
The draft was also discussed on other occasions BEFORE 
ANYONE IN THIS COUNTRY EXCEPT THE ADVI- 
SORY > COMMISSION AND THOSE WHO WERE 



WINNING THE WAR 241 

CLOSELY AFFILIATED WITH THE ADMINISTRA- 
TION KNEW THAT A DECLARATION OF WAR WAS 
LATER TO BE MADE. At a meeting on February 15th this 
same commission of seven men (none of whom had any 
authority except as advisors) RECOMMENDED THAT 
HERBERT HOOVER BE EMPLOYED BY THE GOV- 
ERNMENT IN CONNECTION WITH FOOD CON- 
TROL. ***** 

"The advisory Commission first met on December 6, 1916. 
Almost the first thing it did was to take up the matter of 
arranging an expeditious method of communication between 
the manufacturers and the government. On February 12th, 
for example, Secretary Lane offered a resolution to the 
Advisory Commission, suggesting to them to call a series of 
conferences of the leading men in various industries, SO 
THAT THE INDUSTRIES MIGHT ORGANIZE AND BE 
ABLE TO DO BUSINESS WITH THE COUNCIL 
THROUGH ONE MAN. 

"In several meetings, LONG BEFORE THE WAR WAS 
DECLARED, this advisory commission of seven men met 
with the representatives of the manufacturing industries and 
formed an organization from among their number for selling 
supplies to the government, WHICH ORGANIZATION 
WAS WELL PERFECTED BEFORE THE WAR WAS 
DECLARED. * * * In almost every meeting that this Ad- 
visory Commission had before the declaration of war they 
discussed and recommended to the Council these plans for 
FIXING PRICES and selling to the government. When war 
was declared, on April 6th, this machinery began to move, 
headed by the Advisory Commission of seven men who were, 
in effect, as shown by these minutes, the active government of 
the United States, so far as the purchase of supplies was con- 
cerned. SO FAR AS I CAN OBSERVE THERE WAS 
NOT AN ACT OF THE SO-CALLED WAR LEGISLA- 
TION AFTERWARDS ENACTED THAT HAD NOT, BE- 
FORE THE DECLARATION OF WAR, BEEN DIS- 
CUSSED AND SETTLED UPON BY THIS ADVISORY 
COMMISSION." 

BESMIRCHED REPUBLICANS 

The "secret government" of seven — the Advisory Commis- 
sion — consisted of Dr. Hollis Godfrey, President of the Drexel 
Institute, Philadelphia ; Howard E. Coffin, manufacturer and 
engineer of Detroit, who had been working for nearly two 
years on industrial preparedness, as a member of the Indus- 
trial Preparedness Committee of the Naval Consulting Board; 
Bernard M. Baruch, financier, New York; Samuel Gompers, 
President of the American Federation of Labor; Franklin H. 
Martin, physician, secretary of the American College of Sur- 
geons, Chicago; Julius Rosenwald, merchant, Chicago, and 
Daniel Willard, president, Baltimore & Ohio Railway, Balti- 
more. So far as their political affiliations are classifiable, 
FOUR OF THE SEVEN APPEAR TO BE REPUBLI- 
CANS, j The cooperative committees, representing the great 
industries of the country, which they gathered around them 
in order to bring the manufacturing potentiality of the nation 
into intimate relationship with the government in preparation 
for a war that would be primarily industrial, were appraised 
by Grosvernor B. Clarkson, director of the Council of National 
Defense, and himself a Republican, AS BEING COMPOSED 



242 WINNING THE WAR ? 

VERY LARGELY OF REPUBLICANS. Hence, in con- 
demning the great basic work of preparedness, Mr. Graham, 
his committee and the Republican National Committee were 
BESMIRCHING NOT ONLY THE PRESIDENT OF THE 
AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND THE IN- 
DUSTRIAL LEADERS OF THE COUNTRY, BUT 
SCORES OF REPRESENTATIVE MEN OF THEIR 
OWN PARTY WHO HAD UNDERTAKEN A PA- 
TRIOTIC TASK. Mr. Graham's report is full of insinua- 
tions that these men and the Council and its Advisory Com- 
mission conspired to direct war expenditures for private 
benefit. 

It is largely these same patriotic war workers and 
industrial leaders who are now called upon to finance 
the Republican political campaign, which has as its 
chief contention the allegation that the most success- 
fully conducted war in American history — conducted 
largely on the industrial side by them and their fellows 
— was a disgraceful failure. Will they stand for being 
maligned and exploited at the same time ? 

As the Council's various and numerous committees, boards 
or projects in size and importance grew, it ceased to exercise 
much of the responsibility it had assumed in the beginning, 
but throughout the war it continued to be the great moral, 
spiritual, and in some degree the physical, co-ordinator and 
clearing house of the nation's war activities. Through its 
own national organization and the state councils of defense, 
everywhere established at its suggestion, and its 183,000 local 
units, it became the great mobilizer of individual and com- 
munity effort in behalf of war activities. 

So complete was the organization and so thoroughly was 
the country covered, especially through the field division, 
that a personal representative of the Council in every county 
in the United States was communicated with repeatedly in- 
side of twelve hours. 

GOT LABOR'S COOPERATION 

The absolutely non-partisan amalgamation of government 
and people that resulted from the Council's wide vision and 
comprehensive planning created the great spiritual force of 
the war. To its foresight, for instance, more than to any 
other contributing agency, was due THE ENERGETIC 
AND ENTHUSIASTIC PARTICIPATION OF LABOR 
IN THE WHOLE WAR ENTERPRISE. THANKS TO 
IT, LABOR WAS NOT A MERE SLAVISH HEWER OF 
WOOD AND DRAWER OF WATER IN THE WAR 
WORK, BUT A VOLUNTARY AND EQUAL CO- 
OPERATOR, REPRESENTED IN THE SEATS OF 
POWER AS V/ELL AS IN THE PLACES OF TOIL. 
Wholly lacking in partisanship as was this vast organization, 
it was nevertheless inspired and successful because of the 
democratic belief and trust in the people. 

* 
It was the great public morale office of the war. It enlisted 

the women and children and all non-combatants in a universal 
second line of war activity and backed with information, sym- 
pathy, understanding and the will to do all the work of the 
government and allied agencies. 



WINNING THE WAR 243 

Space does not permit of even the briefest account of the 
Council's activities, but it might be mentioned that pending 
formal organization of the purchase of munitions, the supply 
committee of the Advisory Commission of the Council was 
the medium through which different war department bureaus 
arranged for the purchase, through 45,000 contracts, of $800,- 
000,000 worth of supplies promptly and cheaply, at an over- 
head expense of only $20,000. 

The Council inaugurated the policy of price control through 
conference and persuasion, which afterwards became such a 
marked feature of the War Industries Board, the Food and 
Fuel Administrations, etc. Through Commissioner Baruch 
basic steel prices were early obtained that generally prevailed 
throughout the war and that are calculated to have saved 
THE ENORMOUS SUM OF $3,112,000,000 IN THE FIRST 
YEAR OF THE WAR, as compared with existing market 
prices. Through the same instrumentality the government's 
first purchase of copper, 45,000,000 pounds at 16 2 /£ cents a 
pound, was made at about half the market price. The later 
price of 23 cents, fixed by the War Industries Board, repre- 
sented a saving of about ten cents a pound. Both steel and 
copper prices were the same for the U. S. Government, the 
Allies and the public. Similar deals were made in lead, lum- 
ber, timber for ships, etc. 

The whole industrial mobilization of the country in the 
first three months of the war cost only $127,000. This was 
possible because the Council, through its committees of busi- 
ness men and manufacturers, had inspired the commercial 
public with the ideals of service and acted as the great initial 
agency in enlisting business for the prosecution of the war. 
Subsequently the regularly created executive bureaus and 
other agencies universally adopted this idea — so that on the 
industrial side the war was fought by open-minded, practical 
and scientific, industrial and technical leaders and specialists 
of the whole nation. Everywhere the learned and experi- 
enced men, the men who knew and had achieved, were draft- 
ed, without regard to politics, for government service, in or 
out of uniform, and thousands of them without pay. 

DEFAMING NATION'S FOREMOST MEN 

Thus, in foolishly decrying the magnificent war achieve- 
ment, THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IS DEFAMING THE 
INDUSTRIAL AND INTELLECTUAL LEADERS OF 
THE COUNTRY, whether on the side of capital or on the 
side of labor, because the war economically was conducted 
and fought by them. If it was a failure, then the American 
manufacturer, banker, merchant, mechanic^ engineer, scien- 
tist, technician and labor leader are all failures. But being 
thus fought it could not fail of being a success. 

Incidentally it might be repeated that large numbers of 
these leaders in private life who volunteered or cheerfully 
submitted to commandeering for war service were Republi- 
cans in politics* 

What do they think of the official Republican contempt for 
the result of their sacrificing labors? Above all others, they 
know that no partisan advantage was taken of the common war 
enterprise and that all who were in the great crusade were 
treated by the administration without regard for or even cog* 
nizance of political affiliations. 



244 WINNING THE WAR '< 

To enumerate the most important of the special war 
agencies, not the creatures of the war or navy departments 
in a purely military sense, there were: the War Industries 
Board, the Food Administration, the Fuel Administration, 
the War Trade Board, the Alien Property Custodian's Office, 
the Committee on Public Information, the Bureau of War 
Risk Insurance, the War Finance Corporation, the Capital 
Issues Committee, the Treasury War Loan organization, the 
Railroad Administration, the Telegraph and Telephone Ser- 
vice of the Post Office Department, the Aircraft Production 
Board, superseded by the Aircraft Board; the War Labor 
Administration of the Department of Labor, which included 
the Employment Service, the National War Labor Board, 
Bureau of Industrial Housing and Transportation (U. S. 
Housing Corporation), Working Conditions Service, Investi- 
gation and Inspection Service; War Labor Training and 
Dilution Bureau, Labor Information and Education service; 
War Chemical Service of the Department of Interior, Federal 
Board for Vocational Education — rehabilitation of disabled 
soldiers; Division of Foreign Exchange of the Federal Re- 
serve Board, Alien Enemies Patent Service of the Federal 
Trade Commission; National Highways Council; Nitrate 
Plants Board; Joint Information Board on Minerals and 
Derivatives; National Labor Adjustment Board; National 
Agricultural Advisory Commission; National Marine Con- 
ference; National Research Council; New York Port War 
Board; Bureau of Planning and Statistics; President's Me- 
diation Commission; Shipbuilding Labor Adjustment Board; 
U. S. Censorship Board; Licensing of Farm Equipment, Li- 
censing of Fertilizer Distribution (Department of Agricul- 
ture); Alien Passport Control, Alien Military Section and 
Special Information Service of the State Department. 
♦ In addition to the specially created agencies, practically 
every existing bureau in every department and field of gov- 
ernment was either wholly or partially converted into a war 
agency, so that even the above enumeration gives only an 
incomplete idea of the vast organization for industrial mobil- 
ization and application that was built or fashioned outside 
the actual combat departments — the war and navy, in which 
the extension, specialization and multiplication of organiza- 
tions was necessarily on a colossal scale. Some of the more 
conspicuous of the war agencies are dealt with in separate 
articles in this book, and only a passing mention of the 
work of a few will be made here. 



War Industries Board 



The War Industries Board was a product of the Council 
of National Defense and later was endowed, by executive 
action, with greater authority than r5:e council itself, even- 
tually becoming entirely independent of it. In the end it was 
in effect the industrial dictator of the nation and exercised 
such great power over the business and life of the country 
that it was able to mass the mechanical and material resources 
of the Republic for the unrelenting demands of the greatest of 
wars. It introduced and compelled team work and curbed 
profiteering on the economic side of the war. It drove nec- 
essary industries at top speed, restricted production of lux- 



WINNING THE WAR 



245 



uries and non-essentials and was in fact the general staff of 
America's enthusiastic and efficient industrial army. 

Generally, throughout the war, all that American 
captains of industry and labor required in the way oi 
disciplining was to be shown the patriotic reason and 
fairness of what was demanded of them. High and 
jow, they then fell into line and served the country 
with unsurpassed zeal, ability and energy. 

It was the Democratic faith in humanity that brought about 
this result. The steel manufacturer in the service of the War 
Industries Board, for example, was first and foremost an 
American citizen, and was actuated as a citizen rather than 
a manufacturer. Through the opportunity extended to them 
BY THE DEMOCRATIC WAR ADMINISTRATION 
AMERICAN BUSINESS AND LABOR DEMONSTRAT- 
ED THEIR SOUNDNESS, GREATNESS, ESSENTIAL 
PATRIOTISM AND IDEALISM. 




The Fuel Administration, conducted in the same spirit, 
though condemned at first, eventually completely won the 
confidence of the public, the manufacturing consumer of coal, 
the mine operator and the miner. The whole coal production 
and distribution systems of the country were scientifically 
.grouped, regionalized, audited and priorized, and a schedule 
of prices established that encouraged production and provided 
liberally for wages and yet saved the country from excessive 
prices for coaL Peace was maintained in the industry and it 
was worked as one great machine for the general good of the 
country and the meeting of the war emergency. Coal was 
"provided for power, transportation, manufacturing, domestic 
uses, for the army and navy and for the Allies. Under the 
benign direction of the Fuel ^Administration the miners dug 
the pits for their absent brothers in the trenches and the 
volume of coal production was increased more than 100,000,- 
000 tons above the normal rate, the insatiable demands of 
the furnaces of war were met and the enginery of war kept 
moving at top speed. "Fuel will win the war" was the slogan, 
and in its place the Fuel Administration did win the war. 




The Food Administration likewise played its great part 
greatly. Thanks in large measure to it, all Americans were 
well, though sometimes abstemiously, fed throughout the war, 
food prices were stabilized and kept at a level that were at- 
tainable by the people without intimidating the producer. 
The farmer was able to plant vast wheat crops because the 
igovernment underwrote the crops of three years at a mini- 
;mura price, our armies were abundantly fed, fats and bread 
and beef weie delivered to the Allies in sufficient quantities 



246 WINNING THE WAR 

to keep their great human war machines fit and strong and 
their civilian populations busy and content. 

Fourteen million families were enlisted in the food economy 
programs and out of the saving* of consumers and the work of 
producers the allied world was kept alive and vigorous and 
friend and foe alike rescued from famine at the end of the war. 

Through the United States Grain Corporation, the Food 
Administration conducted a gigantic business, which had to 
continue actively at work until June 1, 1920. With a find 
of $1,150,000,000 (including the foreign relief work and the 
billion dollars authorized for the use of the Wheat Director in 
supporting the guarantee for the 1919 crop), provided by 
Congress, the Grain Corporation practically took possession 
of the primary wheat transactions of the whole country. It 
bought wheat for export to the Allies, stabilized domestic 
flour prices by buying and selling flour, thus saving the gov- 
ernment from loss on its guarantee and protecting the con- 
sumer from an excessive price for bread. The turnover of 
the Grain Corporation amounted to more than $7,000,000,000 
and it has covered all its capital and TURNED A PROFIT 
OF ABOUT $50,000,000 BACK INTO THE NATIONAL 
TREASURY. In all the many gratifying demonstrations of 
business ability given by the War Administration none was 
more so than the work of the Grain Corporation. 



War Trade Board 



The War Trade Board and the Exports Control Committee 
directed foreign trade into channels that served the common 
good, economized precious transport space and used it only 
for necessities of war or life, crippled German trade in neutral 
countries and fitted American foreign trade requirements re- 
ciprocally with those of the Allies. 



Liberty Loan Organization 



The Liberty Loan Organization of the Treasury was tfte 
most effective, the largest and the most successful financial 
selling organization ever conceived. Able financiers doubted 
that $500,000,000 of bonds could be disposed of by popular dis- 
tribution. Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo differed from 
them, and the organization eventually sold $20,000,000,000 o£ 
them to 25,000,000 buyers, thus making the people their own 
creditors. 




The Housing Corporation spent $70,000,000 and buslt work- 
men's houses by the thousand. 

The War Finance Corporation supported necessary indus- 
tries, export trade and public services that could not be pri- 



WINNING THE WAR 247 

vately financed because of the government's absorption of 
credit. 

The Capital Issues Committee rationed and conserved the 
nation's investment capital so that it might be confined to 
useful channels. 

The Alien Property Custodian rooted Germanism out of 
business. 

The War Labor Board sagaciously adjudicated labor-capital 
disputes and reduced war labor difficulties to a minimum. 

The Federal Employment Service mobilized and distributed 
labor throughout the country, withdrawing it from certain 
places and industries and massing it in others. 

The Export Control Committee coordinated internal and 
external transportation, making the ship the complement of 
the railway car. 

ALL SUCCESSFUL AND HONEST 

All of these and the other war agencies were signally suc- 
cessful and honest. They not only handled tens of billions of 
dollars without scandal, but they mixed and mingled authori- 
tatively with the whole commercial life of the country, with 
consequent vast powers of favor and discrimination, and un- 
equaled opportunities for speculation, peculation and corrup- 
tion and yet kept their hands clean. 

Never were there such temptations for abuse or 
misuse of power, such boundless opportunities for prof- 
itable exploitation of office, and never was there less 
of either. The emergencies of the greatest war might 
easily have been productive of the greatest scandals 
in public life; but in fact there were but few minor 
breaches of faith and none of major importance. 

And all this is true not only of the special war agencies 
under consideration, but of all the commercial transactions 
of the tremendously enlarged army and navy activities, which 
brought those organizations into direct contact with business 
on a money scale that ran into a score of billions. 

There would have been extraordinary war activities under 
any war administration, but the special contribution of the 
Democratic Administration to them, outside of its stainless 
fiduciary record, was in its deep understanding of, and a 
prompt response to the requirements of a war unprecedented 
in magnitude and with complex ramifications and reactions 
throughout the whole fabric of national life, and its demo- 
cratic policy of enlisting all the people in a war that was a 
national and not a mere military war. Instead of extending 
a dictatorial government over the people for the purpose of 
winning the war, it took the people into the government 
through the emergency organizations. Thus, the people^ — 
from the Wall Street banker to the fisherman of Alaska, from 
the college president to the Indian and the cowboy, from 
Porto Rico to the Philippines — all felt that they were an 
indispensable part of the whole huge war enterprise. They 
were not blindly taking orders. They were doing their own 
work. Their government made it their war in determina- 
tion, in conduct and in conclusion. HENCE, THEY GAVE 
ALL THEIR RESOURCES AND ABILITY. THEY 



248 WINNING THE WAR 

PROVED THAT A DEMOCRACY MAY BE GREAT IN 
WAR AS WELL AS IN PEACE AND THE DEMOCRACY 
GAVE THEM THE OPPORTUNITY. THEREIN LAY 
THE SURPASSING WISDOM OF THE WAR ADMIN- 
ISTRATION. 

II " « I'L 1 IMUM I Mli. 1 . 1.,,'jr, l/l'i'lmfU 1.., ■--"■, J' . '. ■ ' '...'. , '.' 'I, 1 . V" ,'lll 'lit 

REPUBLICAN SILENCE ON OUR 

NATIONAL WAR ACHIEVEMENT 



"Since the last national conventions of the two great parties 
(1916) a world war has been fought, historic, unprecedented. 
For many, many months, civilization hung in the balance. In 
the despair of dark hours it seemed as though a world dicta- 
tor was inevitable, and that henceforth men and women who 
had lived in freedom would stand at attention, in the face of 
the drawn sword of military autocracy. The very soul of 
America was touched as never before with a fear that our 
liberties were to be taken away. What America did, needs 
no reiteration here. It is known of all men. History will 
acclaim it — poets will find it an inspiration throughout all 
the ages. AND YET THERE IS NOT A UNE IN THE RE- 
PUBUCAN PLATFORM THAT BREATHES AN EMOTION 
OF PRIDE OR RECITES OUR NATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT. 
In fact, if a man from Mars were to depend upon the Repub- 
lican platform or its spoken interpretation by the candidate 
of that party, as his first means of information, he would not 
find a syllable telling him THAT THE WAR HAD BEEN 
WON, AND THAT AMERICA HAD SAVED THE WORLD. 
How ungenerous, how ungracious all of this is! How unfair 
that a mere group of leaders should so demean themselves in 
THE NAME OF THE PARTY OF LINCOLN AND McKINLEY 
AND ROOSEVELT !*»— From JAMES M. COX^S Speech of 
Acceptance, August 7, 1920. 



"WHAT IS CALLED REPUBLICANISM?" 



JS R. HARDING gays, "We are not making 
-* a war for democracy's sake; it has been 
a lie from the beginning." IF THIS WAS 
NOT A WAR FOR DEMOCRACY'S SAKE, 
IT WAS NOTHING. American rights were 
democracy's rights. * . * * It is funny what 
a man will do and say * * * to obtain po- 
litical power. It is easy to sit aroimd and watch 
a prise fight or a battle and find fault or pick 
Haws, but when it comes to doing a thing it is 
much different. IF THIS IS WHAT 15 CALL- 
ED REPUBLICANISM, THEN I KNOW, 
FATHER, I AM NEVER GOING TO BE A 
REPUBLICAN.— From a letter of Albert M. 
Fellows, of Henryetta, Okla., a young Ameri- 
can soldier who was in France, to his father. 



WAR INDUSTRIES BOARD'S 

SPLENDID ACHIEVEMENTS 



How Democratic Administration Mobilized 
Nation's Business Ability and Resources 
for War — Republican Efforts to Be- 
little Work Resented by Indus- 
trial Leaders 



nn HE War Industries Board was the industrial organizer of 
A victory. But for it many, if not all, of the other war 
agencies would have failed in their own fields or else 
those achieving success would have done so at the cost of 
defeat of others. Had not the War Industries Board existed 
to synchronize and correlate industrial activities the great 
constructive agencies such as the Emergency Fleet Corpo- 
ration, the various procurement branches of the army and 
navy and the directive agencies, such as the Food and Fuel 
Administrations, together with the multitudinous supply 
activities of the Allies* in the United States, would have 
fallen into an appalling chaos of blind individual efforts that 
would always have been competitive and sometimes antago- 
nistic. Without it $30,000,000,000 would have been spent in 
creating a "confusion worse confounded" of production and 
transportation that would have absorbed the energies of the 
nation in feverish activity without effective results. 

An understanding of the unique achievement of the War 
Industries Board is not only historically important and of 
controversial value as definitely refuting the puerile criticism 
that the industrial phases of the war were not conducted on 
the best lines of business organization, but is of practical 
value to every voter in making up his mind as to which party / 
should be entrusted with the conduct of the Federal govern- 
ment for the next four years. 

While the Board was so non-partisan that Chairman Baruch 
did not know the politics of his co-members, much less of 
his general staff and personnel, it was a Democratic triumph 
as much as the Federal Reserve System, the Farm Loan 
Board and its banks, the Federal Trade Commission because, 
like them, IT WAS THE PRODUCT OF THE CON- 
STRUCTIVE GENIUS OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY 
AND DEMONSTRATES ANEW THE SUPERIOR ABIL- 
ITY OF THAT PARTY TO DEAL NOT ONLY WITH 
PURELY POLITICAL MATTERS, BUT WITH THE 
GREAT AFFAIRS OF NATIONAL ECONOMY AND 
INDUSTRY. 

A HOMOGENEOUS MACHINE 
In Mr. Bernard M. Baruch the President found the key mind 
for the economic mobilization of the nation and, instead of 
acting as a petty politician, a formal bureaucrat or a theorist, 
Mr. Baruch assembled around himself the key minds of all the 
industries.- Under his direction the most powerful and inde- 
pendent men in the business world brought together their 
talents, special knowledge and experience and pooled them 
into a homogenous machine. 

249 



250 WINNING THE WAR 

THE WAR INDUSTRIES BOARD IN CONCEPTION 
AND ADMINISTRATION WAS THE FUNDAMENTAL 
BUSINESS TRIUMPH OF THE WAR. It became the 
general staff of American industry mobilized for war. It 
undertook to do more, and actually accomplished more, than 
any other economic control organization in any country in 
any age. 

In a democratic nation and without direct legal authority 
for much that it undertook to do and, therefore, dependent 
on voluntary cooperation and support, it succeeded in con- 
trolling, directing and harmoniously using the whole indus- 
trial personnel of the country and all its resources and facili- 
ties to a greater degree and more successfully than was done 
in autocratic Germany or in any of the Allied countries. Not 
only that, but it brought all the agencies and departments of 
the government into harmony with each other and with the 
great economic forces and organizations of industry and 
transportation. Going still further it reached out and on 
certain broad lines shaped the entire economic life of the 
Allied nations and, to a very large extent, of the neutral 
nations as well. In a general way it acted as the require- 
ments and purchasing agent in the United States for the 
government of the United States and for the Allies. Through 
its control in one phase or another the former spent $20,000,- 
000,000 and the latter $10,000,000,000 in the United States. 
Reaching out across the seas it became a powerful and some- 
times dominant economic factor in Japan, India, the Straits 
Settlements, Australia, South America and even modified the 
economic programs of London, Paris and Rome. It estab- 
lished world prices for steel, copper, tin, wool, etc., and 
saved billions of dollars for the United States, the Allies and 
all the Allied peoples. It is therefore no exaggeration to 
say that the War Industries Board was the greatest and most 
successful industrial organization the world has ever seen. 
IBeing so universal in its work and often manifesting itself 
through agencies that had no association with it in the public 
mind the American people had little conception of the extent 
to which the War Industries Board dominated the life of the 
nation In the popular mind instrumentalities such as the 
Food Administration and the Fuel Administration, because 
they touched people closely in their daily lives, loomed much 
larger than the War Industries Board. But the board was 
the power behind the scenes, the rarely seen and generally 
unknown head center of everything that pertained to mate- 
rials labor, manufacturing, finance and transportation. It 
was the supreme agency through which the Presiaent, indus- 
trial director of the nation by virtue of his war powers, 
specific acts of Congress and the necessities of war, acted as 
commander-in-chief of the civilian armies that backed the 
combat forces. 

POWERS OF THE BOARD 

After the War Industries Board was thoroughly organized 

and acting — ~ . 

No structure costing more than $2,500 could be erected m 
any part of the country without its consent. 

No corporation or individual could float bonds or issue 
new capital stock without its indorsement. 

Nobody could export or import anything without its 
approval. 



WINNING THE WAR 251 

Without its "O. K." railway and steamship transportation 
were not available. 

Without its concurrence neither the War nor the Navy 
departments, the Emergency Fleet Corporation or any other 
governmental body could procure materials and supplies. 

None of the Allies or neutrals could spend a cent in the 
United States or draw on their credits with the Treasury for 
a single dollar except as approved by the War Industries 
Board. 

It dictated what industries should have materials, fuel, 
credit and transportation. 

It determined what non-essentials industries and activities 
should be suspended during the war. 

It designated what the combat forces should have and what 
should be reserved for the civilian population. 

It established prices on all the basic commodities, sternly 
checked profiteering, simplified and standardized manufac- 
turing to the end of saving labor and materials, and as the 
war approached its end was undertaking to establish prices 
for all necessaries not already under control. The standard- 
ization and limitation of designs, models and fashions re- 
sulted in tremendous savings of time and materials and a 
vast gain in production and taught an invaluable lesson in 
national economy, showing for the first time that the coun- 
try spends billions annually for the gratification of vanity, 
pride and individual caprice — in clothing, furniture, machin- 
ery, agricultural implements, shoes, and what not. 

It virtually took possession of the steam and hydro-elec- 
tric power plants of the country and the supply of gas, natural 
and artificial. 

It allocated materials, fuel, transportation and other facili- 
ties, to governmental departments and agencies, to civilian 
uses and as between the Allies. 

It passed on the location of war-industry plants. 

It used its universal power of control over American 
facilities, materials, and products to induce the Allies and 
neutrals to share with the United States whatever they had 
or controlled that was needed for the American war effort 
and actually established through its War Mission to the 
Allies a pooling of the economic resources of the Allied and 
neutral world. 

It made level prices on basic materials in the United States 
for the Government, for the Allies and for private business, 
and inaugurated an international purchasing agency whereby 
the United States and each of the Allies obtained in every 
other Allied country the same prices that the Government 
of that country secured for itself. 

It surveyed and kept in constant touch with the whole 
field of economic production throughout the world, but espe- 
cially in the United States. 

It stimulated production of necessaries and kept the flow 
of finished goods steady and increasing in volume. 

It was the clearing house and the executive center for 
every material phase of the war. <* 

It measured demand by supply and delivered accordingly. 

The international nitrate executive, whereby the Allies got 
complete control at fair prices of the Chilean nitrate produc- 
tion, necessary for the manufacture of explosives and as a 
fertilizer, was originated by the War Industries Board. It 
was so successful that when in 1918 the whole raw material 



252 WINNING THE WAR 

situation became very critical, the Allies invited the United 
States to cooperate with them in establishing a general con- 
trol of raw materials. At that time the price of tin had be- 
come prohibitory. Most of it came from the Straits Settle- 
ments, a British colony; from the Dutch East Indies and 
from Bolivia. The United States, entirely without tin of its 
own, was the largest consumer. A somewhat similar situa- 
tion existed with respect to wool from Australia, New Zea- 
land, South Africa and South America; palm oil, used in the 
manufacture of tin plate; jute from India, necessary for bur- 
lap and bagging; flax from -Russia; hides and tanning mate- 
rials; platinum, necessary in the production of sulphuric acid 
and explosives, airplanes and signaling apparatus; chrome, 
manganese and tungsten for steel alloys. 

As the British largely controlled tin, wool and jute, the 
War Industries Board representatives insisted that there 
must be a controlled price for these commodities, in view of 
the fact that the United States was controlling the price of its 
raw materials and giving the Allies the benefit of it. 

Control was established and as a result the United States 
saved $45,000,000 on its wool contracts and obtained its tin 
for $500 less a ton than it had been paying. 

Correspondingly large savings were effected in all the 
other raw materials the United States needed to import, and 
all raw materials were pooled and supplied and divided 
among the Allies, according to their needs. A further result 
was the curtailment of non-essential use of raw materials 
throughout the allied countries, which effected a tremendous 
saving in the cost of materials and in their use and led to 
economy of shipping and other transportation, which made 
it possible to release a large tonnage of ships for the trans- 
portation of American troops to France, together with the 
vast amount of munitions and equipment required for the 
American a*rmy. 

SUSTAINED NATION'S MORALE 

Through its dominating idea of voluntary cooperation in- 
stead of arbitrary dictation it also contributed to the morale 
of the nation in a very large degree. Through its special 
director for each of the great industries it dealt with com- 
mittees of the industries and thus those industries, acquaint- 
ed with the necessities of the situation and inspired by the 
Board with the spirit of patriotic sacrifice, expanded or cur- 
tailed, altered or continued and laid down the rules for their 
own sacrifices or privations. In a sense the whole of in- 
dustry was taken into the Board and became part of it. But 
no industry was ever thus taken in on its own terms. After 
due consultation and conference the terms were established 
independently by the Board Executive. Industries volun- 
teered or were drafted, but once in they became so much 
a part of the national industrial army that, like the fighting 
men, their individuality was submerged in the machine. The 
War Industries Board made the great war their war. It not 
only brought the industries into the war machine but it 
drafted their ablest executives and brought them into the 
war with their wealth of commanding ability and technical 
information to become without pay, or with small pay, the 
officers «of the industrial army which was just as truly com- 
manded by the War Industries Board as the combat army 
was by General Pershing. 



WINNING THE WAR 253 

Through the War Industries Board, when it became fully 
operative, every move in the industrial department of the 
war game was made with an understanding of the whole 
situation and in such a manner as to prevent one activity 
rom neutralizing another. General Pershing might need 
.ocomotives. At the same time the War Department needed 
nitrates for explosives. Pershing could not fight without 
powder. The War Industries Board therefore decided 
whether the immediately available locomotives should go to 
Pershing or to the nitrate field railroads of Chile. There 
were thousands of such decisions. Thus the Board became 
the "timer" of t*ie national war machine. 

WAS A MUNITIONS DEPARTMENT 

The War Industries Board was not only the American 
:orm of a Munitions Department, but it was all that such a 
department might have been and more, for with its resilient 
cooperative organization, its adaptive personnel of volun- 
teers, its moral and indirect rather than rigidly prescribed 
statutory powers, its inter^penetration of and fusion with 
sill the war bodies, public and private, its rational and per- 
suasive rather than arbitrary and harsh methods, its elastic 
executive machinery, its universal contact with industry and 
government, its scorn for red tape, its freedom from the 
formalism and aloofness of officialdom and its opposition to 
bureaucracy, it beeame far more than a mere department 
:ould ever have been. 

It did all that a separate Munitions Department might 

lave done and it interwove the civilian and military 

liases of the war effort and correlated them and the 

myriad government activities as no separately estab- 

ished department of government could ever have done. 

GREAT ECONOMIC DICTATOR 

It may be truthfully said that the War Industries 
Soard constituted the first economic dictatorship ever 
comprehensively undertaken in a great nation. Neither 
in Germany, England or France were the material re- 
sources of the country so completely and effectually 
mobilized and directed by a central governing agency. 

The selective draft and the War Industries Board were 
:he primary agencies in the application of the energies of 
he nation to the cause of war. 

That these two agencies which touched every facet of the 
lational life and every individual in the country worked 
land and glove is not generally understood, but it is a fact. 
\s the reserves of easily tapped man power dwindled, Gen- 
eral Crowder relied on the War Industries Board to tell 
lim where more soldiers might be obtained without weaken- 
ng the industrial army. 

^It took time for the Board to evolve and it was not at the 
:enith of its potential efficiency when the armistice was 
kigned. It had its beginning in the Council of National 
Defense, its functions being outlined at the first meeting of 
he Council in December, 1916, by Bernard M. Baruch, who 
was a member of the Advisory Commission of the Council. 
Ifter the Munitions Board had been created and then super- 



254 WINNING THE WAR 

seded by the embryonic War Industries Board, both of whic 
were within the Council of Defense organization, Mr. Baruc 
was appointed chairman of the War Industries Board bein 
the third occupant of that position. Finally, in the spring o 
1918, President Wilson established the board as an inde 
pendent arm of the executive authority and appointed Mr 
Baruch at its head. While functioning as a part of the Coun 
cii of National Defense the Board had been able to accom 
push much, such as in the fixing of the prices of copper anc 
steel, but its field became wider and its authority mucl 
greater when the President invested it with full control ovei 
the industrial sector of the general war front. 

The Board proper consisted of Mr. Baruch, Robert S 
Brookings, Brig.-Gen. Hugh S. Johnson, representing th( 
Army; Rear Admiral F. F. Fletcher, representing the Navy 
Hugh Frayne, representing labor; Geo. N. Peek, J. L. Replo 
gle, L. L. Summers, Alexander Legge and Edwin B. Parker 
Each of the civilian members was charged with special func- 
tions. In addition, A. W. Shaw was chairman of the Con- 
servation Committee. 

There was a long list of commodity divisions organized to 
deal with the war activities of some three hundred and fifty 
different industries. Each of the more important industries 
had its own committee through which it had contact with 
the War Industries Board. These committees were direct, 
convenient and authoritative channels of communication be 
tween the Board and the industries. 

BUSINESS LEADERS VOLUNTEERS 

The Board's own organization was made up from top to 
bottom of the ablest men in American business and industry, 
with a sprinkling of lawyers, army and navy officers, other 
governmental officials, economists and technical experts— all 
of whom had special qualifications for their work. The busi- 
ness men who came into the organization had an aggregate 
earning capacity of $35,000,000 annually in private life but 
gave their services to the Board for nothing. 

The War Industries Board was the outstanding me- 
dium through which the business men of America con- 
tributed their part of the common war effort. Nothing 
better illustrates the attitude of Republican leaders 
toward the conduct of the war than the fact that 
through the Select Committee on Expenditures in the 
War Department it has sought to besmirch and belittle 
the work done by these men — the cream of American 
business ability. Great numbers of the men who 
participated in this colossal achievement were Repub- 
lican in politics. They are now told by the party to 
which they are traditionally attached that their work 
was a failure. WHAT WILL BE THEIR ANSWER? 



DISCREDITS WILSO N'S CRITICS 

"For my own part I believe the time will come when men 
will be as ashamed of rigging the President because of his for- 
eign policy and of opposing the League to Enforce Peace as 
those partisan politicians were who fought and criticised Abra- 
ham Lincoln."— REPRESENTATIVE FULLER (Republican) in 
the House of Representatives, Anril 9, 1920. 



FEDERAL RAIL CONTROL 

SAVED U. S. AND ALLIES 



Privately Operated American Railways 

Broke Down Under War Strain in 1917 

— Government Direction Saved the 

Day and Brought Victory 



SALIENT POINTS IN THE RECORD 

OF RAILROAD ADMINISTRATION 



Enabled the railroads to render war service of In- 
estimable value to the country. 

Provided the American people with the cheapest 
transportation they ever enjoyed. 

Averted a physical and financial breakdown of the 
country's whole transportation system. 

Effected far-reaching economies in administration 
and operation. 

Overcame shortage of equipment through fuller 
loading of cars, re-routing and elimination of unneces- 
sary Irain service. 

Handled greatest volume of .coal traffic country has 
ever known. 

Obtained loyal support of labor through fair 
treatment in matter of wages and working conditions. 

Paid rentals to the roads equal to the average net 
operating income for the three most profitable years 
they ever enjoyed, enabling them to meet interest 
payments and continue dividends that were in jeop. 
ardy. 

Made additions and betterments that would not have 
been possible under private control. 



"THE Government, through the United States Railroad Ad- 
*- ministration, of which W. G. McAdoo was Director 
General from January 1, 1918, to January 11, 1919, when Mr. 
Walker D. Hines succeeded him, controlled and operated the 
team railways (except certain short lines), coastwise steam- 
hip lines and inland waterways of the United States from the 
st of January, 1918, "until the 1st of March, 1920. 

For the first five and a half months of this period there 
ras no change in rates, but in June, 1918, freight rates were 
dvanced an average of 28 per cent, and passenger rates were 
lcreased an average of 18 per cent. 

These were the only advances in either freight rates or 
Passenger rates ordered or established by the Railroad Ad- 
linistration during the 26 months that it controlled the rail- 
ways. As the rates of 1916 for both freight and passengers 
veraged the lowest on record and the only increase in those 
ates previously established was the advance of 15 per cent. 
a freight rates for the territory north of the Ohio River 

255 



*3* WINNING THE WAR 

and Mason and Dixon's line and east of the Mississ 
River only, authorized by the Interstate Commercf Comr 

SS m an P d ar L aS th° f ^^ 27 ' 1W ' and in Part as ™*££ 
hi iw t V £ Vcrage - Pnce of commodities as she 
by Duns Index Number increased from 137 660 on T 

ce a nT WlSrW^rS? 1 *" 1920 > or about 90 J 
cent., n is PLAIN THAT THE UNTTT?n qtat 

^ROAD ADMINISTRATION SUCCEEDED INM 
X£™I HK AME RICAN PEOPLE WITH TI 
CHEAPEST TRANSPORTATION THEY HAn vvi 
ENJOYED, MEASURING THE COST O^ to 

11&& L.AKKIED, WHICH IS TO SAY THAT \xrxiri 

SS Sc^SBJF?" "row ™ cootrS? 

THE GOVERNMENT A BUSHEL OB WHEAT OR 
BALE OF COTTON OR A TON OF COAL OR AN 
THING ELSE WAS CARRIED FOR A SMALLeI re 

l tin. HISTORY OF THE COUNTRY 

' oiuZer^ T* rcmarkable si ^e the 'increase in the c< 
of living made it necessary and just that the Director Genei 
should raise the hourly wages of railroad employees on 

fnTwhen he ° Ut ^ ^ "^ ° Ver what th ^ we " ^ecei 
Zulr\ 19l 8 g an V H r r en V 00k ° VCr the r ° ads on the firs * 
as from ti, c'^ ° "^ P * rt ° f *** advancc retroactr 
as from the commencement of government control, wherea 
£was not until five and a half months later that the^dvanc 
in rates was ordered and became effective. 

COST OF RAILROADS' WAR SERVICE 

fromThfi^Vr ^ , thC advanCe in wa ^« was paid i 
took %Jt V l^* 7 ' 1 91 5 WhUe the advance in rate? onl 
Lk i VC a ? d °f e " hal£ m ° nths latcr > the net "venue 
troTnf lit! f S / nd ° ther P r °P er ^ ™der the con 
trol of the Railroad Administration during the first year c 
government operation was only $236,184,940 less than th 
rental paid by the government. 

A 3 ^ 7 ' ^ V gma "-« um to ^ve paid for the war servic 
that the railroads rendered under Director General McAdoo' 
management, and the- enormous amount of transportation fur 
mshed at a cost that was, as above stated, the lowest on record 

It represents the much-talked-of "loss" that the govern 
ment sustained in operating the railroads during the war foi 
the year 1918 and Mr. McAdoo's incumbency as Directo! 
General carries us well past the armistice and covers the 
period during which the transportation system was subject 
to the greatest strain. J 

Because of the slackening of business activity that fol- 
lowed the armistice, there was less traffic for the roads to 
carry during the last fourteen months of government opera- 

T * 5 «, i 16 - deiklt for that P eriod was $663,771,504. The 
total loss incurred by the government in operating the 
roads during the entire 26 months they were under the man- 
956 444 Rallroad Administration was,' therefore, $899,- 

While it is doubtful whether any other war service bought? 
with money was as valuable or as cheaply obtained as that* 
which this sum secured, it is important to note that it inJ 
cmdos a loss of over $38,000,000 incurred in conducting thJ 



WINNING THE WAR 25? 

i 

(previously unprofitable business of the express companies, 
and a deficit of $2,449,739, resulting from the operation and 
development of inland waterways formerly neglected or 
abandoned, and $13,684,000 developing and operating carriers 
by water. 

| "LOSS" MISREPRESENTED 

There are some thoughtless or intentionally untruthful 
critics who are fond of saying that the Railroad Administra- 
tion has cost the government anywhere from one to two 
billions of dollars, the amount named depending upon the 
credulity of their audience or their own fervor in misrepre- 
sentation. 

In support of such statement it is alleged that Congress has 
appropriated altogether $1,600,000,000 for the railroads since 
January, 1918, and that it will be called upon to provide "sev- 
eral hundred millions more before the bills are all paid." 

Those who would thus mislead the public omit to explain 
that $1,031,899,451 has been loaned or advanced to the rail- 
ways to be spent for equipment and permanent improvement 
and that for this sum the government holds railroad obligations 
that are good and payable in ten years with interest at 6 per 
cent,, which is below the rate at which the money could- have 
been had in the open market, if, indeed, it could have been ob- 
tained upon any terms. 

They also omit to explain that the government paid a 
rental for the roads equal to their average net operating rev- 
enue for the three most profitable years they had ever en- 
joyed, namely, 1915, 1916 and 1917, and that the income so 
guaranteed to the proprietor companies enabled them to meet 
interest payments and continue dividends that were in jeop- 
ardy, thus protecting the investment market against the dis- 
aster that threatened during the trying financial times of 1918 
and 1919. Those who question this statement need only 
compare the prices at which railroad stocks and bonds were 
quoted in December, 1917, with those established immedi- 
ately after the conditions upon which the government took 
over the roads were announced. 

BREAK-DOWN AVERTED 

But the financial break-down that impended in December, 
1917, was relatively unimportant when compared with the 
physical break-down of the American transportation system 
which threatened when the railroads were taken over. Those 
who recall the conditions that existed during the closing 
months of 1917 will remember that in an effort to resolve 
the roads they control into a unified organization that could 
move the troops and supplies so urgently needed for the 
war, the railroad presidents gathered in Washington and 
tried to forget their former rivalries and increase efficiencv 
by coordination; THAT THEY FAILED AND THAT BY 
CHRISTMAS, 1917, THE SADDEST CHRISTMAS OF 
THE WAR, WHEN THE GERMANS HAD BROKEN 
THROUGH INTO ITALY AND THE DESPERATE 
BATTLE OF CAMBRAI WAS BEING FOUGHT AMER- 
ICA WAS THREATENED WITH A COAL FAMINE 
^ND A RAILROAD PARALYSIS THAT WOULD HAVE 
RENDERED HER ABSOLUTELY IMPOTENT IN THE 
DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACY IF IT HAD NOT BEEN 
AVERTED * 



WINNING THE WAR 

f 

It was in this crisis on the 1st of January, 1918, that Mr. 
McAdoo stepped in by order of the President and took con- 
trol of the railroads as Director General. He has been called 
the "Yes and No Man," and certainly he deserved this title 
during the year that he remained at the head of the Railroad 
Administration. 

He instantly called to his assistance some of the ablest 
railroad men of the country. To list the names of all of 
them would be to reprint the roster of "Who's Who in 
Transportation." Walker D. Hines, Assistant Director Gen- 
eral, and afterwards Mr. McAdoo's successor, was Chairman 
of the Board of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railroad. 
Robert S. Lovett was President of the Union Pacific Rail- 
road; Carl R. Gray was President of the Western Maryland 
Railroad; Edward Chambers was a Vice-President of the 
Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe; John Barton Payne was a 
well-known railroad lawyer of Chicago; John Skelton Wil- 
liams was Comptroller of the Currency and had previously 
been President of the Seaboard Airline; Charles A. Prouty 
was a member of the Interstate Commerce Commission; A. 
H. Smith was President of the New York Central Railroad; 
C. H. Markham was President of the Illinois Central Rail- 
road; N. D. Maher was President of the Norfolk & Western 
Railroad; V. L. Winchell had been President of the St. Louis 
& San Francisco Railroad; R. H. Aishton was President of 
the Chicago & Northwestern Railroad; Hale Holden was 
President of the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railroad, and 
B. F. Bush was President of the Missouri Pacific Railroad; 
Henry Walters was Chairman of the Atlantic Coast Line, 
Frank McManamy was Chief Inspector of Locomotives for 
the United States Government; W. S. Carter, appointed Di- 
rector of Labor, was at the time Chief of the Brotherhood of 
Firemen and Enginemen; Theodore H. Price, a prominent 
economist; G. A. Tomlinson, Director of Inland Waterways, 
was one of the most successful steamship operators on the 
Great Lakes, and M. J. Sanders, Federal Manager of the 
Mississippi and Warrior River Waterways, was the New Or- 
leans manager of a prominent steamship line. 

iThere are many others who ought to be mentioned for the 
promptness with which they answered Mr. McAdoo's sum- 
mons, but space will not permit and the list given is suffi- 
ciently typical. 

The men who were selected to run the railroads under 
W. G. McAdoo were chosen only because they were suc- 
cessful railroad men. THEIR POLITICS ,WAS NOT 
ASKED NOR IS IT KNOWN TO THIS DAY WHETHER 
SOME OF THEM WERE REPUBLICANS OR DEMO- 
CRATS. This statement, it may be remarked, is true not 
only with reference to the more important officers of the 
Railroad Administration, BUT OF THE ENTIRE ORGAN- 
IZATION; political considerations had no weight, political 
activity was interdicted by Mr. McAdoo's special order and 
his sole purpose was efficiency and the winning of the war 
as set forth in the following declaration of his policy issued 
by him in June, 1918: 

DECLARATION OF POLICY 

I (Issued by Director General McAdoo June 17, 1918.) 
The policy of the United States Railroad Administra- 
tion has been informed and shaped by a desire to accom- 



WINNING THE WAR 25f 

plish the following purposes which are named in what I 
conceive to be the order of their importance: 

First: The winning of the war * * *. 

Second: The service of the public * * *. 

Third: The promotion of a spirit of sympathy and a 
better understanding as between the administration of 
the railways and their two million employees as well 
as their one hundred million patrons, * * *. 

Fourth: The application of sound economics, including 

(a) The elimination of superfluous expenditures; 

(b) The payment of a fair and living wage for ser- 
vices rendered and a just and prompt compen- 
sation for injuries received; 

(c) The purchase of material and equipment at the 
lowest prices consistent with a reasonable but 
not an excessive profit to the producer; 

(d) The adoption of standardized equipment and the 
introduction of approved devices that will save 
life and labor; 

(e) The routing of freight and passenger traffic with 
due regard to the fact that a straight line is the 
shortest distance between two points; 

(f) The intensive employment of all equipment and 

a careful record and scientific study of the re- 
sults obtained with a view to determining the 
comparative efficiency secured. * * * 

Inspired by this purpose and the dynamic energy of the 
Director General, the Railroad Administration was speedily 
organized into departments and the railroads were divided 
into Regional groups in charge of Regional Directors to 
whom the Federal manager in charge of each particular rail- 
road reported. 

Joint ticket offices, most of which still survive, were es- 
tablished, the common use of the most convenient terminals 
was ordered, a universal mileage book was issued, superflu- 
ous trains and train mileage were eliminated and big salaries 
were cut down. 

To describe all the economies that were introduced would 
fill a volume, but some idea of the progress that had been 
made in shortening freight routes by August 1, 1918, may be 
had from the following, quoted from Mr. McAdoo's report 
to the President made on that date: 

SHORTENING FREIGHT ROUTES 

"Recognizing the fact that a straight line is the short- 
est distance between tv/o points, extensive studies have 
been made with the purpose of developing well-graded 
routes for the transportation of freight that will be 
shorter than those previously in use. Great progress has 
been made in this direction, especially in the West, and 
many new through lines are being developed. One of 
them, from Los Angeles to Dallas and Fort Worth, is 
over 500 miles shorter than the routing via the Southern 
Pacific lines formerly much used. Another from the oil 
fields at Casper, "Wyoming, to Montana and Washington 



260 WINNING THE WAR 

state points is 880 miles shorter than the route formerly 
used. Fruit from Southern California to Ogden is hauled 
201 miles less than by the route previously used. Still 
another route between Chicago and Sioux City is 110 
miles shorter than the one previously used. A new route 
between Kansas City and Galveston has been 1 developed 
which is 289 miles shorter than the 1,121 miles previously 
traversed. Eighty-eight miles have been saved by devis- 
ing a new route between Mason City and Marshaltown, 
Iowa, and 103 by a new route between Fort Dodge, Iowa, 
and Chicago. The route from Southern California to 
Kansas City has been shortened by 234 miles. 

"One example of the economy that has thus been made 
possible it may be mentioned that recently during a 
period of about 60 days some 8,999 cars were rerouted in 
a certain western territory to effect a saving in the mile- 
age traveled by each car of 195 miles, equal to a total of 
1,754,805 car miles, 

"Instances could be multiplied, but those mentioned 
are sufficient to indicate the progress that is being made 
in this work. It means a substantial seduction in the 
cost and time of transportation between many given 
points and a more intensive employment of both rolling 
stock and equipment of the railroads." 

BREAKING THE JAM 

When the Director General assumed control of the rail- 
roads, the general opinion was that the shortage of transpor- 
tation was due to an actual shortage of equipment, and that 
the only remedy for the existing conditions wa$ to largely 
increase the number of cars and the number of locomotives. 

Analysis of the actual conditions, however, showed that 
this was not the case. When a railroad or a number of 
railroads in a certain section of the country are congested 
with cars, there can be no car shortage in so far as those 
railroads are concerned. When the shops and round-houses 
on a railroad or a number of railroads in a section of the 
country are blocked with locomotives undergoing or await- 
ing repairs or turning, there can be no shortage of locomo- 
tives in so far as those railroads are concerned. And those 
are exactly the conditions which existed on practically all 
railroads in the section of the country where the congestion 
was acute. 

The failure to furnish needed transportation was not pri- 
marily due to a shortage of equipment, but to failure to use 
to its capacity the equipment on hand. The immediate rem- 
edy, therefore, was not the building of new cars or locomo- 
tives, which under existing conditions would take many 
months and require material that was sorely needed for war 
purposes, but the prompt repair and expeditious movement 
of the locomotives which were blocking round-houses and 
terminals at various points in the congested area, and the un- 
loading of freight cars and their distribution to the points 
where needed. 

Under the conditions which existed at that time, the im- 
mediate thing to do was the adoption and execution of a plan 
whereby existing facilities and forces could be made to pro- 
duce greater results. 

The first step in this direction was to arrange with the 
representatives of ^he organized railroad employees a modi- 



WINNING THE WAR 261 

fication in certain particulars of their agreements and con- 
tracts with various railroads relative to hours of labor, and 
the rules governing promotion of helpers and apprentices 
to mechanics. When the need for this was presented to the 
employee's organizations they agreed without hesitation, and 
steps were immediately taken to increase the shop hours of 
the men working in the locomotive repair shops and the 
car repair tracks wherever the condition of equipment re- 
quired it. 

The result of this action by the Faiiroad Administration is 
best shown by the number of locomotives repaired. The 
average number of locomotives per month which received 
repairs requiring over 24 hours in 1917 v/as 18,887; in 1913 
this was increased to 24,224, and in 1919 to 26,876. With the 
increased number of serviceable locomotives thus made 
available and the forced unloading of freight cars and their 
prompt movement when emptied to the points where they 
were needed, the transportation situation began at once to 
assume a more normal aspect. 

MOVEMENT OF COAL 

The movement of bituminous coal during the year 1918 to 
meet the shortage which existed when the railroads were 
taken over, represents but one of the many problems which 
faced the Director General when he assumed control Janu- 
ary 1, 1918. 

The extreme shortage of coal which existed at that time 
was the result of three factors: 

FIRST: An actual shortage of cars at the mines on ac- 
count of number delayed under load on the railroads in the 
congested area and the limitations upon transportation due 
to weather conditions. 

SECOND: The lack of systematic distribution which the 
Fuel Administration was arranging to provide, and 

^THIRD: The dislocation of the New England supply which 
was the result of the withdrawal of coastwise steamships and 
which presented, on January 1, 1918, the most serious single 
situation. 

The bituminous coal production for the preceding year 
had been the largest in the history of that industry, approxi- 
mately 544,000,000 tons, an increase of about 12 per cent, over 
the preceding year. 

The conditions which existed in December, 1917, and Janu- 
ary, 1918, resulted in decreased production during January, 
1918— almost entirely due to car supply—of 65,294 carloads. 
Immediate and drastic steps were taken to remedy this situ- 
ation, and notwithstanding the fact that the weather con- 
tinued to be unduly severe throughout February and part 
of March, the Railroad Administration furnished cars for an 
increased production of 24,366 carloads of coal in February 
over the preceding February of 1917, and for the succeeding 
month the increase over the respective corresponding months 
f 1917 were as follows: 

Increase in number of carloads of coal produced. 

1918 March ; 38,202 Increase over" 1917 

April 64,824 " " " 

May 87,036 , u " 

June 92,734 " «* " 

July 150,283 " « « 



262 WINNING THE WAR 

1918 August ....... 130,686 Increase over 1917 

September 128,928 

October .... 89,882 " * u 

or a total increase in ten months of 1918 over the correspond- 
ing ten months of 1917 of 741,666 cars, or, approximately, 
37,083,300 tons. 

If the statement so often made that "coal will win the 
war" is true, the Railroad Administration is entitled to its 
share of the honors. 

New England's demands were met and 28,153,317 tons — 
the largest tonnage of coal ever known — was moved in 1918 
to the Lake Erie ports and transported to the Northwest. 
In 1917, only 26,826,000 tons were moved over this route; in 
1916, 24,692,000 tons, and in 1915 only 21,507,000 tons. 

The net increase Was 741,666 cars — approximately 37,083,- 
300 tons of bituminous coal — loaded during the ten months 
ended October 31, 1918, as compared with the same ten 
months of 1917, which was a banner year, and this increase 
was achieved in spite of the severe weather conditions during 
January, February and March, 1918, which were the worst 
within the history of the Weather Bureau. 

This was accomplished because under government control 
the transportation facilities of the country could be used in 
common and concentrated upon the quick performance of 
any urgent duty. The energies of the Railroad Administra- 
tion were devoted to moving the coal mined as rapidly as 
the Fuel Administration delivered it. 

The record of coal production during the period of 
Federal control which has not been equalled either 
before or since that time is evidence that the cars for 
transportation were promptly supplied whenever need- 
ed and as promptly moved. The digging of the Pan- 
ama Canal, which required sixteen years, was looked 
upon as a stupendous undertaking, but the coal that 
was handled by the Railroad Administration during 
1918 would fill the entire canal excavation two and 
one-half times. 

In September, 1919, it became apparent to the Railroad 
Administration as a result of a survey made by it that the 
greatly delayed purchasing of coal combined with the in- 
terruptions to coal transportation made it advisable to set 
a minimum of 11,000,000 tons of bituminous coal per week 
as the amount to be moved during the remainder of the year. 

This mark was consistently exceeded every week until tho 
coal strikes on November 1st. The record for the entiro 
history of the country was reached in the week of October 
25, 1919, when 13,200,000 tons were transported. In the month 
of October, 1919, the movement approximated 56,243,000 tons, 
as compared with 51,000,000 tons in the war month of Octo- 
ber, 1918, and 45,000,000 tons in October, 1917. 

In addition to the increased coal movement, a vastly in- 
creased tonnage of other commodities was handled. 

MOVEMENT OF FOODSTUFFS 

The food situation in the allied countries of Europe became 
extremely critical in February, 1918, representations being 
made by Great Britain, France, and Italy that unless the 



WINNING THE WAR 263 

program of food delivery promised by the Food Administra- 
tion was kept pace with, Germany and her associates would 
inevitably win the war. 

While these facts could not be told at the time because of 
the effect on the morale of the nations fighting the Central 
Powers, it was, nevertheless, true that, according to official 
word received from the Entente Allies, THE OUTCOME 
OF THE WAR DEPENDED UPON THE ABILITY OF 
THE AMERICAN RAILWAYS TO TRANSPORT SUF- 
FICIENT SUPPLIES OF FOODSTUFFS TO THE AT- 
LANTIC SEABOARD FOR SHIPMENT ABROAD. 

THIS PROBLEM WAS MET BY DIRECTOR GEN- 
ERAL MC ADOO. There was no time for half-way mea- 
sures. THE SAFETY OF THE WORLD HUNG IN THE 
BALANCE. Empty box cars were rushed from all portions 
of the East and South to the Southwestern grain states. , Con- 
flicting traffic of all kinds was held up. Every facility of the 
Railroad Administration and of the railroads under its juris- 
diction was thrown into the balance. Officials and employees 
worked day and night. The result was magnificent. 

By March 15th, the vessel capacity of the Allies had been 
satisfied, and there was available at North Atlantic ports, an 
excess on wheels of 6,318 carloads of foodstuffs, exclusive of 
grain in cars and in elevators. Since that time there was 
never any danger of the American railways failing to trans- 
port the necessary amount of food supplies for Europe. It, 
Derhaps, is not too much to say that THIS WAS ONE OF 
rHE TURNING POINTS OF THE WAR. 
In the period from July to November, 1918, 135,000 more 
ars of grain were handled than in the same months of 1917, 
ius demonstrating the enormous extra strain placed on the 
ailroads by this one item alone. 

MOVEMENT OF OTHER ESSENTIAL SUPPLIES 

At the same time special attention was being given to the 
novement of fruits, cotton, oil, iron, lumber and other prin- 
ipal products of the farms, factories, forests and mines of 
America. Wherever necessary, special trains were utilized to 
ransport these staple articles, and other methods were made 
vailable which resulted in fully meeting the situation. 

For instance, in April, conditions were chaotic in the oil 
ndustry, and a great many refineries in the mid-continental 
elds in particular were shut down or only partially operated 
n account of shortage of equipment. The Railroad Admin- 
tration arranged to consolidate oil shipments into train- 
Dads, symbol them, and move them through to destina- 
on in solid train loads. So effective were these measures 
'lat during the first ten months of the year there were 
Daded from the mid-continental fields 256,082 cars, as com- 
ared with 200,603 cars for the same period in 1917, an in- 
rease of 55,479 carloads handled with practically no increase 
i the amount of equipment. 

>From April 20 to November 20, inclusive, there was loaded 
om the mid-continental fields a total of 3,583 solid trains 
f oil containing 100,530 cars. In the month of January, 1918, 
le mileage per car per day of tank cars of western refiners 
as 21.18; in June 56.27, and in September 58.4, an increase 
f 100 per cent, in the mileage performance. g 

What was accomplished in the oil industry is one of the 
;ost striking illustrations in the history of railroading of in- 



1917 


1918 


1919 


5,217 


5,731 


5,625 


5,385 


5,534 


5,651 



264 WINNING THE WAR 

creased service and economic gain by increasing freight caf 
miles per day. 

Another movement of government traffic was the shipment 
of lumber for ships, airplanes and other government re- 
quirements, excluding railroads, across the continent. More 
than 177,000,000 feet were shipped from the Pacific Coast to 
the Atlantic or intermediate points between January 1 and 
July 18, 1918, and when speed v/as essential, delivery on the 
eastern seabpard was frequently made within 15 days after 
shipment from the Pacific Coast. 

The following table illustrates the increase in the freight 
movement measured in ton miles per mile of road per day 
for the months of September and October, 1916, 1917, 1913, 
and 1919: 

Month 1916 

September 5,166 

October 5,148 

The ability of the Railroad Administration to perform so 
large a public service in the transportation of freight in spite 
of the extraordinary difficulties was due to its ability to unify 
the control of locomotives and cars, and to avoid congestion 
in terminals and on railroads by diverting freight and by 
pursuing a policy that was wholly in the common interest. 

PASSENGER SERVICE . 
The passenger service performed under the Railroad 
Administration exceeded all former records. The number 
of passengers carried one mile on Class 1 railroads (oper- 
ating approximately 230,000 miles of road) for the past fivt 
years is as follows: 

Year ended June 30, 1914 34,496,782,289 

" 1915 31,789,928,187 

Calendar Year 1916 34,585,952,026 

" " 1917 39,361,369,062 

" " 1918 42,498.248,256 

" 1919 (partly estimated) 46,200,000,000 

During 1918 and the first eight months of 1919, an im- 
portant part of the passenger transportation was the move- 
ment of troops. The troop movement had fallen to small 
figures in the last four months of 1919, and by January 1, 1920, 
practically all of the four million men called to the colors 
to serve in the world war had been released from service and 
returned to their homes, but passenger travel continued in 
unprecedented volume. The returns from passenger traffic, 
it may be mentioned, were appreciably diminished by the ex- 
tremely low rate of one cent per mile established for fur- 
loughed soldiers to enable them to visit their homes while in 
service which otherwise would have been impossible for 
many of them. 

LABOR CONDITIONS 

At the time the Director General assumed control of the 
r&roads, the relations between the railroad corporations and 
the empoyees were of the most unsatisfactory and threat- 
ening chracter. The cost of living had greatly increased. 
Insistat demands were urged by railroad labor for corre- 
spond!^ increases in wages. There was no method for an 
amicate adjustment of labor disputes. 



WINxMING THE WAR 265 

In large degree labor appeared to lack confidence in the 
management of the railroads, and there was imminent dan- 
ger of the most serious strikes that had ever threatened the 
railroad situation. 

Immediately upon the Government assuming control, a 
Railway Wage Commission was created by Director General 
McAdoo to investigate the compensation of all employees in 
the railroad service; the relation of railroad wages to wages 
in other industries; the conditions respecting wages in dif- 
ferent parts of the country; the special emergency respecting 
wages which existed at the time, owing to the war conditions 
and high cost of living, as well as the relation between dif- 
ferent classes of railroad labor. This Wage Cmmission was 
composed of Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior; 
J. Harry Covington, Judge of the United States District 
Court at Washington, p. C; Charles C. McCord, Interstate 
Commerce Commission, and William R. Willcox, Chairman 
of the Republican National Committee. 

The result of the investigations conducted by this Wage 
Commission conclusively showed that the popular impression 
that railroad workers as a class were among the most highly 
paid was erroneous, which is clearly shown by the following 
quotation from the report of that Commission: 

"There is high authority for saying that 'to him that 
hath shall be given, but from him that hath not shall 
be taken away even that which he hath.' This dictum 
as to the way of the world we take to have been a recog- 
nition of a fact, not the endorsement of an ideal; and the 
plan we recommend is an expression of the reverse policy. 
j "We take from no man that which he hath, insuring 
him as rruich as he has now (for no wages are to be low- 
ered), but we would add materially to the funds of those 
who have Xeast; and of these there are many. *- 

"It has been a somewhat popular - impression that rail- 
road employees were among the most highly paid work- 
ers, but figures gathered from the railroads dispose of 
this belief. Fifty-one per cent, of all employees during 
December, 1917, received $75 a month or less, and 80 per 
cent, received $100 a month or less. Even among the 
locomotive engineers, commonly spoken of as highly paid, 
a preponderating number received less than $170 per 
month, and this compensation they have attained by the 
most compact and complete organization handled with a 
full appreciation of all strategic values. 

"Between the grades receiving from $150 to $250 per 
month, there is included less than 3 per cent, of all the 
employees (excluding officials) and these aggregate less 
than 60,000 men out of a grand total of 2,t)00,000. 

"The greatest number of employees of all the roads 
fall into the class receiving between $60 and $65 per 
month — 181,693, while within the range of the next $10 
in monthly salary there is a total of 312,761 persons. In 
December, 1917, there were 111,477 clerks receiving an- 
nual pay of $300 or less. In 1917 the average pay of 
this class was but $56.77 per month. 

"There were 270,855 section men whose average pay, as 
a class was $50.31 per month; 121,000 other unskilled la- 
borers whose average pay was $58.25 a month; 130.075 
station service employees whose average pay was $58.57 
per month; 75,325 road freight brakemen and fiasmen 



266 WINNING THE WAR 1 

whose average pay was $100.17 per month, and 16,465 
road pasenger brakemen and flagmen whose average pay 
was $91.10 per month. 

"These it is to be noted, are not pre-war figures. They 
represent conditions after a year of war and two years of 
rising prices, and every dollar now represents in its 
power to purchase a place in which to live, food to eat, 
and clothing to wear, but 71 cents as against 100 cents 
of January 1, 1916. 

"That there has been suck steadfast loyalty to the rail- 
roads and so slight a disposition to use the lever of their 
necessity and opportunity to compel by ruthless action an 
increase of wages, is not without significance and should 
not be passed without public recognition. 

"Application of these new wages to present payrolls of 
the railroads as nearly as may be, indicate that the net 
wage increases granted will approximate $300,000,000 per 
year. The magnitude of this amount is not staggering 
when the whole expenditure for wages on the railroads 
is considered, and whatever its effect upon the mind may 
be, we regard such an expenditure as necessary for the 
immediate allaying of a feeling that can not be wisely 
fostered by national inaction, AND AS NOT ONE 
DOLLAR MORE THAN JUSTICE AT THIS TIME 
REQUIRES. IT WILL MAKE HARD PLACES 
SMOOTHER FOR MANY WHO ARE NOW IN 
SORE NEED. IT GIVES NO BOUNTY. IT IS NOT 
A BONUS. IT IS NO MORE THAN AN HONOR- 
ABLE MEETING OF AN OBLIGATION." 

The concluding sentence of the above quotation sets forth 
clearly the policy of the Director General with respect to all 
of the wage increases granted. "It is no more than an hon- 
orable meeting of an obligation." 

The fact that the increases in wages in the iron and steel 
industries amounted to 120 per cent., while the increase in the 
railroad industry amounted to an average of approximately 
100 per cent, is indorsement alike of the conservatism of the 
Railroad Administration in this respect and the loyalty of 
the employees to the Administration. In its report on July 
20, 1920, the new Railroad Labor Board stated that "it has 
been found by this Board generally that the scale of wages 
paid railroad employees is substantially below that paid for 
similar work in outside industry." 

The Director General promptly and fully recognized that the 
employees were entitled, under any circumstances, to living 
wages, proper working rules and decent working conditions, 
and that they had a right to organize to bring about these re- 
sults, and their appreciation of the Director General's attitude 
is shown by the loyalty with which they served during the 
trying period of the war. 

EQUIPMENT 

The policy of nationalizing railroad shop facilities and 
having locomotives repaired at the nearest available shop not j 
only reduced the mileage necessary to send locomotives to \ 
shops for repairs, but also made it possible to aid roads . 
which had insufficient shop capacity to take care of their i 
own equipment. 



WINNING THE WAR 267 

Under this plan 3,493 locomotives were given general re- 
pairs for railroads which lacked shop space and organization 
to handle them for themselves, thus improving the general 
situation without detriment to the railroads that furnished 
this help. 

This practice also enabled the Railroad Administration to 
keep on hand at all times from 3,000 to 5,000 locomotives in 
good condition stored and ready to meet any emergency that 
might arise. 

During 1918, the Director General ordered all the new 
equipment for which he could hope to get materials. After 
the most careful study, it was decided that without using 
materials which were urgently needed for war purposes, the 
Railroad Administration could not expect to get the neces- 
sary material for more than 100,000 freight cars, and that 
number was ordered. 

Including those built in railroad shops and those on order 
but not delivered prior to the time the Railroad Administra- 
tion assumed control, 159,076 cars and 4,226 new locomotives 
were constructed and placed in service, which represents 
about the average rate of increase in the number of locomo- 
tives and cars during the past ten years. 

MORE ADDITIONS AND BETTERMENTS, INCLUD- 
ING EQUIPMENT, WERE PROVIDED THAN WOULD 
HAVE BEEN PRACTICABLE UNDER PRIVATE CON- 
TROL IN THE PERIOD QF FINANCIAL DIFFICULTY 
EXISTING DURING AND SINCE THE WAR. ABOUT 
$1,200,000,000 WAS EXPENDED FOR THIS PURPOSE. 

THE ROADS NOT SCRAMBLED 

The somewhat general impression that the railroads dur- 
ing government control have been "scrambled" to such an 
extent that the resumption of private operation would be dif- 
ficult is not the case. During government control, generally 
speaking, each railroad was under separate management, and 
under the immediate direction of the same management that 
it had prior to government control, and from an operating 
standpoint it was a simple process on March 1 for such man- 
agers to begin reporting to the corporation executives who, 
at that time, resumed active direction. 

As to the condition of the equipment, it may be pointed 
out that on January 4, 1918, four days after Federal control 
began, 18.5 per cent, of the locomotives were in or awaiting 
shop. When the roads were returned on March 1, 1920, the 
percentage of locomotives in or awaiting shop was 17.4 per 
cent., and only 10.6 per cent, required general or classified 
repairs. The percentage of bad order freight cars when the 
roads were taken over was 52 per cent. When they were 
returned it was 5.2 per cent., and the percentage would have 
been much smaller if the good order standard established by 
the Railroad Administration had not been much higher than 
that which obtained under private control. 

THE ARMISTICE 

By the 11th of November, 1918, the railroads, steamship 
lines and inland waterways, taken over had been resolved 
into a unified organization that was functioninf with re- 
markable efficiency. FROM THE 1ST OF JANUARY TO 
THE 10TH OF NOVEMBER, 6,496,150 TROOPS HAD 
BEEN MOVED TO HELP WIN THE WAR, AND to 



268 WINNING THE WAR 

PER CENT. OF THIS NUMBER WERE CARRIED IN 
PULLMAN CARS. 

The freight train load had been increased from an average 
of 653 tons in 1917 to 681 tons in 1918. The tons hauled per 
mile of track daily had risen from 3,878 in January, 1918, 
when the roads were taken over, to 5,155 tons in November, 
of the same year. 

The passenger train mileage had been reduced by 67,290,- 
562 passenger train miles through the elimination of dupli- 
cate and unnecessary trains, and although it was impossible 
to increase the passenger car equipment the number of pas- 
sengers carried one mile had risen from 39,361,269,062 in 
1917 to 42,498,248,256 in 1918 and continued to increase dur- 
ing 1919 when 46,200,000,000 passengers were carried one mile. 

The policy of rerouting freight also resulted in an enor- 
mous reduction of the freight car mileage. The exact figures 
are not available but it has been ascertained that in the 
Northwestern Region alone 4,054,455 car miles were saved 
by rerouting 34,941 loaded cars and the saving of freight car 
mileage in the Eastern and Northwestern Regions alone 
during the year 1918 is estimated at 16,863,633 freight car 
miles. Terminals had been unified and many unnecessary 
terminals and ferries abolished. 

A serious and earnest effort was being made to devise and 
apply a plan that would insure to the employees prompt and 
adequate compensation for injuries received in the perform- 
ance of their duties and provide pensions for the disabled and 
old age insurance for the superannuated. 

Director General McAdoo's purpose in ordering the prepa- 
ration of this plan was to find a way to fulfill the moral 
obligation of the employer to the employee who had been 
injured or grown old in the service and to remedy the in- 
justice and inequalities that existed because some roads had 
no ccmpensation or pension systems at all, while others had 
systems that were more or less adequate or inadequate. 

All this, it is to be observed, had been accomplished with a 
smaller expenditure of human energy than had been neces- 
sary under private operation, for while the number of em- 
ployees had been slightly increased, the average number of 
hours that each employee worked had been reduced with 
the result that there were fewer hours paid for and greater 
efficiency per hour of labor. 

And then the war ended—or at least the armistice was 
signed— on the 11th day of November, 1918, and a demand 
that the roads should speedily be returned to private control 
at once commenced to be heard. Whether it was inspired 
by selfish interest or was simply the result of a blind desire 
for the ree3tablishmsnt of the "status quo ante-bellum" 
makes no difference. 

The effect was to unsettle the minds of the 2,000,000 em- 
ployees who were working on the railroads and to increase 
the unrest and inefficiency which always follows a release 
from the tension of war. 

The present plight of the railways and the quality of the 
service they are rendering are in such unfavorable contrast 
with the work of the United States Railroad Administration 
that a demand for the reestablishment of Government con- 
trol is already to be heard among the farmers who cannot 



* ' WINNING THH WAR 269 

get their crops moved and the merchants and manufacturers 
who cannot ship their goods. 

The business of the United States is suffering from the 
strangulation of its transportation system because it is not 
coordinated and cannot be conditioned so long as it is con- 
trolled by several hundred different corporations. 

Under Mr. McAdoo and Mr. Hines the Railroad Admin- 
istration set a standard in coordination, whose value and effi- 
ciency is certain to be appreciated by those who will in 
future be called upon to deal with a problem that is still 
unsolved. 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT "LAWLESS, 

SELFISH AND UNSCRUPULOUS" 



(Harding's Newspaper in 1912) 

"We are opposed to T. R. (Theodore Roosevelt) 
because we believe him to be unsuited in character 
and temperament to be chief executive; BECAUSE 
HE IS AN UNSAFE AND DANGEROUS LEADER, 
BECAUSE HE IS LAWLESS, INSINCERE, SELFISH 
AND UNSCRUPULOUS; because his first administra- 
tion was unsuccessful in maintaining the prosperity he 
inherited; BECAUSE HE IS A BULLY BY NATURE 
AND A LOVER OF WAR, AND IS, THEREFORE, 
NOT TO BE TRUSTED WITH CONTROL OF THE 
ARMY AND NAVY AND OUR RELATIONS WITH 
OUR NEIGHBORS.** — From SENATOR HAR- 
DING'S newspaper, The Marion (Ohio) "Star," Sep- 
tember 25, 1912. 



FREEDOM FOR PHILIPPINES MADE 
CERTAIN BY LEAGUE 



W^E have a problem ahead of us that ought to in- 
terest us in this connection. We have promised 
the people of the Philippine Islands that we would set 
them free, and it has been one of our perplexities how 
we should make them safe after we set them free. 
Under this arrangement it will be safe from the outset. 
They will become members of the League of Nations, 
every great nation in the world will be pledged to re- 
spect and preserve against external aggression from 
any quarter the territorial integrity and political inde- 
pendence of the Philippines. It simplifies one of the 
most perplexing problems that has faced the American 
public, but it does not simplify our problems merely, 
gentlemen. It illustrates the triumph of the American 
spirit. — From PRESIDENT WILSON'S address at Kan- 
sas City, Mo., September 6, 1919. 



HARDING'S EVASIVE STAND 
ON THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 



CENATOR HARDING apparently has decided not only 
to stand on the League plank adopted by the Chicago 
Convention for the avowed purpose of giving Johnson and 
his rebel crowd no plausible excuse for bolting, but has also 
decided to stand all over it — probably for the same reason. 

There are passages in his lengthy references to the League 
which seem to promise that he will stand where he did in 
the Senate; that is, definitely for the League covenant as 
drawn vp in Paris, with the Lodge reservations. That is 
where we would expect him to stand, judging by his record. 
But there are other passages which appear to cast doubt on 
the correctness of this deduction. For example, the passage 
specially devoted to "peace" declares: 

"I PROMISE YOU FORMAL AND EFFECTIVE 
PEACE SO QUICKLY AS A REPUBLICAN CON- 
GRESS CAN PASS ITS DECLARATION FOR A 
REPUBLICAN EXECUTIVE TO SIGN. Then we 
may turn to our readjustment at home and proceed 
deliberately and reflectively to that hoped-for world re- 
lationship which shall satisfy both conscience and aspira- 
tions and still hold us free from menacing involvement." 

Does this mean that Senator Harding, if elected President, 
will not send the treaty back to the Senate for ratification 
with reservations, which was the first-choice policy of him- 
self and his fellow Republican Senators, but will adopt in- 
stead their last-choice policy of the Knox resolution after the 
stubborn egotism of President Wilson had vetoed their first- 
choice policy? It looks like it, and the subsequent passages 
in his speech seem to bear out this interpretation. BUT 
SUCH A POLICY WILL BE A DISAPPOINTMENT TO 
MILLIONS OF GOOD REPUBLICANS, WHO FEEL 
THAT THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS, PROPERLY 
SAFEGUARDED, OFFERS A PRACTICAL CHANCE 
TO DIMINISH AT LEAST THE DANGERS OF WAR, 
nor will they be comforted by the promise of a new approach 
to the nations of Europe. It is more than doubtful whether 
we can now write a new League covenant. — Philadelphia 
"Public Ledger" (Ind. Rep.), July 23, 1920. 



SENATOR NEW REJOICES THAT 

"HARDING IS NO MASTER MIND" 



"Harding is no master mind. There are very few master 
minds in this country. The nation is fortunate and the party 
should rejoice that Harding is no master mind." — SENATOR 
NEW, Republican, of Indiana, in interview in Chicago Trib- 
une, June 14, 1920. 



Senator Harding is a Hindenburg with six Luden- 
dorffs. BOYS, GET THE MONEY! 

270 



FOOD ADMINISTRATION'S 

CONTRIBUTION TO VICTORY 

^ 

Democratic Cooperative Plan of Feeding 

United States and Allied Nations Carried 

Out Successfully — Prices Secured Fair 

Alike to Producer and Consumer 

QNE of the most notable triumphs of the Democratic 
Administration's economic direction of the United States 
in the World War was that of the Food Administration. The 
fundamental importance of stimulating the production of 
foods and conserving and equitably distributing them was 
6een and preparations for eventualities were made before 
our entrance into the war. 

On account of his successful administration of the Commis- 
sion for the Relief of Belgium, through which some 9,000,000 
people in Belgium and the occupied area of France had been 
successfully rationed, Herbert Hoover was early considered 
the logical head of such an undertaking and was promptly 
Invited to become the administration's counsellor in food 
matters. Immediately upon the passage of the Lever Act, 
August 10, 1917, President Wilson appointed Mr. Hoover 
Food Administrator and supported him from first to last 
with all the power and authority of the government. The 
President's confidence was well justified by th* outcome, t 

>The American Food Administrator, by the logic of the 
situation, became in large measure the foodstuffs' steward 
of all the Allied nations. It was his function not only to 
provide for American requirements, but so to regulate pro- 
duction and consumption in this country that the largest 
possible margins of essential foods should be spared to the 
Allies, who would have been unable to continue the struggle 
without such assistance. THE FOOD ADMINISTRATION 
DID ITS WORK SO WELL THAT THE COMBATANT 
AND MILITARY POPULATIONS OF THE ALLIES 
WERE NEVER WITHOUT SUFFICIENT FOOD AT 
THE SAME TIME THERE WAS NO SUFFERING OR 
HARMFUL DEPRIVATION OF FOOD IN THE 
UNITED STATES. Increased production went hand-in- 
hand with well considered economy at home and with such 
a wise and economic manipulation of markets and prices that 
on the whole the interests of both producer and consumer 
were guarded, speculation eliminated, profiteering checked. 

WAS BETWEEN TWO FIRES 

The position of the Food Administrator was a very diflB- 
cult and delicate one. He was between two fires at all times. 
The fundamental conflict of interest as to price between 
producer and consumer," as he aptly puts It, "naturally 
brought upon the administration the pressure and criticism 
from individuals of both sides that usually passes directly 
from one side to the other." It was not possible to reduce 
the price of products to consumers and "coincidentally to 
increase the price of food to the farmer." Yet in the heat and 
irritation of the war period nothing less than this was ex- 
pected of the Food Administration in some quarters* JThe 

271 i 



: 



272 WINNING THE WAR 

Lever law did not endow the Food Adminie lotion wttH 
direct power over retail prices, but limited its authority to 
"the regulation of wholesale distribution, to the reduction of 
speculation, and to stabilising the price of food commodities 
where government competition and export buying might dis- 
ruot the market." . « 

That the Food Administration was thoroughly successful 
in its mission is demonstrated by the incontrovertible facts 
that American agriculture prospered throughout the war 
that prices of food were more stable than would be expected 
in view of the expansion of credit and currency that the 
domestic consuming population was so well led that it re- 
mained tranquil, without resort to government food [subsi- 
dies, as in Europe, that there were no labor troubles or 
strikes because of insufficient or too high-priced food and 
that there was no general lack of food at any time. Indi- 
viduals and communities here and there experienced some ■ 
hardship from time to time, but they were comparatively few 
considering the magnitude of the food control task and the 
general good that was served. 

RELIED ON VOLUNTEER AID 
In building his organization, the Food Administrator used 
voluntary services as far as possible in the administrative 
work, and relied for success largely on the voluntary cooper- 
ation of the householders, farmers and food merchants. Such 
legal authority as the administration had was rarely resorted 
to in a coercive way. The central administration was sep- 
arated into various divisions and a dozen interdepartmental 
boards were established to secure coordination between the 
various government agencies concerned in the purchase ot 
food supplies, as well as joint boards to effect the same pur- 
pose with regard to the Allies. All Allied food purchasing 
in the United States was thus put through one channel, with 
the result that disastrous competitive bidding and consequent 
speculation were avoided. In addition, some hundreds of 
voluntary committees of women, scientists, farmers, stock- 
men, dairymen, dealers, etc., were created. A Fed eral food 
administrator was appointed for each state, and he 'appointed 
local administrators throughout his state. There were also 
an advisory board of farmers and special committees of cot- 
ton, seed, rice and sugar growers. The state and local admin- 
istrators created many committees for their own advice and 

lS In this way the basic Democratic idea of conducting the 
war democratically and popularly, instead of autocratically, 
was completely applied to the food department of the na- 
tional war making effort. About 8,000 persons voluntarily 
gave their whole time to the work, 3,000 persons, chiefly en- 
gaged in clerical work, were on salary, part tune service was 
given by 750,000 members of committees, pnncipafiy women, 
and 14,500,000 families, business houses, associations, etc., 
actively cooperated in the conservation program. Two busi- 
ness corporations, all of whose stock was owned by the gov- 
ernment, were created, viz., the Gram Corporation with a 
capital of $150,000,000, and the Sugar Equalization Board- 
with a capital of $5,000,000. 

* $50,000,000 PROFIT TO GOVERNMENT 
The entire cost of the Food Administration was $7,862^6? 
and the two corporations kept their capital intact AND 



WINNING THE WAR 273 

RETURNED A PRQFIT OF ABOUT $50,000,000 TO THE 
TREASURY, this profit coming largely out o£ the neutral 
countries. 

Congress fixed a minimum price of $2.00 for the 1918 wheat 
crop, in order to stimulate production by giving the pro- 
ducers a guarantee. A commission, appointed by the Presi- 
dent and largely composed of farmers, raised this minimum 
to $2.20. The price of the 1919 crop was raised to $2,25, 
Chicago basis. AS A RESULT OF THESE ASSURED 

prices and the patriotic cooperation of 
the Farmers, the wheat crops for the two 
years named were 921,000,000 and 941,000,000 
bushels, respectively, as against 637,000,000 

IN 1917. While it is true that if there had been no fixed 
price for wheat and no abolition of speculation or competitive 
buying, such as the Food Administration "effected, farmers 
would at times have received more than the guaranteed 
prices, it must be remembered that they had the benefit of 
price insurance and that without control the chief benefi- 
ciaries would have been the speculator^, while the consumers 
would have been terribly exploited. 

Whilst in the year before the creation of the Food Admin- 
istration the price of wheat fluctuated from 98 cents to $3.25, 
the farmers received on the average only $1.42 a bushel, 
though the consumers paid an average price for flour that 
warranted $2 a bushel to the farmers. 

The consumers paid that year over $2.50 a barrel more 
for 90,000,000 barrels of flour than a fair price based on what 
the farmers received. The middleman and speculators thus 
garnered $225,000,000 of easy profiteering money. 

REDUCED PRICE OF FLOUR 

The Food Administration brought the price of flour down 
from $17.50 to $12.50 a barrel during the crop year of 1917 
and the farmers got about 58 cents more a bushel for their 
wheat at the lower price of flour than they did at the higher. 

In the succeeding crop year world conditions of production 
and marketing, were such that had there been no guaranteed 
minimum price the price of wheat to the farmer would have 
fallen much below $2.00, perhaps to less than $1.00. At the 
same time, millers and others were left free in that year to 
pay any price above the minimum. 

Wherever the market favored them the farmers had the 
benefit; wherever it was against them they were protected 
from it. In the preceding year, however, the situation was 
so controlled that the minimum price was, in effect, also the 
maximum. 

Owing to the glut of the market for the 1918 crop the 
Grain Corporation had to use not only its entire capital in 
making good the guaranteed price to the farmers, but was 
compelled to borrow almost $400,000,000 besides. 

/That the whole $550,000,000 was ultimately liquidated is a 
tribute to the exceptionally able management of that corpo- 
ration under the direction of Julius Barnes, of Duluth. 

The 1919 crop was not handled by the Food Administra- 
tion, but by Mr. Barnes as Wheat Director under a special 
act of Congress, the Food Administration as such having 
been wound up soon after the'signing of the armistice. The 



274 WINNING THE WAR 

price guarantee was continued, but for the most part the 
free market gave the farmers a higher price. 

SUPPLIES SENT TO ALLIES 
Through the work of the Food Administration 22,700,000 
barrels of flour and 28,000,000 bushels of wheat were sent to 
the Allies during the 1917 crop year. As this crop was 
planted before the United States entered the war, there was 
no opportunity to stimulate production. The exports to the 
Allies were made possible solely by economy and denial of 
ordinary domestic demands, for which the credit is chiefly 
due to the housewives of the country and the food trades, 
acting under the advice, instruction and encouragement of the 
Food Administration. 

The Sour and wheat thus provided for the Allies at 
fair prices during the most critical period of the war 
kept the Italian, French and British peoples fit for the 
critical struggle of the spring of 1918. 

HERE AGAIN THE WISDOM OF THE DEMO- 
CRATIC ADMINISTRATION IN APPLYING AMERI- 
CAN RESOURCES AND POWER TO SUPPORT THE 
ALLIES TO THE UTTERMOST DEGREE WHILE OUR 
OWN WAR MACHINE WAS BUILDING WAS BOUN- 
TIFULLY REWARDED. The conduct of the war is to be 
judged not only by what we did but what the Allies were 
able to do through our economic and financial support of 

The control of food was also used, not only to victual the 
Allies, but to restrict the food supplies of the enemy. Neutral 
countries dependent upon the United States for necessary 
supplies, got them only on condition that the enemy coun- 
tries should not benefit directly or indirectly and that there 
should be return benefits for the Allies. 



MONDELL, REPUBLICAN LEADER, 

RAILS AT SELECTIVE DRAFT 



HEN this bill shall hare become a law and there 
shall have been fastened on the republic the 
conscript system adopted from the monarchies of the 
Old World, those who benefit by that military con- 
scription system should contribute to raise a monu- 
ment higher than that which towers to the glory of the 
Father of His Country * * * to the man who in- 
vented the phrase "selective conscription," for that 
has been the magic term which has made conscription 

a v/ord as hateful as the English language contains, 

detested through all the history of free people— pala- 
table to those who imagine that by the working of this 
magic selection they and those they love may be ex- 
cused and the burden fall upon those ™ tho "* P *^**' 
social, or capitalistic influence.-REPRESENTATIVE 
MONDELL (now Republican floor leader), in speech 
in the House of Representatives in opposition to Se- 
lective Service Act. 



P WINNING THE WAR 27B 

The greatest need of the Allies in the way of food, aside 
from flour, was fats. The only quick and abundant source 
of these was the American hog. The law did not authorize 
a guaranteed price for hogs, but the Food Administration, 
through its control of government and foreign buying, was 
able to stabilize the market at $15.50 a hundred until Sep- 
tember, 1918, the packers agreeing to cooperate at this price 
during the heavy marketing season, when the volume of 
public buying might not have been sufficient to keep the 
market at $15.50. Later, the stabilized pork price was fixed 
at 13 to 1 on the average price of corn fed. By cooperative 
agreement the packers delivered pork to the Allies at a profit 
of only one-fourth of one cent a pound, the same price being 
also made to Americans. 

PACKERS' PROFITS LIMITED 

By this and other arrangements the packers were limited 
to a profit of 1.6 per cent, on their gross sales during the 
>eriod of regulation. Thus their gross profits were reduced 
121,000,000 in the first year of regulation. 

The 13-to-l ratio by great exertions was maintained until 
he fall of 1918, when the anticipation of peace led to an 

)rupt drop in the price of corn, followed by a panicky mar- 
keting of nogs. The market control was not equal to the 
pressure and the minimum 13-to-l price failed. A fiat price 
>f $17.50, so far as the operations of the Food Administration 
ould effect it, was then agreed upon and maintained by 
narket manipulation, railway cooperation and packers' sup- 
>ort until some months after the armistice. But for this 
ontrol, through the buying power, pork products' prices 
vould have dropped out of sight at the signing of the armis- 
ice, with ruinous consequences to American farmers. 

Through pork control by economic-force direction, in- 
tead of by law, the farmers received more for their hogs 
nd consumers paid less for pork products during the period 
f regulation than afterwards, while the former had the in- 
stimable benefit of freedom from price hazards. 

Aside from the three great commodities, wheat and flour, 
ugar and pork, the Food Administration put into effect a 
ast number of regulatory measures designed to give the 
roducer and consumer alike the benefit of fair prices. In 
eneral this was accomplished by cooperative fixing of the 
rofit margin and the prevention of profiteering and specu- 

tion. 

FOOD SURPLUS AT ARMISTICE 

The armistice found the United States with a surplus of 
B,000,000 tons of foodstuffs — three times the normal supply — 
sultant from increased production and conservation. To 
revent stoppage of the regular flow of this surplus to Eu- 
Dpe, President Wilson directed that the headquarters of the 
ood Administration be moved to Europe, and by economic 
atesmanship of the highest order the food was sold and 
ept moving, alike to the benefit of the American producer 
d the hungry populations of Europe, especially of the Cen- 
al Empires and the new nations. The same administration 
lat had been largely instrumental in effecting the economic 
>llapse of the former now became the savior of their starv- 
g peoples. This was largely effected through the appoint- 
ent of Mr. Hoover by the Supreme Economic Council of 



276 WINNING THE WAR 

the Allies as the executive head of supplies "with mandatory 
powers ove'r railways and coal mines and telegraphs in large 
parts of the old empires" that had been dissolved. Under this 
centralized control 4,753,829 tons of foodstuffs, valued at 
$1,147,000,000, were distributed in central and eastern Euroue. 
During the same post-bellum period 12,500,000 tons of food- 
stuffs, worth $2,000,000,000, were delivered from American 
controlled producing regions to the Allies, and 2,000,000 tons, 
valued at $300,000,000, to the European neutrals. Altogether 
the United States alone sent 17,500,000 tons of food to avert 
famine in Europe and pave the way for reconstruction. 

Through the Food Administration the United States 
kept the Allies alive and vigorous during the last year 
of the war in Europe, rescued the defeated populations 

and supported the Allies afterwards, and through it 
all kept its own people well fed, fit and content at fair 
prices, while dealing generously with the producers. 

The Food Administration's wonderful success, great as 
it was, was but one of the many prodigious activities carried 
to a successful conclusion by the greatest economic con- 
trol of all time— the Democratic war administration of the 
United States. Primarily all of these activities owed their 
success to the central idea of democratic cooperation which 
ran through all the American war effort and was inspired by 
a government deep in its understanding of humanity and 
economics. 



"Senator Harding** nomination is another great triumph for 
the Old Guard. Unquestionably the convention might have 
nominated a man who would have been stronger with the rank 
and file of the voters."— Ohio State Journal (Rep.), June 13th. 



REPUBLICAN PRAISES FOREIGN 

POLICY OF ADMINISTRATION 



T AM a Republican. I believe a Republican 
is to be the next President of the United 
States, but I cannot forget the obligation we 
owe to the men who fought and won the war 
to make it what we claimed it was then, name- 
ly, a war to end all wars. I am proud to in- 
dorse the President's foreign policy and his ef- 
forts to make a league to preserve peace. * * * 
And in considering this question, while I do so 
as a Republican, I thank God I am an Ameri- 
can first and a Republican afterwards, rather 
than that I should consider this important ques- 
tion from the standpoint of personal or party 
advantage. — REPRESENTATIVE FULLER 
(Republican) , in the House of Representatives. 
April 9, 1920. 



WAR RISK ACT A TRIBUTE 
TO DEMOCRATIC EFFICIENCY 

Forty Billions of Insurance Written on 

Lives of More than Four Million Men 

Called to Defense of Nation 

of T Aprn f ^i? tat TW te J ed the W ° rld War h ? declaration 
raise tltll i ™ at T P , W3S foIIo ^ed by a decision to 
raise, through selective draft, the armies necessary to fight 
the war Immediately it became apparent to all thoughtful 

SXpeffi g' S ° me benefiCial meaSUr€S mUSt b« iSfec^ 
of the m .n «1, -°? r T ent t0 Care for the ^P^dent families 

be madTfor th ™° SOT' bUt that Spedal provision must 
^nt-S i 4 ? the , mselves against the new and unprec- 
edented hazards of modern warfare. William G. MrAdoo 

hZtotaiV?* ° p^ TrCaSUry ' trans -«ted this general feeU 
Stfrin* E Relieving that something must be done and 

desiring to provide our soldiers and sailors not with - pt* 
tuity, BUT WITH A COOPERATIVE TeLF-SUPPORt" 

protIcttom 8 ^ ^^ plan fo * their mutual 

PROTECTION he called, in the early months of the war 
two conferences in Washington of men versed by study by' 
training, by experience in mutual benefit organizations plans 
and insurance. Working through those conferences and wkh 
Iht S!T l BC 5 r a J V1Se J S in the De P art ment of which he was 
Wei I ' t ^ ted and submitted to Congress a program of 
legislation which was adopted by the greft Democratic war 
Congress and approved by President Wilson on October 6, 
1917, and which is known as the War Risk Insurance Act. 

PROVISIONS OF THE ACT 

This great law, like all Gaul, is divided into three parts. 
The first was designed to provide for the support of the de- 
pendents of the soldier while he was in the Lrvke it gave 

m^Z™* nT thC r Governmen * to the soldier's family to 
augment an allotment for their support mad, from his pay. 

chudren g C ° mpulsory with res P ec * to wives and 

=Jr e l e -° 0n 1r s r ubdi J. ision was designed to compensate the 
soldier himself for disability incurred in active service, and 
to compensate the members of his family dependent UDon him 
for loss of his support because of his death in warfare or his 
disability incurred in line of duty. It provided payments ac- 
cording to the degree of dependency and according to the 
Sac ™i hedisabUity or loss. THIS COMPENSATION 
WAS NOT GRANTED AS A PENSION OR GEATUTTv 
BUT, AS ITS NAME IMPLIES, IT IS A PART OF THE 
COMPENSATION, A FEATURE OF THE CONTRACT 
^t D c E x.? a Y . THE SOL »IER WHEN HE UNdIJtook 
FHIS HAZARDOUS SERVICE FOR HIS COUNTRY. 

FORTY BULLIONS INSURANCE 

In order to make greater provision for the welfare of its 
.oldiers and sailors, Uncle Sam embarked upon a new and 
aicriarted sea. He undertook AN ENTERPRISE UNPREC- 

277 



% 7 % ~ WINNING THE WAR 

EDENTiS IN THE HISTORY OF MANKIND AN 
ENTERPRISE WHICH RESULTED IN A LIABILITY 
iFVF NEARLY FORTY BILLIONS OF DOLLARS AT 
IL CLO R SE OF THE WAR, AN OBLIGATION WHICH 
RAN TO OVER NINETY PER CENT OF THE MEM- 
BERS OF THE MILITARY AND NAVAL ESTABLISH- 
MENTS AND THEIR FAMILIES. This undertaking re- 
sulted from the third provision of the law-Government in- 
surance. By it men in the military service were enabled to 
secure a maximum of $10,000.00 of insurance, payable in case 
of death or total and permanent disability, no matter from 
what cause resultant, at premium rates calculated without ref- 
erence to the war hazard involved, without charge for the dis- 
ability risk and without a penny of cost for the expense of 
administration. The law further provided that after the war 
this insurance could be retained and converted into all the 
usual permanent forms of commercial insurance on the same 

generous terms. 

In addition to these three great benefits, the Government 
undertook to care for the wounded, sick or disabled service 
man after his discharge, to provide him with the best hospital 
facilities, surgical and medical care and treatment and nursing, 
and to replace lost members with the best artificial limbs and 
appliances which modern invention could devise. 

The Soldiers and Sailors' Civil Relief Act placed another 
duty in this group of benefits. It provided for the under- 
writing by the Federal Government, during the war period, of 
policies held by the members of its military forces in private 
insurance companies. 

MONUMENT TO DEMOCRATIC INITIATIVE 

Scarcely had the armies of the German Empire begun to 
thunder at the frontiers of Belgium, and its submarine mon- 
sters begun to pervade the seas when it became apparent 
that the foreign trade of America was threatened with sus- 
pension and disaster because of the risks of war So great 
were the dangers, commercial insurance underwriters could 
not insure against the risks of war on the seas without facing 
TmrnTdiate bankruptcy. To meet this situation Secretary 
McAdoo recommended the creation of a Bureau of War Risk 
Insurance in the Treasury Department, charged with the duty 
of insuring the cargoes and hulls of merchant vessels THb, 
nEMOCRATIC CONGRESS ADOPTED THE RECOM- 
MENDATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC SECRETARY 
OF THE TREASURY AND THE LAW ESTABLISHING 
?Se BUREAU ■ WAS APPROVED BY PRESIDENT 
WILSON SEPTEMBER 2, 1914, OR ONE MONTH 
AFTER THE OUTBREAK OF THE EUROPEAN WAR. 
The Bureau was ready for business the following day, or 
September 3, 1914, the quickest organization of a great insur- 
ance company in the history of the world. On account of the 
increased hazards to American shipping after the United 
States entered the war, Secretary McAdoo further recom- 
mended to the Congress the enactment of a law providing 
government insurance for the crews of these vessels against 
death and disability. That Act was approved June 12, 19 1 7 
and masters of vessels who were ever ready to insure ships 
and cargoes were compelled to insure the lives of crews of 
vessels traversing the war zones.- These two laws were ad- 
ministered by a Bureau, numbering less than twenty persons, 



WINNING THE WAR 279 

which occupied one room in the sub-basement of the Treasury 
Building at Washington. 

GREAT OBSTACLES OVERCOME 

Less than four months from the date of the approval of 
the act providing for seamen's insurance, the amendments to 
™t™ * r - Insurance A ct, THE GREATEST GOVERN- 
5S2J?^ L VENTURE IN THE HISTORY OF MAN- 
KIND, became law, affecting a military force of nearly two 
millions, and later four millions, of men, and providing bene- 
hts due and payable at once to more than a million of their 
dependents. This job was to be undertaken by a nucleus of 
organization of twenty persons, without equipment or build- 
ing space, which was required to recruit and train immediately 
a force running into thousands of persons from a supply of 
labor already picked over and largely exhausted by the other 
war time activities of the Government, particularly the tre- 
mendous expansion of the War and Navy Departments at 
wasmngton. Untrained, in many cases utterly inexperienced 
in any business whatever, thousands of clerks, mostly girls 
were brought to Washington for service in the Bureau. The 
country was combed for help; young girls, mothers, and 
grandmothers were pressed into the work. 

Not only was there no building in the City of Washington 
nearly adequate to house this great workshop, but there was 
no group of buildings. At first there were not even sheds to 
be found within the District of Columbia for the purpose At 
pnifnT^ J ureau occupied EIGHTEEN DIFFERENT 

™S D £r?L SCATTERED over a Radius of SEV- 

f^t L T ^i LES ' "ELUDING IN THEIR NUMBER FOR 

DANCE HA??Q L % GARAGES > STOREHOUSE^ AND 
DANCE HALLS Every inch of space that could be found, 
regardless of its character, was promptly commandeered and 
an attempt was made to adapt it to the use of this service. 
i^f * e P° m . ted ou ; th *t the work of this Bureau in- 
Tolved literally millions of small business transactions which 
dovetailed and interlocked with each other at every turn It 
Z*X!:* SI*'/" u™?** insi * erabl ° obstacle that portions 
*La £ d - t0 bC ?° nC by untrain ^ persons, widely scat- 

tered. i t wa s impossible to bring the work to the desired 

THF^WRnf^P^l! ^ 307 under these conditions. 
H-h, WHOLE EFFORT OF EVERY PER^OM rnw 

CE-NED WITH THE ADMINISTRATION OF THM 
BREAT ENTERPRISE WAS BENT TOWARD GETTING 
OUT THE WORK IN THE BEST CONDITION POS 
BIBLE WITH MAXIMUM SPEED in order to reac^he" 
thousands of beneficiaries of the Bureau ^th the money 

Sd ar h^ ed by „ th , e ?°X ernment to its contract with the sXer 
md badly needed by its recipients. 

LIKE BUILDING DAM OF SAND 

It should be borne in mind that when the Bureau began to 
ET2U these tremendous handicaps, it not only had to 

.eal with an army of nearly two million men, widely scattered 

ShST". * tHlS ^° Untry and in Euro ? e ' but *£ an army 
rhich was mcreasmg at a rate of between two hundred and 
hree hundred thousand men per month. The job was com- 
-arable to an attempt to build a dam of sand in 7 migb£r 
orrent which is being constantly augmented by reoelt^ 
[oods. THE BUREAU WAS COMPELLED TO RELY 



280 WINNING THE WAR 

FOR ITS CONTACT WITH THE SOLDIER ON THOU- 
SANDS ' OF UNTRAINED AND INEXPERIENCED 
ARMY CLERKS AND OFFICERS WHOSE ATTENTION 
AND EFFORTS WERE LARGELY REQUIRED FOR 
THE HANDLING AND TRAINING OF NEW TROOPS. 
It had to rely on these overworked soldiers not only for 
every item of information, but for action in all of its relations 
with the enlisted men. With every desire, and making every 
effort to act promptly in reaching the beneficiaries of the law 
with the helps provided by it, it had to await action through 
the military organization. 

RECORD OF ACHIEVEMENT 

Faced thus with countless, appalling, practical difficulties — 
obstacles almost insuperable— the Bureau undertook a three- 
fold enterprise of gigantic proportions, one without precedent 
in the history of governmental or commercial activities and 
one with respect to which there was no experience and no 
example to give guidance. 

Yet, during the early months of the war, while it was issu- 
ing upward of a million allotment and allowance checks 
monthly, checks which were dispatched to all parts of the 
world, the Bureau was successful in writing over forty billions 
of dollars worth of insurance upon the lives of more than 
four million men, giving over ninety per cent of the American 
soldiers insurance protection. It was not until after the cessa- 
tion of active hostilities that the Bureau was able to bring 
its divisions together under one roof. A building was con- 
structed especially for it and it has been only within the last 
few months that its last outlying section was brought into 
that building. 

The Bureau has conducted a tremendous banking business, 
paying in allotments and government family allowances to 
the dependents of men in the service $551,626,984.42 up to 
June 1, 1920. NO OTHER ENTERPRISE EVER AT- 
TEMPTED REACHED ANYTHING LIKE SIMILAR 
PROPORTIONS. Compensation claims to 220,468 men have 
been allowed, carrying monthly awards of approximately 
$6,000,000.00 with an aggregate of $104,807,283.14 already paid 
in compensation up to June 1, 1920. War time insurance 
awards have Been made in 130,385 cases where the insured 
have either died or become totally and permanently disabled. 
The aggregate liability to the government under these awards 
is $1,156,554,673.48, whereas the collections by the government 
of premiums on this insurance have amounted to only $313,- 
712,501.60. 

Thus it will be seen how liberal were the provisions for 
insurance made for those who entered the service. All of this 
war-term insurance is payable in monthly installments over a 
period of twenty years. Such a safeguard was placed in the 
law on the theory that in this manner the dependents of those 
who gave their lives in the service would be more safely 
cared for than if lump sum payment of the insurance policies 
were permitted. However, all of the men who came through 
ths war without making the supreme sacrifice have the oppor- 
tunity to convert their term insurance at any time within five 
years into such usual forms of policies as are offered by the 
large insurance companies. Under this provision the Bureau 
has worked out most attractive and desirable policies. Hun- 
dreds of thousands of former service men are taking advan- 



WINNING THE WAR 281 

tage of the opportunity to convert and are enjoying, as an 
after-war benefit, THE CHEAPEST INSURANCE WHICH 
HAS EVER BEEN OFFERED BY ANY INSTITUTION 
IN THE UNITED STATES. ' 

IT CAN BE SAID WITH TRUTH, AS A RESULT OF 
THE WAR RISK INSURANCE ACT AND ITS ADMIN- 
ISTRATION IN SPITE OF UNPARALLELED OB- 
STACLES, THAT NEVER IN THE* HISTORY OF MAN- 
KIND WAS A GREAT WAR FOUGHT WITH SO 
LITTLE PRIVATION AND HARDSHIP IN THE 
HOMES OF THE INNOCENT DEPENDENTS OF THE 
MEN CALLED FORTH TO WAR. 

GROWTH OF THE LAW 

Enacted in the first days of conflict under the pressure of 
active warfare, and in the face of the necessity to provide 
legislation for innumerable war time needs, it was only natural 
that at the time of the passage of the original War Risk Act 
Congress could not possibly anticipate all conditions that 
might arise and all provisions that might prove necessary for 
the service men. It became apparent following the armistice 
when the men returned from France that the amount of com- 
pensation originally provided was not always adequate, and 
as soon as the extraordinary session of the 66th Congress 
was convened in May, 1919, the Director of the Bureau and 
the Secretary of the Treasury recommended the immediate 
enactment of a number of liberalizing provisions of the law, 
laying particular stress upon the necessity for more generous 
compensation. A bill, known as the Sweet Bill, H. R. 8778, 
prepared in the Treasury Department, was passed by the 
House early in September of 1919. This bill increased the 
basic rate of compensation for permanent total disability 
Tom $30 per month to $100 per month. It also clarified and 
iberalized other important features of the War Risk Act, 
particularly with reference t3*msurancc. 

OPPOSITION BY REPUBLICANS 

Going to the Senate with the unanimous vote of the House 
ecorded on roll call, THIS BILL WAS HELD U? FOR 
MONTHS BY THE SUB-COMMITTEE OF THE SEN- 
VTE FINANCE COMMITTEE HAVING IN CHARGE 
tfAR RISK LEGISLATION. Indeed, instead of endeavor- 
ng to liberalize the original Act so as to take proper care of 
he service men, the Republican chairman of the sub-com- 
nittee announced his intention of disrupting the War Risk 
bureau, and in the latter part of November introduced a bill 
n the Senate with that purpose in view. 

It was not until the State Commanders of the American 
egion assembled in Washington, at the request of the Director 
f the Bureau, and by unanimous vote demanded not only that 
le Bureau of War Risk Insurance be left intact, but that the 
enate of the United States without further delay pass H. R. 
778, that the effort was made to gel action on the bill in the 
$nate, with the result that it became a law on December 24 
*19. - 

THE ATTITUDE OF THE REPUBLICAN SENATE 
"OWARD ALL LEGISLATION HELPFUL TO THE 
ORMER SERVICE MEN IS BEING ILLUSTRATED 
TRIKINGLY AT THIS TIME. For several months during 



282 " ' WINNING THE WAR 

the late winter and early spring of the present year, the 
House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce 
worked on another bill presented by the Treasury Depart- 
ment to further expand and liberalize the War Risk Act. 
This is known as the Wason Bill, H. R. 13558. This bill was 
pending before the House of Representatives at the time of 
the American Legion conference mentioned above, and that 
conference called attention vigorously to the imperative need 
of its immediate passage and urged that action be taken upon 
it before the Congress adjourned. When gotten before the 
House, it, like the Sweet Bill, passed by unanimous vote, and 
was sent to the Senate for action. The Democratic member- 
ship of the Senate sub-committee having the legislation in 
charge ENDEAVORED TO INDUCE THE REPUBLI- 
CAN CHAIRMAN TO CALL THE COMMITTEE TO- 
GETHER TO PASS UPON THE BILL AND TO PRE- 
SENT IT TO THE SENATE BEFORE THE ADJOURN- 
MENT OF JUNE 5. BUT AGAIN THE SUGGESTION 
WAS NOT HEEDED, THE WELL-KNOWN NEEDS OF 
THE EX-SERVICE MEN WERE FLAUNTED, THE 
BENEFITS WHICH SHOULD NOW BE ACCRUING TO 
THESE MEN ARE DENIED THEM, and action on the 
Wason Bill by the Senate is postponed for at least six months, 
and probably a good deal longer. 

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY MAY LAY JUST CLAIM 
TO THE FULLEST CREDIT FOR THE BUREAU OF 
WAR RISK INSURANCE IN ALL ITS WIDESPREAD 
ACTIVITIES. IT MAY LAY CLAIM TO HAVING 
MADE FOR THE SERVICE MEN PROVISIONS OF 
THE MOST LIBERAL AND CONSTRUCTIVE CHAR- 
ACTER. ITS RECORD IN THIS RESPECT CON- 
TRASTS STRIKINGLY WITH THE INACTION AND 
POSITIVE OPPOSITION OF THE RESPONSIBLE 
MEMBERS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY SINCE IT 
ASSUMED CONTROL OF THE CONGRESS, AND PAR- 
TICULARLY THE PREDOMINANT MEMBERS OF 
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN THE SENATE. 



BY THE DEMOCRACY^ 
Peace- 
Won and Preserved. 

Progress- 
Assured. 

Prosperity— 

* Attained and Maintained. 



Wisconsin has every day since the adjournment of 
the Convention recorded itself on the cash register at 
Headquarters with substantial sums. — (The "Official 
Bulletin" of the Republican Treasurer.) BOYS, GET 
THE MONEY! 



U. S. MERCHANT MARINE 

REVIVED BY DEMOCRATS 

American Flag Again in Commanding Posi- 
tion On High Seas and Our Foreign 
Trade Free From Alien Control 



AGAIN A MARITIME POWER 



'JHE achievements of the Democratic Party in 
the revival of the American merchant ma- 
rine are shown in the following comparison of 
facts and figures for the years 1914 and 1920: 

1914 

The United States had 755 ocean-going ves- 
sels of 2,128,000 gross tons, of which 80 per 
cent, were engaged in coastwise and Great 
Lakes trade. 

Only 10 per cent, of country's foreign com- 
merce carried in American ships. 

Shipbuilding industry stagnant and decaying. 

Annual production of ships 316,000 gross 
tons. 

Sixty-five shipbuilding yards, with 256 
launching ways. 

Fifty thousand shipbuilders, chiefly engaged 
in naval work. 

1920 

The United States, June 30, 1920, had 3,404 
ocean-going vessels, of 11,278,741 gross tons 
(approximately 16,918,212 deadweight). 

Forty-two per cent, of country's foreign com- 
merce carried in American ships (March fig- 
ures). 

The United States has become the second 
shipbuilding country of the world. 

Annual production of ships (1919) 4,000,- 
000 gross tons (6,379,823 deadweight). 

One hundred and fifty-nine shipbuilding 
yards, with 921 launching ways. 

Two hundred thousand workers engaged in 
the industry. 



Through the initiative and enterprise of the Democratic 
rty the United States is again in possession of a first class 
jrchant marine. Within seven years the blighting effect 
Kepublican neglect of the shipping interests of the country 

283 



2S4 WINNING THE WAR 

for half a century has been overcome. AMERICA STANDS 
TO-DAY THE SECOND IN RANK AMONG THE MARI- 
TIME NATIONS OF THE WORLD, its vessels ply the 
highways of every ocean, and the Stars an<| Stripes are a famil- 
iar and welcome sight in every port of the seven seas. THE 
SHIPBUILDING INDUSTRY OF THE COUNTRY 
RANKS SECOND IN THE WORLD AND AMERICA'S 
SURPLUS PRODUCTS FIND READY MEANS OF 
CONVEYANCE TO EVERY FOREIGN MARKET. 

THis remarkable achievement has been brought about by a 
Democratic administration through the instrumentality of the 
United States Shipping Board, whose record of accomplish- 
ments has challenged the admiration of the whole world, 
During the World War American shipping activities were 
the greatest ever shown in any time ol Country. Spurred 
on by the call for a "Bridge of Ships" with which to send 
troops and munitions of war to the aid of $he battling Allie< 
armies, Americans of every rank and calling answered by 
the tens of thousands the Shipping Board's appeal for work- 
ers and shipbuilding yards sprang up as if by magic along 
the Atlantic, Gulf and Pacific coasts. 

AMERICA'S WONDERFUL EFFORT 

In 1917 American yards produced 1,297 merchant ships ol 
664,479 gross tonnage for American owners and 40 vessels 
of 134,895 tons for foreign owners. It was not, however, 
until the latter part of 1918 that the results of the country's 
stupendous effort began to tell. During that year 3,030,406 
tons of shipping were produced, an amount greater than the 
whole American output for the ten years preceding anc 
exceeding any annual production in the history of Great 
Britain. 

At the time of the signing of the armistice American 
shipyards had just gotten into their stride in the production 
of ships. Under the concentrated efforts of 385,000 men 
employed in the yards and as many more in the mills and 
factories turning out the necessary materials NEW VES- 
SELS WERE BEING LAUNCHED AT THE RATE OF 
THREE A DAY and the "Bridge of Ships" was in a fair 
way of becoming a reality. The country at that time had 
341 shipyards, with a total of 1,284 launching ways, MORE 
THAN DOUBLE THE NUMBER OF SHIPWAYS 
OWNED BY ALL OTHER NATIONS COMBINED. 

The end of the war necessarily resulted in curtailment of 
this vast program and as rapidly as conditions would permit 
it was reduced to a peace time basis. Contracts for a tota 
of 952 ships of 4,747,465 deadweight tonnage, were canceled, 
REPRESENTING A FINAL SAVING TO THE COUN- 
TRY OF MORE THAN $600,000,000. 

WORLD RECORD ECLIPSED 

The momentum attained by the industry, however, was 
not suddenly arrested and THE OUTPUT DURING 1919 
EXCEEDED THE ANNUAL PRODUCTION OF ANY 
ONE COUNTRY IN THE WORLD'S HISTORY. During 
that year our yards delivered 1,180 ships of 6,379,823 dead- 
weight tons, the record for one month alone, September, 
being 150 ships of 810,386 deadweight tons, or a tonnage 
greater than that produced in any year prior to 1918 in the 
history of the country. During the second quarter of 1919 



WINNINO THK WAR 283 

el ships under construction in the United States repre- 
ited 44^2 per cent, of the steel tonnage building in the 
rid. 

Che entire program, now nearing completion, contem- 
tes the construction of 2,303 ocean-going vessels of 
543,961 deadweight tons. These, together with those 
: under control of the Shipping Board and including those 
w under construction in private yards, amounting to 
>roximateIy 2,000,000 tons, it is expected will give the 
ited States within a year a merchant fleet of 18,000,000 
dweight tons, a total second only to that of Great Brit- 
, now estimated at approximately 25,000,000 tons, 
omparison between the production records for American 
British yards is significant. Prior to the war the greatest 
mal production in the United States in recent years was 
1910 when vessels with an aggregate deadweight tonnage 
)00,000 tons left the ways. The maximum in Great Britain 
j attained in 1913 with the launching of 3,000,000 dead- 
ght tons of shipping. The yards in the United States 
omplished that maximum output in 1918 and in 1919 more 
t doubled the British record. FROM THE TIME OF 
\ ORGANIZATION IN JANUARY, 1917, TO JUNE 15, 
% THE UNITED STATES SHIPPING BOARD CON- 
DUCTED AND DELIVERED 2,048 VESSELS, OF A 

AL DEADWEIGHT TONNAGE OF 11,444,553. 

ontrast these achievements under a Democratic adminis- 

on with the half a century of Republican indifference to 

; ate of the American merchant marine. 

uring the first half of the nineteenth century, when the 

nocratic party was in control of the affairs of the Repub- 

except for two Whig administrations, America was at 

zenith of her power on the high seas, her merchant fleet 

the pride and boast of the American people, the bulk 

er commerce was carried in American bottoms. In 1826 

>er cent of the country's foreign trade was conducted in 

rican ships. The halcyon days of the clipper ships, 

see built and Yankee manned, fleetest of all craft plying 

ocean trades, beginning in 1843 and ending in 1861, 

ked the apex of our influence as a maritime power. 

DECLINE UNDER REPUBLICANISM 

len followed the long period of Republican domination 
le affairs of government when oppressive and discrimi- 
ry laws discouraged shipowners and shipbuilders and 
ened the decline of the merchant marine. Gradually 
surely the nation's commercial rivals obtained control 
e transportation of our imports and exports and levied 
normous toll, amounting to hundreds of millions of dol- 
annually, in the form of exorbitant cargo rates, upon 
American farmer and manufacturer. BY THE YEAR 
THE AMOUNT OF THE COUNTRY'S WATER- 
|*NE COMMERCE CARRIED IN OUR OWN SHIPS 
UNTED TO LESS THAN 10 PER CENT., THE 
■2RICAN FLAG HAD PRACTICALLY DISAP- 
RED FROM THE HIGHWAYS OF THE SEA, AND 
I AMERICAN SHIPBUILDING INDUSTRY HAD 
OME A LOST ART. 

icse conditions the Republican party, in its quadrennial 
orms, had regularly pledged itself to remedy, but Repub- 
administrations had, with equal regularity, failed to re- 
1 its promises. 



286 WINNING THE WAR 

With the return of the Democratic party to power in 
the restoration of our merchant marine became one of 
first objects of its most serious attention. In 1914 
Democratic Congress enacted the Ship Registry law, w 
removed the restriction as to the country of a ship's 
struction and under which 183 foreign vessels of 61' 
gross torts were added to American registry in over 
commerce. 

CREATION OF SHIPPING BOARD 

In 1915 the Congress attempted to pass the mea 
authorizing the creation of the Shipping Board, but IT V 
FILIBUSTERED TO DEATH BY THE REPUBLIC 
MINORITY IN THE SENATE, which, true to the re< 
of the party of special privilege, opposed any shipping 
that did not grant subsidies to the shipping trust. T. 
FAILURE TO RISE TO THE NEEDS OF A NATIO* 
EMERGENCY AND TO SUPPLY RELIEF TO T 
SUFFERING COMMERCE OF THE COUNT 
PLACED A STAIN UPON THE RECORD OF T 
REPUBLICAN PARTY WHICH NO REPUBLIC 
APOLOGIST HAS HAD THE EFFRONTERY 
DEFEND. 

In 1916, however, the Democratic majority in Cong 
succeeded in passing the bill in the face of united Re] 
lican opposition. It passed the House by a vote of 211 to 
ALL BUT ONE OF THE NEGATIVE VOTES BEI 
CAST BY REPUBLICANS. In the Senate it was adoj 
by a vote of 38 to 21, EVERY NEGATIVE VOTE BEI 
CAST BY A REPUBLICAN. 

This measure, destined to release our overseas comm< 
from the grip of foreign domination and to give the farn 
and manufacturers of the country the benefit of reasons 
ocean freight rates, came at a time when the stupend 
demand from the warring countries of Europe for Ameri 
products found the world's sea-carrying tonnage despera 
deficient. 

HUGE CONSTRUCTION PROGRAM 

The Shipping Board lost no time in its efforts to overcc 
this deficiency. The ablest shipping men of the coun 
irrespective of party politics or considerations, were ca 
into its service or into cooperation with it. Plans were 
for the construction of additional ships and shipyards o 
stupendous scale. Scarcely, however, had the work c( 
menced when the United States entered the war and 
Shipping Board was given the far broader powers requi 
by the exigencies of the situation. Through appropr 
legislation put through Congress by the Democratic lead 
in that body, the President was given far-reaching authoi 
to requisition, construct and operate ships without limitatii 
or conditions "save such limitations as resulted from 
limits of appropriations." The President in turn delega 
these powers to the Shipping Board and its Emergency Fl 
Corporation. 

Acting under these broad powers the Emergency Fl 
Corporation requisitioned 873 steamers, constructed or 
course of construction in American yards, of 2,791,000 gr 
tons. It took over and repaired 89 German steamers 
583,435 gross tons which had taken refuge in American po 



WINNING THE WAR 287 

the beginning of the war, and took charge of the 87 Dutch 
ssels of 354,479 gross tons, which had been commandeered 
' Executive Order. In addition it contracted for 3,164 new 
ssels of 17,515,481 deadweight tons. Of this number, how- 
er, as previously indicated, contracts for 952 vessels were 
nceled after the signing of the armistice. 
In order to accomplish its tremendous task the Shipping 
>ard, acting through the Emergency Fleet Corporation, 
ovided funds for the building of four large shipyards for 
e building of fabricated steel ships and five yards for the 
nstruction of concrete vessels. Of the fabricated shipyards 
at at Hog Island, near Philadelphia, was the largest. It 
is built at a cost of $65,000,000, employed 30,000 men, had 
shipbuilding ways, covered 846 acres of ground and had 
miles of standard gauge railroad tracks. In addition the 
lipping Board provided capital for the construction of a 
•ge number of other yards. 

Before many of these new yards were ready to launch a 
ip much dredging was necessary and a total of 34,000,000 
bic yards of earth were removed, a volume ten times 
eater than that represented by the Great Pyramid of Egypt. 

HOUSING FACILITIES PROVIDED 

En order to provide housing facilities for laborers at the 
rious shipbuilding plants, many of which were in isolated 
tees, $75,000,000 was expended in the construction of houses 
ar 25 yards and in the extension of transportation facili- 
s. The housing program included 9,443 houses, 849 apart- 
aits, 11 cafeterias and mess halls, 60 dormitories, 27 
arding houses and 300 tents, in addition to schools, stores, 
:. Accommodations for 55,000 persons were provided. 
To provide for the welfare of employees a Department of 
dustrial Relations was established with the purpose of 
justing labor questions, maintaining sanitary and healthful 
iditions and preventing accidents. Measures adopted by 
i Safety Engineering branch for the latter purpose have 
suited in making AMERICAN SHIPYARDS THE 
.FEST IN THE WORLD, and the accident rate has been 
luced to a minimum. As a result of the operations of the 
chinery organized by the Fleet Corporation for the settle- 
nt of labor disputes and the measures taken to protect the 
rkers with respect to wages and working conditions, NOT 
SINGLE STRIKE OF ANY APPRECIABLE EXTENT 
XURRED IN ANY AMERICAN SHIPBUILDING 
RD DURING THE ENTIRE PROGRESS OF THE 
|AR. 

SPECIAL SCHOOLS ESTABLISHED 

lefore the war there were only 50,000 trained shipbuilders 
the United States, most of them being engaged in work 
the Navy.- To prepare a force to undertake construction 
the merchant fleet schools were established and 80,000 
n trained in the various shipbuilding crafts. At the time 
the armistice 385,217 men, with annual earnings at the 
j of $676,704,840, were employed in the shipyards. This 
nber has now been reduced to approximately 200,000. 
i.s the troops returned from France and were demobilized 
ployment was given in the yards to as many discharged 
n as possible and the number soon reached a total of 
>07, of whom 2,0G0 were wounded but were able to learn 
rade. 



268 WINNING THE WAR 

To train men to man the ships as they left the ways specfl^a 
navigation and engineering schools were established a hn< 
35,000 men were trained for this service. he 

If all the vessels completed or nearing completion, as I* 
result of the activities of the Shipping Board, were placed end 
to end they would form a line 158 miles long and if steaming 
a mile and a quarter apart the line would reach from New 
York to Southampton, England. The total deadweight ton- 
nage of these vessels is equal to the carrying capacity of 
388,363 freight cars, hauling 35 tons to the car. The steel 
plates and rods used in the hulls would require 115,499 cars 
to transport. A rod of steel 37,500 miles long would be 
required to make the rivets, of which 800,000,000 were used. 

TRADE INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED 

Unlike many of the war industries the activities of the 
Shipping Board have become one of the nation's greatest 
assets in peace. The merchant marine which it has con- 
structed is now an important adjunct to the commerce of the 
country, directly touching every citizen in his domestic, busi- 
ness and professional relations. The veins and arteries 
through which our country's commerce may flow unimpeded 
have been renewed and our trade independence achieved. 
The United States, released from commercial bondage by 
the statesmanship of the Democratic party, is free to tread 
the path of social and economic progress. 



JOHNSON DECLARES TRUCE 

BUT KEEPS HIS POWDER DRY 



"I do not wish you to think for one minute that I am 
unmindful of the conditions which obtained at Chicago! 
(Republican National Convention), or the systeml 
which we saw, in its ugly nakedness, exemplified there ;] 
nor do I forget the men who represented that systemJ 

"Because of the big thing, I am willing for a period^ 
to declare a truce upon these men, but you may be cerlT 
tain that in the short lime I shall remain in public life, 
my work henceforth will be to attack the system andl 
to uphold to public obloquy the men who have] 
founded such a cynical and contemptuous disregard of 
the expressed will of the people," — SENATOR] 
HIRAM JOHNSON, in a letter to Mr. Bancroft Ab| 
bott, of Boston, printed in Washington "Post," Julyl 
20, 1920. 



Nobody is going to have anything to do with thu] 
Bulletin who has not had 'actual experience in dig 
ging up money in the field.- — (From the "Official Bui 
letin," Treasurer's Office, Republican National Com 
mittee.) 






VHAT DEMOCRATIC PARTY 
HAS DONE FOR EX-SOLDIERS 



4ost Liberal and Far-Reaching Provisions 
for Welfare of the Men Who Fought in 
World War Ever Made by Any Nation 



EFORB the World War, the United States, in the course 
of 141 years, had disbursed in pensions for the soldiers 
rid sailors of all the wars, from the Revolutionary down, 

i well as for the disabled men of the regular establish- 

ents of the army and navy, about $5,700,000,000 

Within three years and four months after the beginning 
f its participation in the World War it had paid out or 
ppropriated in compensation, insurance, family allotments, 
ducational rehabilitation of the disabled and for medical 
nd surgical care for the soldiers, sailors and marines who 
ook part in the war, about $900,000,000. 

It had already assumed a definite liability of $1,170,000,000 
n matured life insurance policies, in consequence of death 
r total and permanent disability. 

It had assumed a contractural obligation (free of adminis- 
rative costs) of $6,850,000,000 on account of outstanding life 
isurance policies. 

It had assumed an incalculable liability, undoubtedly run- 
ing into the billions, for compensation to dependents of 
ervice men who died in the service or to disabled veterans. 

It had obligated itself for untold millions for the future 
are of the war's ill and wounded. 

It had assumed an obligation mounting into the hundreds 
millions, for the completion of the educational rehabili- 
ation of men disabled in the service. 

In addition to all this every service man, ill or well, re- 
eived $60 cash upon leaving the service, over and above 
othing and pay and allowances for travel and subsistence, 
Dtalling more than $200,000,000. 

But these great figures tell only a part of the story. Re- 
earch shows that IN NO OTHER WAR IN ANY AGE 
VAS PROVISION SO THOROUGHLY MADE IN AD- 

ANCE TO SOFTEN THE PHYSICAL AND MENTAL 
NGUISH CAUSED BY WAR. This is not the place to 

11 of the ample and minute arrangements made for the 
are of the men mentally, both morally and physically, 
hile in the army, which also were extraordinary, but it 
as in line in spirit and practice with the elaborate arrange- 
lents made for dealing with the human wreckage and suf- 

ring that war always leaves in its wake. 

CONGRESS ACTED EARLY 

Within two months of our entry into the war Congress 
lad provided for the vocational rehabilitation of disabled 
oldiers and before a single American soldier was in action 
t had enacted the War Risk Insurance and Compensation 
aw, the creation, organization and administration of which 
k re more fully dealt with elsewhere in this book. 

The first was designed to restore every disabled man to 
usefulness and supporting employment, thus doing away 

289 



290 WINNING THE WAR 

with the long aftermath of bitter misery that has been thq 
fate of the disabled of former wars. The second was in- 
tended to provide allowance for the soldier's family while 1 
he was away, to support him in disability following dis- 
charge from the army or to assist his family in the event 
of his death and provide medical and surgical care when- 
ever required; and also to offer him the kitherto unheard-of 
opportunity of taking insurance while undergoing war risks 
(with the privilege, after the war, of converting it into perma- 
nent insurance) the government bearing all the administrative 
costs, which in private insurance companies are borne by 
the insured. « 

The task of administering vocational rehabilitation waj 
entrusted to the then recently created Federal Board for 
Vocational Education AND HAS BEEN CARRIED ON 
WITH A BREADTH OF VIEW AND. HUMAN HELP- 
FULNESS THAT HAS NOT BEEN REMOTELY AP- 
PROXIMATED BY ANY OTHER NATION IN- 
VOLVED IN TfiE WORLD WAR WITH THE EX- 
CEPTION OF CANADA. Even in the latter country a; 
single man in training gets only $60 a month as compared 
with $100 possibly and $80 certainly in the United States. 
In England a single man taking vocational training receives 
only $42.17 a month and in France only 34 cents a day. 
Moreover, the American system virtually offers vocational 
training for any degree of disability, whereas in other coun- 
tries the required degree of disability is sometimes as much 
as 50 per cent. 

NOT A PRIVILEGE BUT A RIGHT 

The opportunity for rehabilitation is not treated as a priv- 
ilege but as a right and the possible beneficiaries are sys- 
tematically sought out and urged to apply. While demobil- 
ization was in progress agents of the Rehabilitation Division 
of the Federal Board were stationed at the camps and the 
discharged soldiers were fully advised of what the govern- 
msnt was ready to do for the disabled. Wounded and dis- 
eased men were visited in the hospitals, informed of their 
righls and provided with data from which to consider what 
sort of a vocation they would like. Even now the closest 
possible relation is maintained between the Rehabilitation 
Division and the men who are still in the hospitals. A part 
of the hospital care is vocational therapy treatment, and by 
cooperation between the Public Health Service, the War 
Risk Bureau and the Rehabilitation Division this stage of 
the patient's treatment is articulated with the vocational 
training that follows so soon as his health permits. In thou- j 
sands of cases, especially those of gassing, the men have 
been compelled by the subsequent state of their health to 
give up training and return to the hospitals or other form 
of care by the War Risk Bureau. In many other instances 
family affairs or opportunity to secure remunerative employ- 
merit before training was completed have resulted in its dis- 
continuance. In all these cases training may be resumed, j 
Altogether, the Federal Board has canvassed the cases of j 
more than 200,000 men. A careful, personal study is made 
of each applicant for training and its nature adapted to his 
personal inclinations, his ability, his general education and 
the nature of his particular disability. His progress is duly 
noted and his course altered or modified to meet circum- 
stances. *.*•-! 



WINNING THE WAR 291 

In some instances the disabled. men are illiterate cr so lack- 
ing in education, that their vocational training necessitates 
a general education. To such men their disability has proved 
a rich blessing in disguise, and it is probably true that for 
a majority of the disabled men taking vocational training, 
who have the necessary ambition, THEY WILL FILL A 
MORE USEFUL AND IMPORTANT PLACE IN LIFE 
THAN IF THEY HAD NEVER BEEN INCAPACI- 
TATED. / 

TRAINING IN 900 VOCATIONS 

Every man receiving compensation is entitled to apply for 
vocational rehabilitation, and, no matter what the degree of 
his disability or the amount of his compensation, receives 
upon being transferred to the care oi the Federal Board's 
Rehabilitation Division and during the period of his rehabili- 
tation a minimum sum of $80 a month to cover his living 
expenses. If necessary this amount may be increased up to 
$100. In addition to this the government meets the ex- 



PENROSE OPPOSED BILL TO 
GIVE LAND TO EX-SOLDIERS 



[From the Congressional Record, November 11 (Armistice 
Day), 1918," />. 11,532.] 

The VICE-PRESIDENT: The morning business is closed. 

Mr. MYERS: I move that the Senate proceed to the con- 
sideration of the bill (S. 4947) to make an appropriation to 
provide for a survey and classification by the Secretary of the 
Interior of all unentered public lands of the United States, 
and all unused, cut-over, logged and swamp lands and other 
unused lands of the United States, with a view to disposing 
thereof TO HONORABLY DISCHARGED SOLDIERS 
AND SAILORS of the United States and others, and for 
other purposes. 

It is a bill designed TO INITIATE THE WELL- 
KNOWN AND ADMIRABLE PLAN OF. SECRETARY 
OF THE INTERIOR LANE AS A PART OF OUR 
AFTER-THE-WAR RECONSTRUCTION and to furnish 
homes on the unused public lands and certain other unused 
lands of the country for our returning soldiers and sailors. . . . 

Mr. PENROSE: I should like to ask the Senator from 
Montana what amount the bill carries? 

Mr. MYERS: One million dollars, or so much thereof as 
may be needed. 

Mr. PENROSE: I thought we were going to begin a course 
of economy now. 

Mr. MYERS: So far as the war is concerned, I think we 
will, and we ought to do so, and I am heartily in favor of it; 
but we all realize that there must be some reconstruction 
legislation for the peace to follow- the war and to readjust 
Jconomic conditions, and we cannot do that without some 
expenditure of money. . . . 

MR. PENROSE: I do not think the counffcy would 
suffer much if the bill never was heard of. 



292 WINNING THE WAR 

pense of tuition, traveling, books and supplies and medical 
and surgical care. The educational work is carried on 
through schools, colleges and the actual placement in shops, 
offices, etc., some 1,600 educational institutions and 2,600 in- 
dustrial establishments being utilized. The average monthly 
cost per pupil is $139, of which $120 is paid directly to or 
for him and only $19 goes to "overhead" expense. At pres- 
ent 41,034 men are in training; 50,043 have been under its 
care for longer or shorter periods and 984 have completed 
their courses. TRAINING IS OFFERED IN SOME 900 
DIFFERENT VOCATIONS. In some instances the re-, 
habilitation will require four or five years. The total appro- 
priation for this rehabilitation task to date is $129,000,000, 
and it will doubtless cost $200,000,000 more before it is done. 

The government insurance was voluntary but it was so 
popular and was so energetically offered to the soldiers that 
more than 90 per cent, of them took it. Initially, and for a 
period of five years if desired, this army insurance was "term 
insurance," having even less than the ordinary low rates of 
term insurance. Its cost averaged about $7 a month for 
$10,000. The result was that the average policy carried by 
the American soldier, taking battle risks, was for more than 
$9,000. What a world of good this insurance, superimposed 
upon free and automatic compensation, is doing is evident 
from the fact that up to July 1, 1920, 128,300 death claims had 
been allowed for insurance totalling $1,142,000,000; and 3^256 
policies had matured on account of total and permanent dis- 
ability for the total sum of $28,500,000. 

As against these claims, aggregating $1,170,000,000, the 
government received in premiums $339,000,000 from all the 
policy holders. As not more than $8,000,000 of this amount 
was from the individuals who have made the supreme sacri- 
fice of death or total disability, the United States really as- 
sumed $845,000,000 of soldier-insurance payments because of 
carrying, itself, the extra hazards of war, in addition to 
compensation. So much for those who "went west" in the 
great war. 

PERMANENT INSURANCE 

But that is only a part of the story. The drafters of the 
insurance provision saw beyond the war, and planned to 
make the insurance taken during the war a permanent, help- 
ful economic and moral factor in the lives of the soldiers 
and in the nation after they had returned to the pursuits of 
peace. So it was provided that the term insurance could be 
converted into permanent life insurance in many different 
forms, but with all the premium rates much lower than those 
of insurance companies. 

It was thought that this would be an acceptable form of 
substantial life-long recognition of the soldiers' work and 
sacrifice and would also tend to inculcate habits of thrift and 
financial forethought as well as being a means of contribut- 
ing to the well-being of the soldiers and their families and of 
the :ommunity in general. 

Out of the more than 4,600,000 policies for a total of $40,- 
284,000,000 carried at the highest point during the war, 844,- 
893 have been kept in force, their total amount being $6,849,- 
728,500, and thousands more are being reinstated. 

>This means that the total life insurance of the whole people 
has been increased about one-fifth through the activities of 



WINNING THE WAR 293 

the War Risk Insurance Bureau. It is needless to dwell on 
the economic well-being and reduction of living hardship and 
worry that will ensue. 

TRIBUTE TO DEMOCRATIC FORESIGHT 

Thus the War Risk Insurance project has become in peace 
time one of the greatest humanitarian enterprises ever under- 
taken by any government and at the same time a lasting and 
most substantial testimonial of national appreciation of the 
soldiers of the World War. It was a profoundly beneficial 
social enactment, arising wholly from the broad, forward- 
ooking, humanitarian policies of the Democratic Party. Inci- 
dentally it has also made the United States Government the 
largest life insurance instrumentality in the world. 

As for compensation, the War Risk Bureau is now mak- 
ing monthly payments of from $25 to $52.50 each to depend- 
ents of 49,245 deceased soldiers and similar monthly pay- 
ments of from $8 to $220 to 134,408 disabled service men. It 
is estimated that the number of compensation claims may 
ultimately be 641,000. 

Moreover, disabled men are entitled to free medical ,and 
surgical examination and treatment in hospitals if advisable. 
This work is under the supervision of the War Risk Bureau 
but has been carried on largely through the Public Health 
Service. Hereafter the army and navy and soldiers' homes 
hospitals also will be utilized. 

The Public Health Service alone conducts 56 hospitals, 
distributed throughout the country, and private hospitals 
lave been utilized on a large scale in addition. Already 453,- 
000 patients have been treated and examined, 54,799 have 
been admitted to hospitals and 17,500 are now in hospitals. 

The family allowances actually paid by the Bureau amount 
to $266,000,000. In addition it handled for the soldiers allot- 
ments of their pay amounting to $209,000,000. The total 
cost to the government of the War Risk work to date is 
$735,808,506. Of this amount only $36,000,000 has been ex- 
pended in wages and salaries. 

Thus through compensation, insurance, care of the sick and 
rehabilitation the Democratic Administration has managed as 
wisely and thoroughly with respect to the human consequences 
of the war in death, wounds, sickness, sorrow and financial in- 
jury, as it conducted the war itself. No American soldier is 
a beggar, pauper, outcast or social wreck by reason of his 
service to his country. 

No other soldier in this or any other war or age was 
ever so well and gratefully cared for after his service as 
the American soldier of the last war has been and is, thanks 
to the prompt foresight and liberal provisions of a Demo- 
cratic government. 

Not only this, but had it not been for the legislative jam 
>rought about by the Republican filibuster in the last hours 
of the 65th Congress, the plan proposed and advocated for 
more than two years by the then Secretary of the Interior, 
Franklin K. Lane, for extensive land reclamation projects 
for the benefit of ex-service men, would have passed in 
March, 1919, and scores of thousands of ex-service men 
would how be at work for liberal wages in creating their 
own future farm homes in model agricultural communities. 



294 WINNING THE WAR • 

The 65th (Republican) Congress- sidetracked this great con- 
structive measure. Nevertheless, through the Labor Depart- 
ment and the special employment service organized by the 
War Department every effort was made, and with general 
success, to find employment for the demobilized officers and 
men — with the result that no general unemployment has re- 
sulted from the tremendous war dislocation, which is in it- 
self an exceptional achievement. * 

Although denied cooperation by a Republican Congress in 
the land settlement project, the Department of the Interior 
recommended to and obtained from Congress ten minor 
enactments for the benefit of the ex-service men in respect to 
public lands, and all but one was passed by the Demo- 
cratic 65th Congress. This legislation has been of substan- 
tial benefit to thousands of former soldiers. For example, 
under the act giving time-credit for service in the war up to 
two years, a soldier or sailor, who files on a tract of public 
land, can now get title with only seven months of actual 
occupation. In general the legislation not only conferred 
certain special benefits, but made it impossible for the soldier 
to forfeit any right through his absence in the military 
service, or vocational training. 

REPUBLICS MAY BE UNGRATEFUL, BUT NOT 
THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC UNDER DEMOCRATIC 
DIRECTION. 



WOUNDED IN SPANISH WAR LACKED 
SIMPLEST COMFORTS 



\VTE had nothing whatever in the "way of proper 
nourishing food for our sick and -wounded men 
during most of the time, except "what we were able 
to get from the Red Cross or purchase with our own 
money. We had no hospital tent at all until I was able 
to get a couple of tarpaulins. During much of the 
time my, own 'fly was used for the purpose. We had 
no cots until by individual effort we obtained a few, 
only three or four days before we left Cuba. During 
most of the time the sick men lay on the muddy ground 
in blankets, if they had any; if not, they lay without 
them until some of the well men cut their own blankets 
in half. . . . We had no ambulance with the regi- 
ment. . . . On the day of the big fight, July 1st, so 
far as we could find out, there were but two ambu- 
lances with the army in condition to work — neither of 
which did we ever see. . . . On several occasions I 
visited the big hospitals in the rear. Their condition 
was frightful beyond description from lack of sup- 
plies, lack of medicine, lack of doctors, nurses and 
attendants, and especially from lack of transportation. 
The wounded and sick who were sent back suffered so 
much that, whenever possible, they returned to the 
front. — COL. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, in a letter 
to the Secretary of War, dated at Camp Wikoff, Sep- 
tember 10, 1898. 



DEMOCRATS WON WAR 

WITHOUT SCANDALS 



Costly Investigations by Republican "Smell- 
ing Committees," in Hunt for Campaign 
Material, Merely Demonstrate Ad- 
ministration's Efficiency in Con- 
duct of Struggle 



I" N a futile and partisan attempt to besmirch the Democratic 
Administration's handling of a victorious war, the Repub- 
licans of the Sixty-Sixth Congress have spent months of time, 
and it is conservatively estimated that the cost will approxi- 
mate, or exceed, two million dollars. 

YET NONE OF THESE "SMELLING COMMITTEES" 
UNCOVERED FRAUD IN THE CONDUCT OF THE 
WAR, OR RECOMMENDED A SINGLE PERSON FOR 
PUNISHMENT. 

NO LEGISLATION RESULTED FROM THE VARI- 
OUS INVESTIGATIONS CONDUCTED, AND APPAR- 
NTLY NONE WAS CONTEMPLATED AT THE OUT- 
SET. Some of the committees have not even reported their 
findings" and such reports as have been made were conducive 
only to partisan debate revealing clearly the political nature 
of the inquiries. 

The Republican investigation of a successful war; the effort 
to magnify occasional minor mistakes — mistakes such as 
every war produces; the weeks of inquiry spent in probing 
inconsequential details; the hearsay testimony admitted; the 
ailure to call witnesses best acquainted with the conduct of 
he army; THE RANKLING SPIRIT OF PARTISANSHIP 
AND THE EFFORT TO DIM THE LUSTRE OF 
AMERICA'S GREAT VICTORY AND THE ADMINIS- 
TRATION UNDER WHICH IT WAS WROUGHT, ARE 
WITHOUT PRECEDENT. 

So patent was the political genesis of the inquiries that 
ventually even influential Republican newspapers failed to 
isplay the partisan reports of the Congressional investigators 
tnd deprecated the spirit exhibited. 

FAILED TO CA1X PERSHING 

During the investigations Republican probers failed to call 
he one man with most intimate knowledge of America's part 
i the World War. That man was General John J. Pershing, 
ommander-in-chief of the American. Expeditionary Forces. 

General Pershing is a Republican, but the Administration 
id not think of politics when he was selected to lead what 
?as destined to be the victorious American Army. 

Had General Pershing been asked to testify, soldier 
nd hero that he is, it is not conceivable that he would 
ave thought of politics nor furnished encouragement 
3 the sniall-visioned men of his party who were seek- 
*g to find something to criticise in the administration's 
onduct of the war. 

295 



296 WINNING THE WAR 

Since the Republican investigating committees refused to 
avail themselves of the expert testimony of General Pershing, 
who above all other officers should have been called, the 
record must stand on what he said in concluding his final 
report to the Secretary of War. Reviewing the victory of 
American arms and how it had been accomplished on the 
fields of France, General Pershing wrote to Secretary Baker: 

"IN CLOSING THIS REPORT, MR. SECRETARY, 
I DESIRE TO RECORD MY DEEP APPRECIATION 
OF THE UNQUALIFIED SUPPORT ACCORDED 
ME THROUGHOUT THE WAR BY THE PRESI- 
DENT AND YOURSELF. MY TASK WAS SIMPLI- 
FIED BY YOUR CONFIDENCE AND WISE COUN- 
SEL." 

THUS, IN TWO SENTENCES, THE COMMANDING 
GENERAL OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES 
NEGATIVES THE PICAYUNE CRITICISMS OF INVES- 
TIGATING COMMITTEES AND MAKES WORTHLESS 
THE COUNTLESS PAGES OF PARTISAN FAULT- 
FINDING SPONSORED BY THE "SMELLING COM- 
MITTEES." 

General Pershing was in the United States for months be- 
fore the Congressional investigating committees concluded 
their so-called inquiries. Returning in September, he was 
available until the day Congress adjourned, the following June 
—BUT NO SUMMONS OR SUBPOENA CAME TO HIM 
and he was not called to the Capitol building to testify. General 
Pershing went before other committees at the Capitol, BUT 
THE BOARDS ESPECIALLY CONSTITUTED TO IN- 
VESTIGATE THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR AND TO 
DISCOVER FRAUD, INEFFICIENCY AND MISMAN- 
AGEMENT, DID NOT DESIRE THE TESTIMONY OF 
THE MAN WHO WOULD HAVE TOLD THEM THAT 
AMERICA WON THE WAR. 

OFFERED TO TESTIFY IN U. S. 

On the day General Pershing was preparing to leave 
France on his return home, a sub-committee that had been 
sent all the way across the ocean to "smell" for fraud, ex- 
travagance and inefficiency, demanded that General Pershing 
halt his plans and testify on foreign soil. General Pershing 
informed the inquisitors that his records had been sent to 
America, but that he would place them at the disposal of the 
committee in the United States and testify at call. 

General Pershing returned, and so did the committee, after 
an expensive "junket" over foreign battlefields, and other 
places of interest, at government expense, but General Per 
shing was not asked to testify during the months that fol 

lowed. 

Day after day the various probing committees heard poli- 
ticians, experts, disgruntled contractors, unsuccessful bidders 
soldiers with grievances, critical civilians who knew how tc 
run' the war, almost every class of witnesses — except th<j 
ranking American officer in France. 

The committee, dominated by Republican members of th< 
House of Representatives and given its commission by th< 
political clique cf the House known as its all-powerful steer 
in* committee," HAD NO USE FOR THE TESTIMONY 
OF JOHN J. PERSHING, HIMSELF A REPUBLICAN 



WINNING THE WAR 297 

BUT A SOLDIER AND PATRIOT AS WELL, AND ONE 
WHO WOULD HAVE REFUSED TO TRADUCE 
AMERICA'S HONOR FOR POSSIBLE PARTY ADVAN- 
TAGE. 

In the closing days of the Congress, Representative James 
F. Byrnes, of South Carolina, challenged the Republican ma- 
jority to have its investigating committee summon General 
Pershing. The challenge was not accepted. 

"THOUGH HE HAS BEEN IN THIS COUNTRY 
SINCE SEPTEMBER," SAID REPRESENTATIVE 
BYRNES, "AND IN THIS CITY THE GREATER PART 
OF THE TIME, YOU HAVE NEVER SUMMONED HIM. 
IT SHOWS YOUR BAD FAITH. SUMMON HIM! 
LEARN FROM HIM THAT WHICH YOU SEEM NOT 
TO KNOW— THAT WE WON THE WAR." 

COST-PLUS CONTRACTS 

One of the major activities of the House investigators was 
an inquiry into the cost-plus system of letting contracts for 
construction of army cantonments soon after the United 
States entered the war. Great emphasis was laid on the 
alleged extravagance of the cost-plus plan, under the terms 
of which the contractor responsible for the construction of a 
particular project received a small percentage above the cost 
of labor and material entering into the work. 

Exhaustive investigation showed these outstanding facts: 

That army cantonments had to be constructed quickly to 
accommodate the selected draft men and to get Americans 
to France as rapidly as possible to turn the tide in favor of 
the Allied nations. 

That contractors could not make an outright bid upon 
these cantonments because of the fluctuating prices of labor 
and materials. 

That the government had to pay emergency prices for 
emergency work — the early winning of the war meaning not 
only a salvage of life, but of billions of dollars in ultimate 
expenditures. 

Floundering about seeking something to criticize, the can- 
tonment sub-committee of the House reached such desperate 
straits one afternoon that it listened seriously to a subordi- 
nate officer complain that at one of the cantonments in the 
South he had "NOTICED A WASTE OF NAILS; IT 
SEEMED TO M^TOO MANY NAILS WERE USED IN 
SOME OF THE PLANKS OF ONE OF THE OUT- 
BUILDINGS." 

EXTRAVAGANCE BY COMMITTEES 

While investigating alleged extravagance in the war — and 
it has never been claimed that war can be conducted eco- 
nomically — the House probers themselves were apparently 
unmindful of their own expenses to be paid by a war- 
burdened populace. Representative Byrnes charged without 
being challenged, that the House committee investigating the 
Shioping Board employed a clerk and statistician at $700 per 
month, THAT FOUR MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE 
TRAVELED IN A PRIVATE CAR TO THE PACIFIC 
COAST; THAT THEY HAD TO PAY $50 PER DAY FOR 
THE CAR, AND, IN ADDITION, PURCHASE TICKETS 
FOR 25 PERSONS TO OBTAIN IT, ALTHOUGH THE 
CAR WAS OCCUPIED IN REALITY BY ONLY EIGHT 
PERSONS, INCLUDING THE FOUR HOUSE MEM- 
BERS HUNTING DOWN "EXTRAVAGANCE." 



298 WINNING THE WAR 

In conducting half a hundred investigations into the con- 
duct of the war, the Republican Congress was moved by 
political considerations and the hope of manufacturing cam- 
paign material to be used, in the 1920 campaign. No attempt 
was made to get a true history of the war or to bring out 
testimony that might be helpful in meeting the issues of re- 
construction. Instead the investigators sought anything that 
might possibly show where some mistake had been made. 

The investigators declined to recognize that all wars are 
wasteful and that inevitably mistakes are made when a peace- 
ful nation is suddenly thrown into the maelstrom of a world 
war. It was never denied that large sums of money were 
spent in putting American armies into the field and that there 
were minor mistakes- now and then. 

These mistakes, however, were not Democratic mistakes 
nor Republican mistakes. MEN OF BOTH PARTIES 
WERE CALLED TO WASHINGTON BY THE PRESI- 
DENT TO ASSIST IN WINNING THE WAR, AND 
THEY ALL GAVE PATRIOTIC SERVICE. There was no 
party line in the conduct of the great struggle, and partisan 
affiliations were forgotten as the entire country worked for 
victory. 

As soon as the victory was won the Republican majority in 
Congress hit upon the political scheme of sending out dozens 
of "smelling" committees to find something out of which 
campaign material might be made. 

THESE COMMITTEES APPARENTLY PROCEEDED 
ON THE THEORY THAT, WHILE A GREAT VICTORY 
HAD BEEN WON, IT HAD BEEN WON IN THE 
WRONG WAY BECAUSE A DEMOCRATIC ADMINIS- 
TRATION HAD ACCOMPLISHED IT. 

Such a performance is without parallel in history. Never 
has an Administration, conducting a successful war without 
thought of politics, and with the aid of men and women of 
all parties, been subjected afterward to such vicious parti- 
san attack. 

COULDN'T AWAIT "BARGAIN SALES" 

One of the typical charges made by the Republicans was 
that the government purchased too much ammunition. Yet 
no American father or mother would have wished the war 
prolonged and the life of their soldier sons further endangered 
because of a pinch-penny policy in ammunition purchases. 
No one knew how long the war would last; the program of 
the United States was to move swiftly with men, money and 
materials and end it quickly — saving life and money in the 
long run. 

The United States bought swiftly at the best prices ob- 
tainable. It did not wait for "bargain sales" in guns, muni- 
tions or clothing, while its men at the front were fighting. 
It commandeered industry, hurriedly assembled supplies of 
war material, and bent every energy to bring the war to a 
decisive and early end. It was not a time for cheese-paring. 
The country would not have stood for it. 

INDISPUTABLE FACTS 

Offsetting the hundreds of printed pages of partisan criti- 
cism and testimony filed by the investigating committees, 
after their costly "junkets" abroad and across this continent, 
and after a year of diligent "smelling," are these plain facts: 

AMERICA WON THE WAR, AND THE PUBLIC HAS 



WINNING THE WAR 299 

SHOWN NO DISPOSITION TO QUIBBLE OVER THE 
COST OF THE VICTORY. 

THOUSANDS OF ARMY AND NAVY OFFICERS, 
DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS, WERE ENGAGED 
IN HANDLING CONTRACTS INVOLVING EXPENDI- 
TURES OF BILLIONS OF DOLLARS. NOT ONE HAS 
BEEN POINTED OUT FOR PROSECUTION BY ANY 
OF THE INVESTIGATING COMMITTEES AND IN NO 
SPECIFIC INSTANCE HAS GRAFT BY A RESPON- 
SIBLE OFFICIAL BEEN SHOWN. 

GENERAL PERSHING, A REPUBLICAN, CON- 
CLUDED HIS FINAL REPORT WITH PRAISE FOR 
THE COOPERATION OF PRESIDENT WILSON AND 
SECRETARY BAKER. 

THE INVESTIGATING COMMITTEES REFUSED TO 
CALL GENERAL PERSHING TO TESTIFY REGARD- 
ING THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR, ALTHOUGH HE 
KNEW BETTER THAN ANYONE WHAT WAS DONE 
AND HOW IT WAS DONE. 

NO LEGISLATIVE ENACTMENT HAS FOLLOWED 
THE REPORT OF ANY OF THE INVESTIGATING 
COMMITTEES. THEIR REPORTS HAVE BEEN PRO- 
DUCTIVE ONLY OF POLITICAL DEBATE IN CON- 
GRESS. 

The report of one of the investigating sub-committees was 
so partisan and prejudiced that in the closing tours of Con- 
gress it was rejected even by the Republican members of the 
Eull committee. This is an index of the nature of the inquiries. 

With more than fifty "smelling committees" at work, the 
orgy of investigation reached such a stage that an effort was 
made in the House to have appointed a committee named 
"TO INVESTIGATE INVESTIGATING COMMITTEES." 
This was killed by Republican opposition. * 

It has cost the taxpayers probably two million dollars to 
satisfy Republican craving for a scandal with which to be- 
smirch the honor and integrity of the nation, and to belittle 
the gallantry of American soldiers and sailors. 

NET RESULT OF INQUIRIES 

Summed up, the net result of all the inquiries to date has 
been: •' 

NO SCANDAL DISCOVERED. 

NO FRAUD UNEARTHED. 

NO ARRESTS MADE. 

NO PUNISHMENTS RECOMMENDED. 

NO LEGISLATION SUGGESTED. 

NO CRIMINAL WASTEFULNESS SHOWN. 

JUST MILLIONS OF WORDS OF USELESS TES- 
TIMONY AND REPORTS, PRINTED AT PUBLIC 
EXPENSE. 

1 LUCRATIVE JOES FOR INVESTIGATING 
"EXPERTS." 

PLEASURABLE "JUNKETS" FOR THE "SMELL- 
ING" COMMITTEES. ■ 

A DESPICABLE ATTEMPT TO MAKE POLI- 
TICS OUT OF A WAR CONDUCTED BY AN AD- 
MINISTRATION WHICH REFUSED TO THINK OF 
POLITICAL LINES WHILE IT LASTED, 



HARDING'S WORDS AND WORKS 



(Editorial from The New York World, August 1, 1920.) 

[" ET all good Republicans who find it difficult to reconcile 
Senator Harding's attack upon the League of Nations 
with his speeches and votes in favor of the covenant as inter- 
preted by the Lodge reservations note the fact, that the 
gentleman often talks one way and votes another. 

For example, he informed the Senate on several occasions 
that he was not a Prohibitionist and that he had no faith 
in the attempt to bring about righteousness by Constitution 
or by statute. To make his position entirely clear he said at 
one time that if Prohibition should become the law of the 
land he would favor an appropriation to indemnify those who 
suffered financially by the process. Yet he voted to submit 
the Eighteenth Amendment to the States and to pass the 
Volstead Enforcement Bill over the President's veto. 

Following the peculiar workings of the candidate's mind 
to their illogical conclusions, we find that he was oratorically 
in opposition to Woman Suffrage, especially as a war 
measure. All these sex and class appeals worried him. Nev- 
ertheless, he voted to submit the Nineteenth Amendment 
to the States, and at the present moment he is making a 
determined effort to convince the Suffragists that he was 
one of their earliest and most devoted friends. 

In like manner, while he voted for most of the war meas- 
ures, very few of them gave him any satisfaction. The Lib- 
erty-bond campaigns were particularly offensive to him. In 
his opinion, as openly expressed in the Senate, the prodigious 
labors of the men and women who carried these drives to 
glorious success were hysterical and unseemly. He wished- 
that the American people could develop some of the sturdy 
devotion and stability displayed by the Germans. Even for 
war purposes his soul revolted against the excess-profits tax. 
He did not like the fixed price for wheat and dared the Ad- 
ministration to commandeer the farms as it had so many 
manufacturing plants. He had no faith in Government op- 
eration of railroads and predicted that these properties never 
would be returned to private ownership. He now opposes 
the. League of Nations for jvhich he has voted twice. 

Possibly some opponents of Mr. Harding will see in these 
contradictions nothing but the harmless fault-finding of a 
great statesman displeased not with the objects sought but 
the methods by which they were to be gained. We prefer 
to account for them on the theory that the candidate is char- 
acteristically without enthusiasm, initiative or inspiration. 
He is moved in some degree by the surging tides of public 
passion or opinion, and so falls in with them more or less 
reluctantly, but his natural bent is toward conservatism and 
obstruction. 

When this has been said we think the nomination at Chi- 
cago is fully explained. Senator Harding is not to be greatly 
influenced by progressive movements of any kind. His mind 
is fixed. New ideas do not appeal to him. It follows, of 
course, that such a man may be expected to yield easily to 
the opinions' and interests of advisers holding beliefs like 
his own and to whom he is politically indebted. He may 
talk at intervals in terms agreeable to the people, but when 
he acts it will be in response to the demands of the Sena- 
torial junta. 

300 



HIGH TRIBUTE BY LODGE 

TO NAVY'S EFFICIENCY 



T N the Senate on June 6, 1918, Senator Lodge, the ranking 
■*• Republican member of the Senate Committee en Naval 
Affairs, discussing the submarine attacks on this side of the 
Atlantic said: 

"The Navy and the Navy Department have 
taken every precaution that human foresight could 
suggest, so far as I am .able to judge, and I have 
examined their preparations with such intelligence 
and care as I could give to the matter. 

"Mr. President, the Navy and the Navy Department have 
necessarily anticipated a submarine attack from the very 
beginning of the war. They have had it constantly on their 
minds. They have tried to make every preparation to meet 
it. They will do everything that can be done. They have 
the means to do it. • 

******** 

"One or two submarines have appeared suddenly on our 
coast, as was to be anticipated. In my judgment, we are 
doing all that can be done. I have taken the pains to go to 
the Department, where everything has been laid before the 
members of the Naval Affairs Committee who cared to 
investigate the subject, and I am entirely satisfied that they 
are doing everything that is possible. . . . We have a patrol 
along the coast, which is composed chiefly of what is known 
as the Life-Saving Service, or the Coast Guard, as it is now 
known. We also have an organized system for procuring 
information from fishermen and others on the coast, extend- 
ing from Maine to the Guif. Those sources of information 
were organized and in operation through the Navy Depart- 
ment at least two years before we entered the war, so I 
believe that so far as our own coasts are concerned the 
chances^ of a base there are almost negligible. 

******** 

* "I DID NOT RISE TO GO INTO THE DETAILS TO 
.DESCRIBE TO YOU THE DIFFERENT NAVAL DIS- 
TRICTS OF THE COUNTRY, AND WHAT HAS BEEN 
DONE IN EACH OF THEM, BUT SIMPLY TO TELL 
YOU WHAT MY OWN OPINION IS AFTER HAVING 
EXAMINED ALL THE ARRANGEMENTS WITH THE 
UTMOST CARE OF WHICH I WAS CAPABLE AND 
WITH THE MOST INTENSE INTEREST, AND GIVE 
MY WORD FOR WHAT IT IS WORTH, THAT IN MY 
JUDGMENT THE NAVY AND THE NAVY DEPART- 
MENT, THE SECRETARY AND THE ASSISTANT 
SECRETARIES, AND ALL THE OFFICERS, THE 
CHIEF OF STAFF, AND EVERY HEAD OF BUREAUS 
HAVE DONE EVERYTHING THAT HUMAN FORE- 
SIGHT COULD SUGGEST. 

******** 
"I want the Senate also to remember that when news- 
paper editorials ask what the Navy is doing, I should like 
to have them consider why it is that we have sent all the 
troops we have sent — and we have sent a great many thou- 

301 



302 WINNING THE WAR 

sands— why it is that they have gone to Europe without the 
loss of a transport, thank God, as I do. How is it that 
that has happened? IT HAS HAPPENED BECAUSE OF 
THE AMERICAN NAVY, WHICH FURNISHES THE 
CONVOYS, AND NO OTHER CAUSE. 

"I wish I could go on and tell you what the American 
Navy has been doing in the narrow seas. I can not. The 
Navy has remained largely silent about its work and its 
preparation, and it is one of the best things about it, BUT 
IT HAS BEEN DOING THE GREATEST POSSIBLE 
WORK EVERYWHERE. IT HAS NOT FAILED IN 
CONVOYING THE TROOPS. IT HAS NOT FAILED 
IN ITS WORK III THE BALTIC AND THE CHANNEL 
AND THE COAST OF FRANCE AND THE MEDITER- 
RANEAN, AND IT WILL NOT FAIL HERE. IT WILL 
DO EVERYTHING THAT COURAGE AND INTELLI- 
GENCE AND BRAVERY CAN POSSIBLY DO." 



REPUBLICAN OBSTRUCTIONISTS 



"In the obstructive class, unhappily, belong some of the most 
conspicuous men in the United States Senate. THEY HAVE 
LABORED DILIGENTLY TO BUILD BARRIERS IN THE WAY 
OF PROGRESS TOWARD A BETTER WORLD ORDER; they 
have displayed a tireless ingenuity in thinking out objections to 
plans for international organization. From men to whom the 
people have locked for leadership there has come no word of 
hopeful guidance — only a pessimistic croaking, a cynical scep- 
ticism. * * * The League of Nations fight seems to have been 
won, in principle, in the Peace Conference at Paris, but in the 
Senate, at Washington, the battle, thus far, goes against it. 
* * * It is unfortunate for the Republican Party that its name 
should be identified at this great hour of hope and opportunity 
with a policy of negative obstruction. The party leaders will 
do well to consider the effect this attitude will have upon the 
public mind. We insist that THE PEOPLE ARE LOOKING 
FOR LEADERSHIP FORWARD, NOT FOR ENCOURAGE- 
MENT TO DRIFT BACKWARD." — From the Chicago "Post," 
Progressive-Republican. 



REPAIR OF GERMAN SHIPS 



^HE Navy effected a saving of 12 months' time and 
$20,000,000 in repairing the big German ships 
taken over when this country entered the war. 
Wrecking their machinery so as to "p ut them out of 
business," their German crews boasted that these huge 
liners could never be repaired in time for America to 
use them in the war. But the Navy, by electric weld- 
ing and other new methods, quickly restored engines 
and machinery, and though 18 months was the time 
estimated for repairs, within six months these big 
liners were in commission. Serving as troopships, 
manned by the Navy, they transported half a million 
American troops to France. 



FINANCE 



DEMOCRATS PROVE GENIUS 



Stupendous Undertakings of Treasury, Ex- 
ceeding in Scope Anything Ever Before 
Attempted, Carried to Successful Con- 
clusion, with Nation's Credit Con- 
served and War Bills Met 



EXPENDITURES on account of the American Gov- 
ernment from April 6, 1917, to April 30, 1920, 
exclusive of the principal of the public debt and exclu- 
sive of loans to the Allies, were $28,455,353,260.51, 
of which more than 51 per cent, was met out of 
taxes and other revenues than borrowed money — an 
achievement far surpassing that of any other country 
in the World War. 



The financing of America's part in the World War was 
the most stupendous financial task ever undertaken by a 
lation; its success under Secretary McAdoo was the greatest 
inancial achievement in the history of the world. 

When America entered the war, on April 6, 1917, the 
iberty of nations and civilization itself were face to face 
with impending disaster. During the bitter days and months 
that followed, the enemy was beating desperately against 
the valiant but tired armies of the Allies in the hope of 
pushing them over the precipice of defeat before reinforce- 
ments from the United States could arrive. The mobiliza- 
tion of a great American army and its transportation over 
3,000 miles of sea would require time; and meanwhile the 
Allies had virtually exhausted their means of obtaining sup- 
plies and equipment on credit through private channels. 

The picture was grim and menacing. Unless the Allies 
were sustained and strengthened by the financial aid of their 
lew and strong associate, the cause of freedom surely and 
nevitably would be enveloped in defeat before the United 
States could throw the weight of its military strength into 
the balance. In these circumstances, fraught with the gravest 
possibilities, the first duty of America was to lend financial 
assistance to the Allies quickly and extensively and to con- 
tinue that assistance in the fullest measure in order to 
sustain the fighting forces and to bring the war to a vic- 
torious conclusion at the earliest possible date. 

303 



304 FINANCING THE WAR 

So the war problem of the American treasury was to] 
finance not only the requirements of the United States 
Government, but to assist materially in financing the re-g 
quirements of the foreign governments associated in a com^ 
mon cause against Germany. No nation ever before faced; 
a financial task of such gigantic proportions. 

STAGGERING UNDERTAKING ACCOMPLISHED 

America threw the force of her whole being into the war.] 
To finance her requirements alone was enough to test the 
mettle and resources of any people, but in such a period 
as this, to assist, withal, in financing the greater part of the 
civilized world, was a staggering undertaking. It meant the 
mobilization of the economic and financial strength of the 
country in a way that would not only avoid interfering with, 
but would promote production and transportation for war 
purposes; and this must be done further by avoiding inflation 
of credit and prices so far as possible. 

The success of the unprecedented performance under the"] 
able administration of Secretary William G. McAdoo is now a. 
matter of history. The credit for the achievement, whicji has 
been applauded the world over, is due to the patriotism of 
the American people. They financed the war. No group or; 
part of the population could have performed the miracle; 
it was a task that required the united support of the entire 
nation. "Whatever the demand in the country's name, that 
support was readily forthcoming. 

No one would be so foolish as to claim credit as a 
party, achievement for the patriotic response of the Amer- 
ican people to the calls for funds. But the framing of 
financial policies of tremendous import and the planning, 
management and execution of the stupendous under- 
takings of the Treasury fell during the war upon the 
shoulders of Secretary McAdoo, and later, during the 
period of readjustment, upon the shoulders of Secretaries 
Glass and Houston, and it is proper to point to, and take 
credit for, the efficiency and -wisdom of the administra- 
tion of the Treasur3 r , the success of which was so essen- 
tial to the winning of the war and to piloting the country 
through the difficult period following the close of hostili- 
ties. Unwisdom and inefficiency in the Treasury would 
have meant ruin and disaster on the field of battle — the 
inevitable loss of the -war. 

The management of the Treasury has challenged the 
admiration of American citizens generally, regardless of 
party politics. Republicans as well as Democrats have 
frankly acknowledged its accomplishments. 

The American Government has had few assets of greater- 
value than the confidence of the Nation in the management 
of the public treasury during the most critical period of our 
history. The task commanded the attributes of the wisest 
statesmanship. It required vision that was able to com- 
prehend with a steady mind the unparalleled magnitude of 
the undertaking; prescience that would prevent fatal errors 
in dealing with a situation of unknown duration; courage to j 
overcome apparently insuperable obstacles; abiding faith 
in the ability of the American people to accomplish the 
seemingly impossible; organizing ability of the highest 



FINANCING THE WAR 305 

order; and the most intelligent direction of the best organiza- 
tion that could be assembled. One of the surest tests of the 
statesmanship of Secretary McAdoo was his clear conception 
of the bigness of the job that confronted him and the celerity 
with which he created an organization composed of some of 
the ablest men in the country, whom he trusted with implicit 
confidence, and who, under his direction, CARRIED TO 
SUCCESS THE GREATEST FINANCIAL OPERATIONS 
IN THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. 

In financing a war, there are three possible ways of 
raising money, and the solvency and prosperity of a nation 
after the close of hostilities are dependent upon the wisdom 
of the program of war finance. The most dangerous and 
objectionable form, which was utilized to more or less 
extent by all the other nations engaged in the conflict, 
but not at all by the United States, is the issue of cur- 
rency, which is accompanied by inflation in its worst forms, 
entailing intensified burdens upon the people not only 
during the war but for many years thereafter. The other 
two forms are the issuance of bonds and the imposition 
of taxes. 

BALANCED PROGRAM EVOLVED 

In a war of such magnitude, it was impossible to provide 
for all the requirements of the United States entirely by 
taxes; the burden would have been too great for the people 
to bear. Likewise, it would have been intolerable to finance 
the war entirely by the issuance of bonds, which, though 
not to the same extent as currency isues, but to an appre- 
ciable extent, necessarily results in some inflation. 

The program of war finance evolved by the Secretary of 
the Treasury contemplated the payment of the Govern- 
ment's bills from taxes in the greatest measure consistent 
with good judgment and sound conditions, and the re- 
mainder by the issuance of bonds. The Secretary expressed 
the opinion to Congress, which Congress accepted, that at 
least one-third of the war expenses should be financed by 
new taxes and the remainder by the issuance of interest- 
bearing obligations of the Government. THAT PRO- 
GRAM WAS FRAMED AT A TIME WHEN IT WAS 
IMPOSSIBLE TO FORETELL THE DURATION OF 
THE WAR; AND WITH THE CONGRESS APPRO- 
PRIATING BILLIONS UPON BILLIONS TO MEET 
THE WAR'S DEMANDS SIMULTANEOUSLY WITH 
THE DRAFTING OF TAX BILLS, IT IS REMARK- 
ABLE TO NOTE HOW CLOSELY THE SUGGESTED 
RATIO OF TAXES TO TOTAL EXPENDITURES 
V/AS OBSERVED IN THE FINAL RESULTS. It is 
recognized throughout the world that America's course in 
this respect was the wisest of any belligerent. THIS 
PRUDENT POLICY IN TAXATION KEPT DOV/N 
INFLATION OF CREDIT AND PRICES AND MAIN- 
TAINED THE CREDIT OF THE GOVERNMENT. 
The stability of our financial position since the armistice 
is due in measurable degree to the soundness of our pro- 
gram of war finance, which also will permit the settlement 
of the debt within a reasonable period. 

The total expenditures of the Government from April 
6, 1917, to April 30, 1920, exclusive of the principal of 



306 FINANCING THE WAR 

the public debt, or for a period of little more than thsee 
years, reached the great sum of $37,960,975,304.16. Of 
that amount $14,515,506,113.73, or more than 38 per cent., 
was met by tax receipts and other revenues than bor- 
rowed money. The expenditures mentioned include 
such capital outlays and investments as ships, stock of 
the War Finance Corporation, bonds of the Federal 
Land Banks, loans to the Allies, etc. If loans to the 
Allies, which on April 30, 1919, amounted to $9, 505 622,- 
043.65, are deducted, the expenditures on account of the 
American Government were $28,455,353,260.51, of which 
more than 51 per cent, was met out of taxes and other 
revenues than borrowed money. 

The above figures succinctly express the superlative char- 
acter of the Treasury's war problem. No country in the 
history of the world ever before made a financial effort 
approaching in magnitude the accomplishment of the Amer- 
ican Treasury during the past three years. To repeat, 
$37,960,000,000 was spent in three years, whereas the expendi- 
tures of the United States Government from 1789, when 
the present Government was organised, to 1916, or during 
a period of 128 years, amounted to $26,550,000,000-$l 1,410,- 
000,000 less than the expenditures during the past three 
years. If it is assumed that the expenditures of the aovern- 
ment on a normal basis would have been at the rate of 
$1 000,000,000 a year, it may be stated that the cost of the 
war to Ap-il 30, 1920, was $34,960,000,000. 

In spite of the fact that most people have lost their sense 
of proportion in this period of crowded and unprecedented 
events, it only requires a statement of the total expenditures 
of the Government during the war period to indicate the 
magnitude of the Treasury's task. It is a~ simple matter 
to appropriate money, to authorize loans, and a relatively 
sample matter to impose taxes. THE MOST DIFFICULT 
PART OF THE OPERATION IS THE FLOATING OF 
THE LOANS AND THE COLLECTION OF THE 
TAXES TO MEIET THE EXPENDITURES AUTHOR- 
IZED BY THE CONGRESS. That is always true, but 
it is particularly true in war-time. There must never be a 
doubt in crises of this character that the Federal Treasury 
is able to meet at once any and all demands upon it. 

SUCCESS DEPENDENT ON PEOPLE 

The success of the financial operations of the Govern- 
ment, of course, was dependent upon the people of the 
country. They had to pay the taxes and they had to sub- 
scribe to the loans. They could not be expected to respond 
to the appeals of the Government, however, unless those 
appeals reached them and they were made aware of the 
requirements. Secretary McAdoo personally carried the 
Government's message to every part of the Nation. In 
every loan he toured the country from end to end, advising 
the people of the imperative needs of the Government to 
support the efforts of our gallant army and navy and our 
associates in the war, and after the war the precedent he 
established was followed by his successor, Secretary Glass 
in connection with the Victory Liberty Loan. THIS WAb 
THE FIRST TIME IN THE HISTORY OF AMER- 
ICA, AND PERHAPS OF THE WORLD, THAT A 



FINANCING THE WAR 307 

MINISTER OF FINANCE LEFT HIS OFFICE AND 
DIRECTLY AND PERSONALLY LAID BEFORE THE 
PEOPLE THE REQUIREMENTS OF THEIR COUN- 
TRY AT WAR. 

It would have been utterly impossible and futile to have 
undertaken the management of these gigantic campaigns 
for funds exclusively in the Treasury Department at Wash- 
ington. The task was so' large that its success depended 
upon decentralization in machinery, with centralization in 
direction. 

The twelve Federal Reserve Banks, as fiscal agents of the 
Government, were constituted as the headquarters for the 
liberty Loan organizations of their respective districts. 
Central Liberty Loan committees were organized by the 
Reserve Banks and local committees formed in every city, 
town and hamlet of the country. This vast organization 
extended over the entire expanse of America, working and 
reciprocating with the precision of a well-oiled machine. 
More than 2,000,000 patriotic volunteer workers engaged in 
the undertaking. 

The Government did not pay a cent in commissions for 
the sale of the vast amount of securities issued during the 
war. The appropriation for expenses of the first Liberty 
Loan was one-tenth of one per cent, of the amount of the 
bonds issued; that for the subsequent Liberty Bonds and 
Victory Notes and War Savings Certificates was one-fifth 
of one per cent., while the appropriation for certificates of 
indebtedness was one-tenth of one per cent, of the amount 
issued. The entire cost of printing the securities, the War 
Loan organization in the Treasury and expenses in the field, 
and every item of cost connected with the loans was in- 
cluded within these appropriations. The volunteer services 
of the great Liberty Loan committees permitted the Trea- 
sury to keep well within the limitations of the appropria- 
tions. 

The rapidity with which the Government at Washingtbn 
moved in connection with the financing of the war is an index 
to the efficiency of the management of the entire undertaking. 
Three days after the opening of hostilities — April 9, 1917— the 
Secretary of the Treasury announced to the country that 
the Administration would ask Congress for authority to issue 
$5,000,000,000 of Government bonds, the proceeds of $3,000,- 
000,000 of which would be utilized to make loans to foreign 
governments associated with America in the war against 
Germany. Responding to the Treasury's appeal, Congress 
Promptly enacted the first war loan act which was approved 
kpril 24, 1917— eighteen days after the declaration of war. 
This was followed by other loan acts as the need arose and 
die problem unfolded. 

GREAT WAR LOANS "PUT OVER" 

The first Liberty Loan, amounting to $2,000,000,000, was 
offered to the people of the country on May 14, 1917. Men 
■xperienced in finance told the Secretary of the Treasury 
hat it would not be possible to make a great success of a 
oan for more than $1,000,000,000, and some even thought that 
N offering should not exceed $500,000,000. The Secretary 
eplied that the amount offered represented no arbitrary 
ecision of his, but the minimum needs of the Government, 
ftd that it must be a success, which he believed would be 



308 FINANCING THE WAR 

assured by full confidence in the patriotism of the American 
people. That faith was fully justified. Subscriptions to the 
loan amounted to $3,035,226,850, an over-subscription of $1,- 
035,226,850, or nearly $2 per cent, more than the amount 
offered UP TO THAT TIME IT WAS GENERALLY 
ESTIMATED THAT THE NUMBER OF BOND IN- 
VESTORS IN THE COUNTRY AMOUNTED TO 
ABOUT 400 000. THE NUMBER OF SUBSCRIBERS TO 
THE FIRST LIBERTY LOAN WAS OVER 4,000,000 
PATRIOTIC MEN AND WOMEN OF AMERICA. 

The Second Liberty Loan was offered on October 1, 1917, 
the amount being $3,000,000,000, with the right to allot addi- 
tional bonds up to one-half of the amount of any over-sub- 
scription. Subscriptions amounted to $^,617,532,300— or $1,~ 
617 532,300 more than the amount offered— an over-subscrip- 
tion of about 54 per cent. The number of subscribers was 
9,400,000. The amount of bonds allotted was $3,808,766,150. 
' The Third Liberty Loan was offered to the people 8n April 
6, 1918, in the amount of $3,000,000,000 with the right to ac- 
cept the entire amount of any over-subscription. The loan 
was as successful as the two preceding issues. Total sub- 
scriptions amounted to $4,176,516,850, and the number of 
subscribers was 18,376,815. 

The Fourth Liberty Loan was offered to the country on 
September 28, 1918, in the amount of $6,000,000,000 with the 
right to allot the full amount of any over-subscription.^ Sub- 
scriptions amounted to $6,992,927,100, an over-subscnption l of 
$992,927,100. THIS WAS THE LARGEST BOND ISSUE 
IN THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. The total number 
of subscribers was 22,777,680.- .,011010 

The Victory Liberty Loan was offered on April 21, lyiy, 
in the amount of $4,500,000,000. The armistice had been 
signed and the guns had ceased to fire. Many people felt 
that it was impossible to appeal to patriotism and that the 
loan must be floated entirely on a commercial basis. Secre- 
ta** Glass, with an abiding faith in the loyalty, and devotion 
of the American people, pointed out that THERE WAS NO 
COMMERCIAL RATE FOR A LOAN OF THAT 
AMOUNT and that he had no doubt the people would gen- 
erously respond to the Government's final call in a Liberty 
Loan. His expectations were realized, the. subscriptions 
totalling $5,249,908,300, of which $4,500,000,000 of Victory 
Liberty Notes were allotted. The number of subscribers 
was estimated at 12,000,000. 

In order that every man, woman and child m the country, 
however small their means, might have the opportunity of 
assisting in financing the war, the Treasury offered War 
Savings Certificates to the public. Their sale also served 
the important purpose of promoting thrift and economy, and 
since the armistice the Treasury, through the war savings 
movement, has urged the people to save, avoid waste, an 
invest their savings in the securities of the Governmen 
UP TO APRIL 30, 1920, THE NET CASH RECEIPTS 
FROM WAR SAVINGS SECURITIES AMOUNTED TO 
$855,287 ,409.21. There have been three series, 1918, 1919 
and 1920, each maturing five years from the date of issue 

INTEREST RATES AND EXEMPTION 

The interest rates on the bonds and notes of the Libertj 
issues ranged from 3J4 Per cent, to V/ 4 P« cent., and thi 



FINANCING THE WAR 309 

exemptions from taxation ranged from complete exemption 
to various degrees of partial exemption. The country was 
engaged in a war of unknown duration and America was the 
last reservoir of credit for the allied cause. Every element 
in the situation and the experience of the governments of the 
Allies showed the necessity of selling bonds of long-time 
maturity. Their payment must be postponed to such future 
date as would make it reasonably sure that a sufficient pe- 
riod of time would have elapsed after the close of the war to 
permit their payment through sinking-fund operations or 
otherwise. 

It has been absurdly asserted that the Treasury sold Lib- 
erty Bonds at artificially low rates of interest. What is an 
artificially low rate of interest in war time and in operations 
of this magnitude? The average rate on Government bonds 
as far back as 1890 was 4 per cent., in 1901, 3 per cent., and 
in 1908, 2 x /z per cent. Bankers estimated that there were no 
more than 400,000 investors in America. In offering billions 
of dollars of bonds to the people, THE GOVERNMENT 
COULD NAME NO RATE THAT WOULD SELL THEM 
ON A COLD INVESTMENT BASIS. It was imperative 
that the Treasury appeal to the patriotism of the people, and 
in doing this to name a reasonable return for the money 
lent. THE PEOPLE BOUGHT THE BONDS TO AID 
THEIR COUNTRY AT WAR AND HE WHO SAYS 
THAT THE INTEREST RATES WERE TOO LOW, 
CHARGES THAT THE TREASURY OVER-VALUED 
THE PATRIOTISM OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE- 
THAT THE PEOPLE WERE NOT AND ARE NOT 
PATRIOTIC AND CONSEQUENTLY THE GOVERN- 
MENT MUST NOW PAY THEM A BOND BONUS, IN 
THE SHAPE OF INCREASED INTEREST," FOR DOING 
THEIR PLAIN DUTY DURING* THE WAR. The mere 
statement of such complaints carries its own refutation, and 
it is worthy of note that those who are now protesting most 
vehemently with respect to the rate of interest on Liberty 
Bonds were among those who contended most vigorously 
against higher rates at the time. 

An excessively high rate of interest could have re- 
sulted only in raising the general rate of interest on loans 
and issues of securities by private enterprise, further in- 
creasing the cost of living and the cost of making war, 
and burdening the people of the country with additional 
taxation for many years to come. 

Those who are urging such a course would have been the 
first to denounce it if it had been adopted. It would not 
have maintained the market prices of the Liberty issues at 
par or influenced them in any degree. The contract of the 
Government with the investor in its securities was to pay 
the principal at maturity and the interest as due. 

THAT CONTRACT IS BEING AND WILL CON- 
TINUE TO BE MET. 

The obligations of the United States Government are the 
best investment and the safest security in the world. Some 
20,000,000 patriotic Americans subscribed to one or all of the 
issues and their market prices have decreased because large 
numbers of these patriotic subscribers have not been willing 
or able to exercise such control over their personal expendi- 



310 FINANCING THE WAR 

tures as would permit them to retain their bonds after the 
cessation of hostilities. Liberty Bonds, like other bonds, 
are subject to market influences, including the law of supply 
and demand, and THEIR MARKET QUOTATIONS 
HAVE DECLINED IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE FAIL- 
URE OF THE GREAT INVESTING PUBLIC TO SAVE 
IN PROPORTION TO THE ENORMOUS EXPENDI- 
TURE OF CAPITAL DURING AND SINCE THE WAR. 
Many patriotic people who bought Liberty Bonds under the 
impulse of patriotism have been unwilling, since the war was 
over, to continue to lend their money to their Government, 
and have forced their holdings on the market more rapidly 
than others could save funds to invest, with consequent de- 
preciation in market prices. The remedy for this situation 
is for the people to work and save, to keep their holdings of 
Liberty Bonds as investments and to purchase additional 
Government securities with their savings. 

REAL INVESTORS UNAFFECTED 

The present market prices of Liberty bonds are causing 
no loss to real investors, who are holding their bonds 
as permanent investments; they are not suffering be- 
cause others see fit to sell their bonds and for less than 
they are worth. 

The Government has done everything in its power to pro- 
tect the market for Liberty bonds and the interests of Liberty 
bondholders by msans of purchases for the Bond Purchase 
Fund provided by law. These purchases, which have greatly 
tended to sustain and strengthen the market for the bonds, 
have been made under the Liberty Bond Acts, which author- 
ized the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase annually, 
until the expiration of one year after the termination of the 
war, up to 5 per cent, of the bonds of each series outstand- 
ing, at not exceeding par and accrued interest. 

To November 30, 1919, $1,043,080,500 principal 
amount of Liberty bonds had been purchased, the prin- 
cipal amount paid therefor being $993,363,526.15. The 
authority thus conferred by Congress has been exercised 
by the Treasury for the, sole purpose of stabilizing the 
market, and very important results have been achieved 
redounding to the benefit of all holders of Liberty bonds. 
The Treasury has not profited by the action of those 
bond-holders who have forced their bonds on the market, 
nor by its purchases of those bonds. It has been obliged 
to borrow at higher rates of interest the money to make 
the purchases which have been forced on it for the pro- 
tection of the holders of Liberty bonds and the Govern- 
ment's credit. 

Short term Treasury certificates were sold during the war 
and since, in anticipation of the receipts from each of the 
Liberty Loans and income and profits tax installments. This 
system of temporary financing, which was the only prac- 
tical way of handling the huge operations, provided the Trea- 
sury with current funds, prevented the money strain which 
would have been inevitably involved if Liberty Loan and tax 
installments had been paid on one or several days without 
anticipatory borrowing. In addition, this plan tapped the 
credit resources of the banks and mobilized them for the 



FINANCING THE WAR 311 

uses of the Government, thus limiting commercial and in- 
dustrial inflation when the Government was the principal 
purchaser and so urgently needed the credit resources of 
the country for its own purposes. 

Another device evolved by the Treasury to meet the emer- 
gent needs and prevent money stringency at a time when 
such would have been calamitous alike to the Government 
and war industries, was the creation of a special depositary 
system under which banks designated as special depositaries 
of the Government were permitted to pay "by credit" for 
the purchases of Government securities, made by or through 
them. 

In this way the proceeds from the sales of securities 
REMAINED IN THE BANKS at interest for brief periods, 
the Government calling for the money only as needed. This 
meant the GRADUAL WITHDRAWAL of the funds from 
the banks and their IMMEDIATE RETURN TO CIRCU- 
LATION through the disbursements of the Government. 
If the Government had attempted to draw into the Treasury 
on any day complete payment for even a relatively small 
issue of certificates of indebtedness, to say nothing of a 
Liberty Loan or tax payment, a panic would have resulted. 
There were many collateral agencies created during the war 
for the purpose of conserving and mobilizing the resources 
of the country and limiting the inflation of prices and the 
expansion of currency and credit. THE WAR FINANCE 
CORPORATION was established on the recommendation 
of the Secretary of the Treasury for the purpose of providing 
credits for industries and enterprises necessary or contribu- 
tory to the prosecution of the war. THE CAPITAL 
ISSUES COMMITTEE discouraged capital issues for non- 
essential purposes; THE DIRECTOR OF FOREIGN EX- 
CHANGE of the Federal Reserve Board licensed imports 
and exports of gold, silver and capital; THE WAR TRADE 
BOARD licensed imports and exports of commodities; and 
THE WAR INDUSTRIES BOARD fixed prices and priori- 
ties for commodities. These and such other war agencies as 
THE SHIPPING BOARD, THE FOOD AND FUEL AD- 
MINISTRATIONS and THE RAILROAD ADMINIS- 
TRATION were parts of a great and comprehensive plan 
for mobilizing the resources of the country. 
i 

PROGRAM FULLY ROUNDED OUT * 

Thte gross public debt on April 30, 192Q, was $24,944,677,- 
796.75, the gross debt increase for the war period being $23'- 
562,709,100.47. * # 

The Democratic Congress before its adjournment on* 
March 4, 1919, on the recommendation of the Demo- 
cratic Secretary of the Treasury, enacted a lav/ providing 
for the gradual retirement of the war 4ebt and thus com- 
pletely and efficiently rounded out the program of war 
. finance. 

Section 6 of the Victory Liberty Loan Act, approved 
flarch 3, 1919, creates a 2^ per cent, .cumulative sinking 
lund which became operative July 1, 1920, and is calculated 
b retire the Liberty Bonds and Victory Notes outstanding 
In that date within approximately twenty-five years (except 
br an amount equivalent to the obligations of foreign gov- 
[rnments held by the United States on that date). If the 



312 FINANCING THE WAR 

United States is to prosper and progress, the war debt must 
be retired within a reasonable period. It would be calami- 
tous for America if anything were permitted to interfere 
with the effective operation of the cumulative sinking fund. 
Its purposes can be fulfilled if Congress will pursue a 
course of wise economy and sane and discriminating fiscal 
legislation. 

It will soon become a futile dream, however, if many 
sessions of Congress follow in the wake of the two ses- 
sions of the Sixty-sixth Congress which were in control 
of the Republican Party, and the record of which is one 
of INDEFENSIBLE INACTION AND OMISSION in many 
financial and economic matters of grave concern to the 
country, and of extravagance and unwisdom in dealing 
with the fiscal aspects of almost every important measure 

passed. - 

The creation of revolving funds and authorization to 
Government establishments to spend the proceeds of the 
sales of Government property and the like, without spe- 
cific appropriation by Congress, may for a time conceal 
from the people the true amount of actual appropriations, 
but IF CONTINUED WILL SOONER OR LATER WRECK 
THE FEDERAL TREASURY and make utterly impossible 
any attempt to retire the floating debt much less the 
funded debt, through the operations of the sinking fund. 

The American people have willingly and patiently borne 
the great burdens of war taxation and they are fully aware 
that the volume of taxation will continue to be large for 
many years to come. 

BUT THEY HAVE A RIGHT TO DEMAND, AND 
THEY HAVE DEMANDED, THAT THE PRESENT 
TAX LAW BE REVISED AND SIMPLIFIED SO AS TO 
ELIMINATE ITS UNDESIRABLE FEATURES AND 
COMPLEXITIES. 

The existing statute was drawn and enacted by Republi- 
cans as well as Democrats. It was framed under the stress 
and pressure of war and its crudities and incongruities in 
the circumstances were- tolerable and excusable for the time 
being. After the close of hostilities and the demobilization 
of the army, it was to be expected, however, that Congress 
would give immediate consideration to remedial legislation. 
What is the record? 

On November 14, 1918— three days after the signing of the 
armistice— Secretary McAdoo appeared before the Finance 
Committee of the Senate, where the revenue bill was then 
oending, and recommended that, in view of the ending of 
the war' the bill be amended so as to reduce the amount of 
taxes it'was designed to raise from $8,000,000,000 per annum 
to $6,000,000,000 for the first year and $4,000,000,000 thereafter, 
Republicans in Congress were willing to make the reduction 
to $6,000,000,000, but demurred with respect to reducing the" 
bill further. That was a Democratic Congress, and as th« 
Republicans had been successful in the Congressional elec 
tion in the fall of 1918 they claimed the right to revise th< 
taxes for 1919 and thereafter. 

The Democratic Secretary of the Treasury and the Demo 
cratic members of Congress insisted that the taxes could an< 
should be reduced in the interest of the people and the busi 



FINANCING THE WAR 313 

ness of the country. THE DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS 
CARRIED THE POINT AND THE TAXES WERE RE- 
DUCED BY $2,000,000,000 for 1919 and 1920. Without ques- 
tion the country would to-day be staggering under the load 
of a $6,000,000,000 tax levy upon incomes and profits, or 
$2,000,000,000 more than at present, if the nation had been 
left entirely to the mercy of the Sixty-sixth Congress, which 
is controlled by the Republican Party and which shall be 
noted for all time for its reprehensible neglect of tax legisla- 
tion. 

DEMOCRATS COUNSEL REFORMS 

In his message of May, 1919, read at the opening of 
the special session of the Sixty-sixth Congress, the Presi- 
dent urged the reconsideration of the tax law; and en 
December 2, 1919, at the opening of the regular session, 
he repeated his admonition for simplification of the 
Revenue Act of 1918. 

The Secretary of the Treasury in his Annual Report, 
submitted to Congress in December, 1919, urgently in- 
vited the attention of Congress to the necessity of revis- 
ing the tax law along lines which would produce the 
necessary revenue with the minimum of inconvenience 
and injustice. He pointed out particularly the iniquities 
of the excess profits tax and the great need for freeing 
the Act of inequalities and unjust burdens. 

Again on March 17, 1920, the Secretary of the Treasury 
recommended in a letter to the Chairman of the Ways 
and Means Committee certain amendments to the Rev- 
enue Act designed to simplify the measure and to make 
certain that the stock dividend decision of the United 
States Supreme Court would not exempt from all income 
and profits taxes a group of approximately 2,500 per- 
sonal service corporations and their stockholders. 

In spite of the pleadings of the Democratic President and 
the Democratic Secretaries of the Treasury for the relief of 
the people and business of the country, THE REPUBLI- 
CAN CONGRESS, FEEBLE AND INERT IN THE PEO- 
PLE'S INTEREST, TOOK NO ACTION. 

On the contrary, this Republican Congress has been active 
in piling up appropriations upon appropriations that repre- 
sent extravagant drains upon the Treasury and many of 
them made in a way to conceal the actual amount appro- 
priated from the people of the country. 

In his Annual Report, Secretary Glass called attention to 
the evils of revolving funds and so-called reimbursements of 
appropriations. The session of Congress which closed on 
June 5, 1920, in spite of the warning of the Secretary of the 
Treasury, has increased the evils of which he complained. 
This is illustrated particularly in the Transportation Act of 
1920 and the Shipping Act, which were passed by the two 
Houses of Congress only after the most indefensible delay 
in framing a railroad and shipping policy. 

Revolving funds and reimbursement of appropriations 
are schemes that permit the expenditure of money from 
the Federal Treasury without appropriations in specific 
amounts. By such devices the revenues of the Govern- 
ment affected never become unconditionally available to 



314 FINANCING THE WAR 

meet general expenditures, but are appropriated auto- 
matically for special purposes without further control by 
the Congress and without any new consideration of the 
merits of the additional expenditure. These appropria- 
tions, by their very nature, tend to produce expenditures 
which, if considered anew, might not be authorized by 
Congress. Their sole and costly purpose to the Govern- 
ment, in the case of the Second Session of the Sixty -sixth 
Congress, was to CONCEAL THE ACTUAL AMOUNT 
OF PUBLIC FUNDS APPROPRIATED AT THIS REPUB- 
LICAN SESSION. 

These methods and the dilatory tactics of the Congress in 
dealing with vital economic and financial problems have 
created grave questions for the Treasury. For months and 
months the Congress deliberated upon the railroad question, 
forcing the President by its indefensible delay to postpone 
the return of the roads to private ownership. WHEN CON- 
GRESS FINALLY ACTED IT WAS IN THE FORM OF 
AN ORDER TO RETURN THE ROADS TO THEIR 
OWNERS, WITH A NEW EXPENDITURE OF $1,000,- 
000,000 BY THE GOVERNMENT FOR THEIR AC- 
COUNT AND THE DEFERMENT FOR YEARS OF 
$1,000,000,000 THE ROADS OWE THE GOVERNMENT. 
It was not until June 5, 1920, the very last day of the Second 
Session of the Sixty-sixth Congress — more than a year and 
a half after the armistice — that Congress took action with 
respect to a shipping policy. 

The heavy burdens which the Republican Congress placed 
upon the Treasury by reason of laws it enacted and by reason 
of the delay in making provision to realize upon the Govern- 
ment's investments in railroads and ships, made it necessary 
for the Secretary of the Treasury .on May 18, 1920, to address 
a letter to the Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee 
suggesting the need of careful consideration of the question 
whether it might not be necessary to provide for meeting the 
necessities of the Government in larger measure from taxa- 
tion. The total indebtedness of the Government maturing 
within three years, represented by Treasury certificates, War 
Saving certificates, and Victory Notes, is in the neighbor- 
hood of $8,000,000,000. THE CONTINUATION OF RE- 
PUBLICAN POLICIES, AS EXEMPLIFIED BY THE 
RECORD OF THE SIXTY-SIXTH CONGRESS, MEANS 
INCREASED TAXATION FOR THE PEOPLE OF THE 
COUNTRY OVER THE PRESENT TAXES, GREAT AS 
THEY ARE. 

No nation ever financed a war along safer and sounder 
lines than America pursued in the world war. To carry the 
program of war finance to a successful conclusion requires 
intelligent, constructive and patriotic statesmanship. Delay 
where prompt action means millioas to the Government, ex- 
travagant and wasteful appropriations and appropriations 
concealed as measures of party expediency to deceive the 
people on the eve of an election constitute the Republican 
Party's record of inefficiency, and if continued will wreck the 
achievements of the Treasury during the war and ultimately 
bring disaster to the country. 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY HAS BEEN TESTED 
ON THESE GRAVE FINANCIAL PROBLEMS AND 
FOUND WANTING. 



SOUND BANKING SYSTEM 

BUILT BY DEMOCRATS 



Republicans Vainly Claiming Credit for Esr 

tablishing Financial Structure, Erected 

by Democrats, Which Has Withstood 

and Will Continue to Withstand 

Every Economic Disturbance 



WORLD'S BEST BANKING SYSTEM 



ESTABLISHMENT of the Federal Reserve 
System by the Democratic Administra- 
tion and Congress made "possible and actual 
the financing of the greatest war for the great- 
est victory in the history of the world. 

More important than the war service of the 
Federal Reserve System is the benefit it has 
yielded in providing the first uniform and har- 
monious system of banking which the United 
States has ever had. 



TVTOBODY disputes now the value of the Federal Reserve 
■ Banking System. 

The Republicans have ceased their effort to discover flaws 
in it, have shifted their ground, and are attempting to prove 

that they are in some unaccountable way its parents. 

» 

The truth is it was devised and constructed by the 
brains and hands of Democrats, enacted by Demo- 
cratic votes in both Houses of Congress, in the face 
of bitter Republican opposition, and made law by the 
signature of a Democratic President. 

IT IS CONCEDED TO BE THE GREATEST WORK OF 
CONSTRUCTIVE FINANCIAL LEGISLATION IN THE 
HISTORY OF OUR COUNTRY, OR ANY OTHER. It 
solved in a simple and natural way problems that have been 
baffling the best intellects of the world through centuries. It 
removed dangers that had kept business men of all degrees 
under a cloud of fear, and had restrained growth and expan- 
sion since the establishment of our Government. 

It provided a safeguard against the panics which had 
been the nightmare of all interests from banker and fac- 
tory owner to day laborer. 

It gave us the stability, strength and elasticity that enabled 
us to meet all the shock and strain of the great war; it en- 
abled us to finance and supply the Allies, and to assure vic- 
tory where defeat would have meant world ruin. This is now 
universally admitted. 

315 



316 THE FEDERAL RESERVE 

The Republicans know that the Federal Reserve System, 
enacted by Democrats, cannot be assailed. Its practical work- 
ing is seen and felt too distinctly. The chief hope of the 
Republicans is to excite among the business people of the 
country distrust of the Democratic party. Yet those business 
people are unanimous in approval of the Federal Reserve 
System, in conceding that by creating it the Democrats 
proved not only their purpose, but their ability to protect 
our commercial and financial community. Therefore, in re- 
cent debates in Congress, Republican leaders applied all their 
imagination and all the force of repeated assertions in the 
effort to deceive the public into thinking that the Democratic 
Federal Reserve measure was born of the Republican "Al- 
drich Plan." The effort was ONE OF THE MOST ABJECT 
CONFESSIONS OF FAILURE, one of the highest tributes * 
to the work of a rival party ever known in our politics. 

A glance at Democratic and banking history proves the 
fact too clearly to leave a doubt in the most prejudiced mind, 
tells the story so plainly that it must be fastened in the most 
careless memory. 

The old National Banking System, inaugurated in 1863, dur- 
ing the Civil War, was mainly designed to provide a market 
for United States Government Bonds which were being 
floated for war purposes, the new National banks being 
authorized to issue circulation based upon the security of 
the Government bonds sold at that time. The new system 
was successful not only in assisting the placing of Govern- 
ment securities, but also in providing a sound currency which 
supplanted the old issues of State bank notes, which pre- 
viously constituted principally our circulating money. As the 
Government bonds matured and were paid off, the opportu- 
nity for increasing the currency, the basis of which were 
Government bonds, became less and less. 

OLD INCUMBRANCES THROWN OFF 

Our banking resources were thus without the element of 
elasticity which is so essential for meeting the requirements 
of business, especially the periodical demands for money and 
currency needed for the movement of the crops, particularly 
in the agricultural section of the West and South. 

Another element of weakness under the old National Bank- 
ing System was the inefficient, dangerous and unscientific 
method of handling the bank reserves. Under that system 
the reserves of the National banks throughout the-. country 
were largely deposited with the National banks in the three 
central reserve cities— New York, Chicago and St. Louis— 
particularly in New York City, whose banks usually allowed 
2 per cent, per annum interest, and sometimes more, to their 
correspondent banks. These New York banks, to avoid 
carrying idle fuods on which they were paying this 2 per 
cent, interest, loaned out the reserve balances which other 
banks kept with them to a large extent on stocks and bonds 
in Wall Street on "call." On July 1, 1914, the balances 
which the National banks of- New York City held to 
the credit of other National and State banks in all the 
States amounted to $738,830,000, and at the outbreak of the 
European War, August, 1914, the New York City National 
banks were lending about $400,000,000 of these funds on 
stocks, bonds, etc., which loans on the closing of the New 



THE FEDERAL RESERVE 317 

York Stock Exchange they found themselves powerless to 
collect, or to realize upon by the sale of the collateral secur- 
ing them. 

As the time came, year by year, for the movement of the 
crops of wheat, corn, tobacco, cotton and other agricultural 
products, the money market tightened almost invariably, as 
the country banks would withdraw their funds from New 
York and other large centers. The big city banks then called 
their loans and speculators were given great opportunities 
for rigging the markets, of which they seldom failed to avail 
themselves. THE DIFFICULTY EXPERIENCED IN THE 
INTERIOR IN OBTAINING FUNDS TO MkET IMME- 
DIATE NEEDS FREQUENTLY INVOLVED THE 
FORCED SALE OF THE CROPS AT THE FARMERS 
EXPENSE AND LOSS. There were also frequent panics 
and semi-panics, as for example in 1373, 1884, 1890, 1893, 1895 
and 1907. In some of these crises, or money pinches, when 
the country banks would call in the funds which they had 
egarded as their resources from the centers they were in- 
ormed by their city "bank correspondents that currency 
shipments were impossible. Currency sometimes went to a 
premium of 3 or 4 per cent, or more, as in 1893, or was 
unobtainable at any price. Business men lived in constant 
ear and apprehension of the money market. 

HALF CENTURY OF OPPRESSION 

These conditions existed for the fifty years prior to the 
beginning of the Wilson Administration, including forty-two 
years of Republican rule. Reform and improvement were 
needed urgently and obviously and were demanded by all. 

HE REPUBLICAN PARTY DID NOTHING BUT 
■TALK AND PROMISE. 

Following the devastating panic of 1907 the commission 
mown as the "Aldrich Commission" was appointed by Con- 
gress to study and devise a plan of currency reform. 

After the expenditure of great sums of money and 
costly journeys about this country and Europe, the com- 
mission brought forward the scheme known as the 
"Aldrich plan," providing for a large central bank to be 
controlled by the bankers. This proved abortive and 
impracticable and was abandoned even by its sponsors. 

With the election of President Wilson the new Congress, 
arly in 1913, under the immediate direction of the President, 
with the close cooperation of the Secretary of the Treasury, 
Mr. McAdoo, proceeded to work out and put into effect the 
ong-needed system of Banking and Currency reform. Hon. 
barter Glass, as chairman of the Banking and Currency Com- 
nittee of the House of Representatives, drafted ON LINES 
RADICALLY DIFFERENT from the Aldrich plan a com- 
>rehensive and masterly plan for currency reform. It passed 
he House of Representatives in the summer of 1913, IN 

HE FACE OF VIGOROUS AND VICIOUS REPUBLI- 
:AN OPPOSITION. After being revised and strengthened 
a the Senate Committee on Banking and Currency, it was 

assed and was finally approved by the President on Decem- 

er 23, 1913. 

This law, known as the FEDERAL RESERVE ACT, by 
>ne of its provisions, revised and made practicable the Emer- 

ency Currency law, which was passed in 1908 following the 



318 THE FEDERAL RESERVE 

1907 panic, and IT WAS THEREFORE BY A DEMO- 
CRATIC CONGRESS THAT THE EMERGENCY MEAS- 
URE WAS RENDERED SERVICEABLE. The National 
banks of the country, by this Emergency Act, were helped 
to meet the first shock of the European war when hostilities 
began, in August, 1914. A few weeks later, ^November 16, 
1914, the Federal Reserve System went into full operation 
upon the opening of the twelve Federal Reserve banks, and 
FROM THAT DATE FORWARD THE FINANCIAL 
AND BUSINESS INTERESTS OF THE COUNTRY 
ENTERED UP0N A NEW ERA. 

The passage of the Federal Reserve Act was bitterly op- 
posed from its very inception by leading Republicans in and 
out of Congress, also by leading banks — the same men who 
now praise it most unreservedly. 

The position of the two parties on this great law is proved 
by the record. 

PROVED BY THE RECORD 

ON THE FINAL PASSAGE OF THE FEDERAL RE- 
SERVE LAW, 47 DEMOCRATIC SENATORS VOTED 
FOR IT; NONE AGAINST; ONLY 7 REPUBLICAN 
SENATORS VOTED FOR THE MEASURE, WHILE 34 
VOTED AGAINST IT. 

IN THE HOUSE 248 DEMOCRATS VOTED FOR AND 
ONLY 1 AGAINST THE MEASURE; 85 REPUBLICAN 
REPRESENTATIVES VOTED AGAINST IT AND 38 
IN ITS FAVOR. 

The Republican party may be possessed with intellect and 
good intentions, but intellect, timid and impotent, is unfit for 
power in strenuous and testing times, however amiable is 
may be. 

The Democratic party has proven itself to be the party of 
BOLD, SWIFT AND VIRILE ACTION AND PROG- 
RESS guided by wise discretrbn and consideration for all 
interests. THE RECORDS STAND, AND THE FACTS 
ARE PRESENT. No rhetoric, lamentations or prejudiced 
prophecy can shake them, nor make for the Republicans a 
reputation for courage and broad purpose. 

If the Federal Reserve law is the child of the Aldrich plan, 
as the Republicans claimed in June, 1920; they evidently failed 
to recognize the relationship when the now universally ap 
proved and applauded measure was put before them in Con 
gress in 1913. 



Only large cities are listed in the quota list pub- 
lished, but from the "Official Bulletin" of the Treas* 
urer's office of the Republican National Committee w^ 
learn that many small places and counties in Wiscon- 
sin, Arizona, Michigan, Florida, Maine, Ohio, New 
Hampshire, and other states, have either raised their 
full quotas or are sure to raise them. 

THIS BULLETIN IS OFFICIAL. — (From the 
"Official Bulletin," Treasurer's Office, Republican Na 
tional Committee.) • 



THE FEDERAL RESERVE 319 

•Among the benefits conferred by the Federal Reserve Act, 
and acknowledged by all, are these: 

FIRST— It supplies a circulating medium absolutely safe, 
sufficiently elastic to meet, readily, sudden or periodical de- 
mands for additional currency incident to the movement of 
crops or increased industrial activity, while retiring this cur- 
rency from use automatically when the legitimate demands 
have ceased. Under this law such financial panics as we had 
in 1873, 1893 and 1907 are impossible. 

SECOND— It provides scientifically for the mobilization of 
bank reserves under Twelve Federal Reserve districts so 
:hat surplus money of any one district may become available 
for legitimate needs of any other district. In the year 1919 
the transfers of credits between the Twelve Reserve Banks 
through the geld fund maintained by the Reserve System in 
the Treasury in Washington amounted in the aggregate to 
$73,984,252,000— about eight times as much as the total gold 
upply of the world. 

THIRD— jit authorizes a loan and discount system by 
which every well-managed member bank can convert prompt- 
y into money at moderate interest rates its ^eligible .com- 
mercial paper, regardless of the old provision of the law 
which restricted redicounts or loans to National banks to a 
00 per cent, of the capital of the borrowing bank. 

FOURTH— It authorizes National banks to make loans on 
arm property, thus enabling farmers to participate directly 
n the benefits of the new law. 

FIFTH— It authorizes National banks to establish branches 
n foreign countries, thus aiding in building up our foreign 
ommerce. 

SIXTH— It provides for a system of bank "accept- 
nces" which, it is believed, will aid us in obtaining a larger 

hare of the world's commerce. 

- 

FILLED NATION^ WAR CHEST 

It was through the instrumentality of the Federal Reserve 

anks of the country that more than $30,000,000,000 of Gov- 

nment bonds and short-time obligations were sold, distrib- 



HEODORE ROOSEVELT "MOST 

SELF-SEEKING POLITICIAN" 

{Harding's Newspaper in 1912) 

"The entire Roosevelt campaign is based on selfish- 
ess, false pretenses, envy and spite. It is concentra- 
on of all the forces of failure and discontent, of in- 
icted money-kings and discredited political bosses. 
hey rallied about the personality of the most self- 
eking politician this country has ever known; the 
ost arbitrary boss the party has ever suffered under; 
e most dangerous agitator who has ever threatened' 
a D P r^T?T^Vi ty of government."— From SENATOR 
AKD1NGS newspaper, The Marion (Ohio) "Star," 

tober 31, 1912. 



320 THE FEDERAL RESERVE' 

uted and collected withhout occasioning strain or panic 
anywhere in the entire country. 

The passage of the Federal Reserve Act has aided in per- 
fecting and rendering stronger and more useful than ever the 
old National Banking System. There are now more than 
8,000 National banks in successful operation. Their re- 
sources have increased more in the past six years, under 
President Wilson's Administration, than in the preceding fifty 
years; their earnings also have grown more since 1913 than 
in the fifty preceding years, while their immunity from failure 
has been unprecedented. There have also been more new 
National banks chartered in the past twelve months than in 
any other twelve months' period since the National Banking 
System was inaugurated, in 1863. 

In the 40 years prior to the beginning of the Wilson 
Administration the number of National Bank failures in 
the country involving loss to depositors averaged 16.8 
banks each year for every 8,000 banks in operation. In 
the last fiscal year, despite the strain incident to the recon- 
struction period, there was not a single National Bank 
failure in the entire United States involving one dollar s 
loss to any depositor. The latest reports show over 
19,000,000 deposit accounts in the country's National 
Banks, or say one National Bank deposit account for every 
six of our population. 

Practical men judge by acts. 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, FOREVER PROCLAIM- 
ING ITS DEVOTION TO THE COMMERCIAL IN- 
TERESTS, FAILED MISERABLY, THROUGH FORTY- 
TWO YEARS, TO GIVE THEM THE RELIEF AND 
SAFETY FOR WHICH OUR FARMING AND INDUS- 
TRIAL INTERESTS WERE BEGGING AND WHICH 
THEY SO GREATLY NEEDED. It left them prey to the 
most reckless and conscienceless gamblers on the disasters 
and dangers of the public. ' t 

The Democratic party, with a few months of honest pur- 
pose and intelligent work, found and removed the cause of 
the trouble, and invented and made the s A *J^J T * » 
STRONGEST, MOST ELASTIC AND USEFUL BANK- 
ING SYSTEM THE WORLD HAS SEEN. 



"Upon a platform that has produced general dissatisfaction, 
the Chicago convention presents a candidate whose nomination 
will be received with astonishment and dismay by the party 
whose suffrages he invites. The nomination of Harding is the 
fine and perfect flower of the cowardice and imbecility of the 
Senatorial cabal that charged itself with the management of 
the Republican convention, against whose control Governor 
Beeckman so vehemently protested."— New Yqrk Time* 
(Dem.), June 13th. 

Harding and Coolidge have the confidence otlh* 
people, but, boys, get the money.— (From the Om 
cial Bulletin," Treasurer's Office, Republican Nation? 
Committee. ) 



NATIONAL BUDGET SYSTEM 
ADVOCATED BY DEMOCRATS 



President Wilson and the Secretaries of the Treasury 
under his administration have urged upon Congress the 
great necessity of creating an effective budget system. This 
is vitally necessary in the interest of economy and good 
administration. The reform should reach both the executive 
and legislative aspects of the question. The supervision 
and preparation of the budget should be vested in the Sec- 
retary of the Treasury as the representative of the President, 
and he should be empowered to reduce the estimates sub- 
mitted by the several departments in order that they may 
be brought into relation with estimated income. The budget 
as such should not be increased by the Congress except 
perhaps by a two-thirds vote, each House, however, being 
free to exercise its constitutional privilege of making ap- 
propriations through independent bills. The appropriation 
bills should be considered by single committees of the 
House and Senate. The auditing system should be consol- 
idated and its powers extended so as to pass upon the wis- 
dom of, as well as the authority for, expenditures. The 
above represents the definite and effective program so ur- 
gently recommended by the Democratic Administration to 
the Sixty-sixth Congress, but without results. 

A budget bill was passed in the closing days of the Second 
Session of that Congress, which the President was obliged 
to veto because of an unconstitutional provision. The House 
amended the bill to meet the objection, but the Senate ad- 
journed without passing the amended measure. The session 
lasted six and one-half months, and during that entire period 
the Republican leadership and membership delayed and 
neglected this vital reform until the very end of the session, 
when it was presented to the President in such imperfect 
form that he would have violated his oath to uphold the 
Constitution if he had signed it. A DEMOCRATIC AD- 
MINISTRATION AND A DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS 
WILL INSURE THE ENACTMENT OF THIS IMPERA- 
TIVE MEASURE IN THE PEOPLE'S INTEREST. 

GOV. COX'S POSITION ON BUDGET 

The stand of the Democratic candidate on the matter of a 
budget is written in the history of Ohio legislation. GOV- 
ERNOR COX, IN HIS FIRST TERM OF OFFICE, PUT 
INTO OPERATION THE BEST WORKING BUDGET 
OF ANY STATE IN THE UNION. 

Governor Cox, in his message of January 13, 1919, ex- 
pressed his view of the budget question as follows: 

"The subject of governmental budgets has pressed it- 
self into expert and lay thought as well. For years the 
agitation has persisted in behalf of a Federal budget, and 
the consummation of a modern plan has been delayed, 
as most people believe, not because of any misgivings as 
to its efficiency and economy, but solely from the fact 
that Congressional committees vested with the powers of 
appropriating money have been unwilling to surrender 
them. 

"In 1913 a budget system was adopted in this State 

321 



322 THE FEDERAL RESERVE 

(Ohio); it has limitations in operation, but they are 
within the constitution. So far as it has gone, it has 
helped to simplify the financial affairs of the State. It 
has resulted in great saving and it clearly indicates what 
might be accomplished if the results of painstaking inves- 
tigation were the base of something more than tentative 
action. 

"The head of a successful business enterprise prepares 
his budget for the year and it becomes the fixed base of 
expenditure. Now let us see what the rule is with the 
Federal and with most State Governments. The heads 
of departments prepare their estimates, predicated too 
often upon desire rather than necessity. The legislative 
body conducts a hearing most times without that knowl- 
edge which enables penetration into the facts. If you 
will pardon the personal observation, I served myself as 
a member of the Committee on Appropriations in Con- 
gress, where hundreds of millions of dollars were appro- 
priated blindly and inefficiently, and so it has gone 
throughout the years. Under the present system in Ohio, 
the Governor, through the Budget Commissioner, pre- 
pares a statement for the Assembly, which, by item and 
specification, shows just what the departments need for 
the approaching biennium. This estimate, so far as I 
know, has never been diminished by legislative investiga- 
tion or enactment, but always added to." 

In an article contributed by him to the New York "Times,' 
May 23, 1920, Governor Cox wrote: 

"There can be no true economy unless the expense of 
armament be reduced by world agreement and unless a 
budget system be established. No business enterprise in 
this country could exist if it were run as the Government 
is. Appropriations are made without regard to what the 
revenues will be, and the supply bills prepared for the 
several departments are authorized by Congress with 
very little information as to requirements. 

"I served on the House Committee on Appropriations, 
in Congress, and, impressed as I was then with the waste 
attendant upon existing practices, we adopted in Ohio, 
under my first term, a modern budget system. It saved 
the State millions of dollars a year. During the war, not- 
withstanding the increased expense of Government, we 
were enabled to keep our fiscal affairs on a stable base 
without increasing taxes and without invoking any new 
sources of revenue. Our budget system made this pos- 
sible." 

MEANS GREAT ECONOMIES 

In.his speech of acceptance, Governor Cox said: 
"Government bureaus during the war had close contac 
with the business organization of the country. That experi 
ence revealed the modern need of reorganization along pure!; 
business lines. The advantages of a democracy in govern 
ment need not be recounted. It has been held by expert 
that it involves the disadvantage of disbursements, author 
ized by the law-making power without sufficient knowledg 
of the need of the service, or the possibilities of extrava 
gance. The answer to this is the budget system. No sue 
cessful business system of any size can operate without il 



THE FEDERAL RESERVE 323 

For a hundred years, the Federal unit, and the States as well, 
made appropriations without determining the difference be- 
tween department need and caprice, at the same time paying 
little attention to the relation as between income and ex- 
pense. Many of the states have adopted a budget system, 
and with a success that carries no exception. Efficiency has 
been improved — departmental responsibility has been cen- 
tered, and economies have been effected. The same can be 
done by the Federal government. The system will reveal 
at once, as it did in the states, a vast surplusage of em- 
ployees. It awakens individual interest, encourages greater 
effort and gives opportunity for talent to assert itself. The 
normal course of least resistance develops in government 
bureaus a hardpan which retards progress. When the reor- 
ganization is made, pay should be commensurate with serv- 
ice. Many Federal departments whose ramifications touch 
the country generally, have lost valuable men to business. 
This had badly crippled post-offices, the railway mail service 
and other branches. 

"I am convinced after considerable study of the subject that 
the expense of the government can, without loss of efficiency, 
be reduced to a maximum of four billion dollars, including 
sinking fund and interest on the national debt. When we enter 
the League of Natftns, we should at the same time diminish 
our cost for armament. To continue expenditures in either 
the War or the Navy Departments on a vast scale, once our 
membership in the "League is assured, would seem to be a 
very definite refutation of the advantages of the v/orld plan 
which we believe it possesses. An appealing fundamental 
in the League method is the reduction of armaments. We 
cannot afford to do it until other nations do likewise. If we 
do not enter the League, hundreds of millions of dollars must 
be spent for armaments. If we go in, and I believe the 
people will insist on it, we can count on economies." 



TAXES AND G. O. P. POLITICS 



IjNLY a Democratic Congress can be relied upon to 
bring about speedy, comprehensive, and • equi- 
table reforms in our present system of war taxation, 
develop it into a model peace revenue system, and 
maintain its traditional policy of economy in expendi- 
tures/ 

The unvarnished truth is that the Republican lea- 
dership in this Congress early decided that instead of 
proceeding promptly to simplify and make more equi- 
table the war tax system it would be better politics to 
allow the taxpayers to suffer and complain for one 
or two years, until after the Presidential election, that 
the voters might visit their wrath upon the Demo- 
cratic Administration and overlook this duplicity and 
deliberate failure of the Republican Congress to per- 
form its plain duty to them.— REPRESENTATIVE 
CORDELL HULL, in the House, May 25, 1920. 



NINE REASONS 

WHY YOU SHOULD VOTE FOR 
COX AND ROOSEVELT 



They stand for peace and honor by joining the 
League of Nations. 

* * *, 

They will reduce the cost of living by the re- 
lentless pursuit of profiteers, tax readjustment 
and a National Budget. 

* * * 

They have championed Woman Suffrage and 
the improvement of labor conditions for women 
and children. 

4' ..'.'.*■■": -# 

They stand for recognition of the rights of 
labor, industrial order and prosperity. 

* * * 

Their party's war record is without precedence, 
and without the taint of scandal. 

* * * 

They and their platform assure free speech, 
a free press and constitutional liberty. 

* * * , 

Their party was the first to give the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture Cabinet rank and they are 
pledged to the encouragement and aid of the 

farmer. 

* * * 

They stand for progress as against reaction 
and will represent the people instead of a Senate 

oligarchy. 

* * * 

They have an executive record which assures 
economical and efficient administration. 



324 



TARIFF FOR REVENUE 

POLICY VINDICATED 



'T'HE reactionary Republican party, while clinging to its 
sacred principle of high protection, admits that modern 
developments have rendered it unavailable and inapplicable, 
and have placed it in cold storage. 

The progress of the world lends additional confirmation 
to the soundness of the Democratic doctrine of tariff for 
revenue. Before the war America was heavily the debtor of 
the rest of the world, and the interest payments she had to 
make to foreign countries on American securities held 
abroad, the expenditures of- American travelers abroad, and 
the ocean freight charges she had to pay to others, about 
balanced the value of la^r pre-war favorable balance of trade. 
During the war America's exports have been greatly stimu- 
lated and increased prices have increased their value. On 
the other hand, she has purchased a large proportion of the 
American securities previously held abroad, has lent over 
$9,000,000,000 to foreign governments, and has built her own 
ships. 

EUROPE CANNOT SHIP GOLD 

Our favorable balance of trade has thus been greatly in- 
creased and Europe has been deprived of the means of meet- 
ing it heretofore existing. Europe can have only three ways 
of meeting the favorable balance of trade in peace times; by 
imports into this country of gold or of goods, or by estab- 
lishing new credits. Europe is in no position at the present 
time to ship gold to us nor could we contemplate large 
further imports of gold into this country without concern. 
The time has passed for international governmental loans, 
and it will take time to develop in this country a market for 
foreign securities. Anything, therefore, which would tend 
to prevent foreign countries from settling for our exports by 
shipments of goods into this country could only have the 



NATION'S EXPENSES WILL SOAR 

IF LEAGUE COVENANT FAILS 



TT is idle to talk of reducing governmental 
expenses if the nation has to be armed to 
the teeth, and vast armies and navies will be 
necessary if the concerted plan of international 
peace fails. The guarantee against war is a 
credit against which a debit charge must be 
made, and after all this is the very crux of 
the controversy over the League of Nations. 
There can be no result worth while unless the 
nations of the earth assume a definite obliga- 
tion.— GOV. JAMES M. COX. 



325 



326 THE TARIFF 

effect of preventing them from paying for our exports and, 
therefore, of preventing the exports from being made. 

The productivity of the country, greatly stimulated by the 
war, must find an outlet by exports to foreign countries, and 
any measures taken to prevent imports will inevitably cur- 
tail exports, force curtailment of production, load the bank- 
ing machinery of the country with credits to carry unsold 
products, and produce industrial stagnation and unemploy- 
ment. If we want to sell, we must be prepared to buy. 

ISOLATION IMPOSSIBLE 

No policy of isolation will satisfy the growing needs and 
opportunities of America. The provincial standards and pol- 
icies of the past, which have held American business as if in 
a straitjacket, must yield and give v/ay to the needs and 
exigencies of the new day in which we live, a day full of 
hope and promise for American busiifess, if we will but take 
advantage of the opportunities that are ours for the asking. 
The recent war has ended our isolation and thrown upon us 
a great duty and responsibility. The United States must 
share the expanding world market. The United States de- 
sires for itself only equal opportunity with the other nations 
of the world, and that through the process of friendly 
cooperation and fair competition the legitimate interests of 
the nations concerned may be successfully and equitably 
adjusted. 

No Republican in this period can deny the soundness of 
the Democratic doctrine of tariff for revenue. 



Metropolitan Boston will contribute more than 
250% of its original quota. — (From the "Official Bul- 
letin," Treasurer's Office, Republican National Com- 
mittee. ) 

Note: Boston's quota on the confidential list was 
$300,000. 



LODGE SEES HUMILIATION IN REPUDIATING 
PRESIDENT 



r ET us look at it practically. We continue the state 
of war and every sensible man in the country, 
every business interest, desires the reestablishment of 
peace in lav/ as well as in fact. At the same time we 
repudiate the President and his action before the whole 
world, and the repudiation of the President in such a 
matter as this is, to my mind, THE HUMILIATION 
OF THE UNITED STATES IN EYES OF CIVILIZED 
MANKIND and brands us as a people incapable of 
great affairs or of taking rank where we belong as one 
of the greatest of the great world powers. — From an 
address by SENATOR HENRY CABOT LODGE in the 
Senate in 1899, in answering the inquiry, propounded 
by himself, "Suppose we reject the Treaty?" (estab- 
lishing peace between the United States and Spain.) 



NATION HAS PROSPERED 

UNDER DEMOCRATIC RULE 



Administration Measures Have Abolished 

Panics, the Familiar Accompaniment of 

Republican Sway, and Placed the 

Country's Banking and Industrial 

Fabric on Solid Foundations 



pRUE to its traditions, the Republican party in tho 
present campaign once more is endeavoring to 
ell "blue sky" to voters. 

It hopes to win on promises of a vaguely defined 
'Prosperity." 

Prosperity was a Republican shibboleth in the good 
Id days of the Payne-Aldrich High Protective TarfttV 
/lark Hanna, the "full dinner pail" — and panics. 

But the world "do move." Democratic financial 
enius stabilized the American banking system, abol- 
ihed panics, financed the world during five years of 
rar, and gave to the United States the solid prosperity 

has to-day. The proof of prosperity is all about us. 

NO BREAD LINES NOW 

For seven years the American people have prospered. 

rone are the bread lines, soup kitchens and the drab army 

e tramps and hoboes. There are no more Coxey's armies, 

piteous appeals for work from hordes of despairing men. 

In all the years of Republican control from 1897 to 1913, 

lough they included what were considered periods of ex- 

^iptional prosperity, unemployment was endemic. 

In 1900 — a year of McKinley tariff prosperity — according 
the Federal census of 1910, 22.3 per cent, of all persons in 
inful occupations were out of work all or part of the year, 
ore than 2,600,000 men and 500,000 women were in en- 
reed idleness during some part of the year, and more than 
>0,0000 men were without work for seven months or longer 
that Republican prosperity year. 

In 1920, just after the trying industrial feat of taking 
)00,000 men out of industry and commerce to make of them 
ldiers — non-producers, excessive consumers and at the 
me time destroyers— and then turning them back into the 
lustrial edifice, not to mention the hundreds of thousands 
women diverted from domestic to gainful occupations and 
en sent back— there is no considerable unemployment. No 
her country in the world— in or out of the great war— was 
ie to mobilize and demobilize without great disruption of 
lustry and business in the first instance and extensive de- 
iralization and huge unemployment in the last. 

This feat is chiefly due to the great prevision exercised by 
i administration in the selective draft at the beginning of 
war and in the distributed demobilization and painstaking 

327 



328 PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 

arrangements for re-employment at the end of the war. It 
is but another achievement in line with the wonderful record 
of the Democratic administration in using the vast powers of 
government for the benefit of the people, instead of leaving 
all things to drift and chance. 

A "REPUBLICAN PROSPERITY" YEAR 

Against this resilient recovery from the severest strain put 
upon industry in the whole history of the nation, let us put 
the record of a normal year of peace when international re- 
lations were placid and government had only routine tasks 
to meet — the humdrum Republican year of 1901 — another 
"Republican prosperity" year. A survey made by the Bureau 
of Labor that year, of 24,540 families, taken at random, whose 
wages or salaries were not over $1,200 a year, found that 
about half of them were without earnings for a part of the 
year. Again, take 1908, which, according to Republican doc- 
trine, must have been a prosperous year, because it was a 
Republican year. In that year the unemployment committee 
of the New York State Commission found that from 15 to 
30 per cent, of the workers were without work in the winter. 
OF COURSE THERE WAS A DESTRUCTIVE PANIC IN 
1907, ENTIRELY DUE TO REPUBLICAN INCOMPE- 
TENCE IN DEALING WITH FINANCE AND BANK- 
ING, WHICH DISASTROUSLY AFFECTED 1908 AND 
SUBSEQUENT YEARS, THOUGH BY THE REPUBLI- 
CAN BOOK THAT COULD NOT BE. Even in the best of the 
subsequent six years business was relatively lethargic, manu- 
facturers unambitious and the general public always fearful 
and apprehensive, for however good things might be at the 
moment, people knew that what had happened might recur 
at any time. 

FEAR OF PANICS GONE 

TO-DAY THERE IS NO SUCH ABIDING FEAR 
WITH THE PEOPLE. The fundamental changes wrought 
by Democratic legislation of the highest constructive type, 
respecting currency, banks, credit facilities, collateral, etc., 
have been, according to the views of men who bitterly opposed 
that legislation, such that PANICS IN THE FUTURE 
ARE UNTHINKABLE. The Federal Reserve System, im£ 
mediately after its establishment, had to deal with the cha- 
otic conditions brought about by the sudden outbreak of the 
war in Europe and then three years later had to face the 
most stupendous task of governmental financing ever under- 
taken, besides dealing with the disruption and readjustment 
of business consequent upon substituting war, instead of 
the pursuits of peace, as the main objective of the people 
and the government. Since the war it has encountered 
another severe strain in putting government and industry 
back on a peace basis. Having come triumphantly through 
such abnormal strains it should be considered as the uncon- 
querable bulwark of the nation against the comparatively 
trivial currents of business unsettlement it may have to deal 
with in the future. It has made the nation panic-prOof. 

THIS SINGLE PIECE OF CONSTRUCTIVE LEGIS- 
LATION ENTITLES THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY T(| 
THE GRATITUDE AND CONFIDENCE OF ALL THE 
PEOPLE— OF EVERY MAN WHO EARNS AND EVERY 
MAN WHO SAVES A DOLLAR. THANKS TO IT. THE 



PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 329 

EARNING POWER IS SURER AND THE CONSERV- 
ING POWER CERTAIN. 

As shown elsewhere, this legislation was purely Democratic 
in origin and in principle and was put through in the face 
of the strongest opposition by the Republican party in and 
out of Congress and by the very business and financial in- 
terests whose salvation it was to prove within a few short 
years. NO MORE CONCLUSIVE DEMONSTRATION 
OF THE SUPERIOR CREATIVE STATESMANSHIP 
OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY COULD BE IMAG- 
INED. Not only in this matter of the Federal Reserve Sys- 
tem, whose workings and benefits are discussed elsewhere 
in this hand book, but in many others, as the record shows, 
has the Democratic party dealt in the most statesmanlike 
manner. Thus the Democratic party, formerly pictured by 
its opponents as ignorant of economics and stranger to cap- 
able business direction and financial manipulation, has proven 
itself to be indisputably the party of solid economic wisdom 
and business protection and acceleration; and instead of de- 
stroying prosperity HAS PROMOTED AND INSURED IT. 

There is no question that the statesmanship of the period 
is largely within the Democratic ranks. The Republicans 
were so given to a do-nothing policy when in power and 
have so long been critics instead of actors, railers instead of 
constructors, that the genius for creative legislation seems to 
have deserted them. To place the reins of power in such 
unpromising hands at this time would be an experiment of 
v Luch dubiety as to invite calamity. Beyond all question the 
party of business guarantee and prosperity is the Demo- 
cratic party. On its record since 1913 that distinction can be 
claimed and proved for the Democratic party. 

NATION'S WEALTH INCREASED 

The Department of Commerce puts the wealth of the 
United States at $187,000,000,000 in 1912 and $228,000,000,000 
in 1916. 

The accumulated wealth of the nation in 1920 is now esti- 
mated at anywhere from $300,000,000,000 to $350,000,000,- 
000. Taking the lower figure, the country has increased its 
national wealth $113,000,000,000 during the seven years 
of Democratic control. * 

The, increase alone is more than the entire amount of the 
national wealth in 1904, when it was placed at $107,000,000,- 
000. The per capita wealth of the people in 1912 ? as calcu- 
lated by the Department of Commerce, was $1,965. Assum- 
ing that the population of the. United States is now 107,000,- ' 
000 and the total value. of the national wealth $300,000,000,000, 
the average individual holding is $2,803.73, or about $1,100 
more than eight years ago. That is to say, that in seven 
years of Democratic power the average citizen has added 
$1,100 to his accumulations, which is a far greater advance 
than in any like period in the country's history. 

The vast increase in the total wealth of the country is, of 
course, reflected in the figures of the national income, which 
can be calculated more closely than national wealth, pending 
the publication of the official figures by the Census Bureau 
of the Department of Commerce. Benjamin M. Anderson, Jr., 
Ph. D., of the National Bank of Commerce, New York, in an 
article published in the Annalist, January 6, 1919, gave the 



330 PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 

calculated figures of net national income for the years 1890 
to 1918 inclusive. He puts the national income for 1912 at 
$33,800,000,000 and for 1918 at $73,400,000,000. Conceding that 
there was a post-bellum readjustment recession in 1919, it is 
conservative to say that the national income in 1920 will not 
be less than $75,000,000,000, or nearly twice what it was eight 
years ago. During the sixteen years of vaunted "Republican 
prosperity," preceding 1913, the national income advanced 
only from $8,000,000,000 to $33,000,000,000, or, in those sixteen 
years it gained only about two-thirds as much as it went 
iorward in seven years of Democratic dominance. 

To put the meaning of these amazing figures in another 
way: The per capita income of the American people in 1920 
is nearly $350 greater, or virtually twice what it was in 1912, 
the estimated figures being $356 for that year and $700 for 
1920. 

If we are to accept the Republican theory at its face value^ 
that prosperity or depression is 100 per cent, due to the poli- 
cies and acts of the Federal Government, the figures of un- 
paralleled advances in national wealth and income in the 
eight years from 1912 to 1920 DEMONSTRATE THE 
RIGHT OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY TO BE DES- 
IGNATED AS THE PARTY OF PROSPERITY. ALL 
WHO IN OTHER YEARS ABANDONED PRINCIPLES 
AND JUDGMENT TO POCKETBOOK TIMOROUS- 
NESS SHOULD, IF SIMILARLY ACTUATED THIS 
YEAR, PLAY SAFE AND VOTE THE DEMOCRATIC 
TICKET. There is no escaping this logic as applied to the 
prosperity premise. 

STRENGTH OF NATIONAL BANKS 

The genius of the Democratic party for economic adminis- 
tration is most strikingly shown in the brilliant advance of 
the national banks in strength, integrity, service and pros- 
perity during these Democratic years. It is through the 
banks as directed by the Federal Reserve system and the 
Comptroller of the Currency that Democratic policies have 
most largely operated in promoting and conserving pros- 
perity. The banking system of an industrial country is the 
measure of its financial health and vigor. With a weak and 
uncoordinated system or, rather, group of banks, a nation 
may have prosperity, but it is bound to be spotted and con- 
vulsive, characterized by booms and panics. The difference 
between the national banks and, sympathetically if not di- 
rectly, the other banking institutions of the country, under 
Democratic reorganization and direction, and those banks 
in former years as compared with their showing under the 
Republicans is most striking. 

Under Democratic supervision the National banks, in asso- 
ciation with other financial institutions, have gone solid and 
unshaken through the fierce ordeal of the most expensive and 
industry-and-commerce-disturbing war of all time. 

The mighty storms of the world war, that have torn like 
cyclones through the world's commercial and financial struc- 
tures, have beaten unavailingly upon them. 

Whereas in former times business disturbances, such as 
the panics of 1873, 1893 and 1907, have shaken and destroyed 
banks great and small, bringing ruin and suffering in their 
wake. THE NATIONAL BANKS WEATHERED THE 



PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 331 

WORLD-ROCKING YEAR OF 1919 WITHOUT A SIN- 
GLE FAILURE. Never before was there a twelvemonth 
without a failure. In the forty years ending with 1913 the 
average number of bank failures each year, involving loss to 
depositors, was 16.8. In the first year of the present admin- 
istration this figure was reduced to eight such failures; the 
next year it went down to five, the next and the following 
to three each, in 1918 to one and in 1919 to NONE. 

RECORD BANK PROFITS 

The profits of the banks reflect the prosperity of the coun- 
try, for which their direction and utilization under Demo- 
cratic control is so largely responsible. The gross earnings 
of those banks for the year ending June 30, 1919, were $910,- 
760,000 and the net, -$240,366,000, the latter being an increase 
of $91,000,000 over the fiscal year 1913-14, which amount is 
$4,500,000 more than the total Increase in net profits during 
the forty years preceding. Bank profits are one of the best 
measures of profits — business prosperity — in other lines. 
They join with all other statistics in proclaiming that the 
Democratic administration has brought record prosperity. 
And the prosperity of the banks is based on solid foundations. 
Since 1913 the resources of the national banks have doubled, 
being at the. end of 1919, $22,444,922,000. At the same period 
the deposits were $17,467,853,000. Taking only individual time 
and demand deposits, they were in November, 1919, $13,303,- 
367,000— a gain of $7,000,000,000 during the Democratic years, 
The Comptroller of the Currency places the total banking 
power of the United States at the end of 1919 at $45,755,300,000 
($50,000,000,000, estimate for 1920), that being the sum of cap- 
ital, circulation, surplus, profits and deposits of all the na- 
tional and state banks, including trust companies, which is 
three times the entire banking power of the world thirty 
years ago, and twice that of the United States in 1913. To 
put it in another way: DURING THE PAST SEVEN 
YEARS OF PRESIDENT WILSON'S ADMINISTRA- 
TION THE BANKING POWER OF THE UNITED 
STATES HAS GROWN MORE THAN IN THE WHOLE 
133 PRECEDING YEARS SINCE THE ADOPTION OF 
THE CONSTITUTION. And it is not too much to say 
that this stupendous recent increase has been accompanied 
by an equally great increase in the diffusion and equalization 
of service of those banks — so that their increased power rep- 
resents not dangerous monopoly but general benefit. 

DIFFUSION OF BANKING POWER 

From i914 to 1920 the number of national banks increased 
from 7,538 to 7,865; the deposits from $3,187,569,000 to $17,- 
467,853,000 and the loans and discounts from $6,400,767,000 to 
$12,240,718,000. The number of depositors in national banks 
grew from 7,690,468 in 1910 to 19,129,842 in 1919, thus 
showing that the patronage of the banks has become widely 
diffused and indicating an increase in banking utilization by 
the people far in excess of the growth in population — a de- 
mocratization of banking service that is chiefly due to liberal 
and progressive Democratic policies. The same policies are 
to be credited in part with the sectional diffusion of banking 
power, which is of great import. New England and the 



332 PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 

Eastern States formerly held 60 per cent, of the national 
bank resources of the country though they had but 6 per 
cent, of the continental area of the country. While that sec- 
tion shows a remarkable and gratifying growth in recent 
years, its percentage of the whole has declined to 48 per cent. 
Many states show an increase of more than 1,000 per cent, in 
national bank resources. A striking illustration of the effect 
of Democratic policies is the case of Rhode Island, the re- 
sources of whose banks decreased 15 per cent, between 1899 
and 1913, but have increased 44 per cent, since. An illus- 
tration of the more general diffusion of banking resources is 
to be found in the location of the country's largest banks. 
Formerly, of the banks having resources of more than $25,- 
000,000, 74 per cent, were in New York City; now only 25 
such banks or 21 per cent, of the total of 120 are in that city. 
In this geographical equalization of banking power, no sec- 
tion has suffered — in fact, all have tremendously improved 
their absolute position. The banks everywhere have pros- 
pered and advanced. In the twelve months ending May 1, 
1920, the capital of the national banks increased $103,826,936 — 
a greater increase than in any other twelve months since 
the beginning of the national bank system. 

During the Democratic era of prosperity the state banks 
have also had their full share. From June, 1913, to June, 1919, 
the resources of state banks and trust companies increased 
from $14,675,000,000 to $26,380,000,000. Thus the wonderful 
growth of the national banks has not been at the expense of 
the state banks, but has been the sharing of a common pros- 
perity, largely due to Democratic economic and financial poli- 
cies. 

INTEGRITY OF DOLLAR MAINTAINED 

A marked feature of Democratic financial control as con- 
tributing to prosperity has been the constant maintenance of 
the integrity of the dollar, notwithstanding the insatiate de- 
mands for money of the greatest of all wars and its after- 
math. Of all the nations actively engaged in the world war 
on either side, the United States Was the only one that did 
not resort to fiat money. This country financed the war in 
cash obtained by taxation or bonded loans. The resulting 
expansion of credit was reflected in increased Federal Re- 
serve note issues, but these are based on ample collateral — 
and are in no sense comparable to the printing-press money 
of £urope. 

Thus it has come about that AMERICAN MONEY IS 
NOW THE STANDARD MONEY OF THE WORLD. 
The much-talked-of rate of exchange is little more than an 
appraisal of the real money values of the mushroom cur- 
rencies of the world in hard American dollars. The stability 
of American business and the absence of ruinous price fluctua- 
tions are chiefly due to the wise maintenance of the value of 
the dollar. BEHIND IT IS THE GREATEST STOCK OF 
GOLD EVER ACCUMULATED IN ANY ONE COUN- 
TRY, BEING $3,026,591,000 OUT OF A WORLD TOTAL 
OF $7,797,000,000. The American silver stock, also the lar- 
gest in the world, is $656,137,000. Per capita the United 
States has $30.14 of gold, $6.25 of silver and only $36.81 of 
paper. The total amount of money in circulation in the 
United States has increased with expanding business from 
$3,364,000,000 in 1913 to $5,841,000,000 in 1919. 



PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 333 

TURNING TO THE RECORDS AND STATISTICS OF 
MANUFACTURES AND COMMERCE, WE FIND THE 
SAME STORY OF VITAL AND RAPID PROGRESS IN 
THESE PROSPEROUS DEMOCRATIC YEARS. The in- 
ternal comerce of the United States is calculated by a non- 
partisan economic authority (Benjamin M. Anderson, Jr., of 
the National Bank of Commerce, New York) at the enormous 
total of $68,800,000,000 for 1918, as compared with $34,800,000,- 
000 for 1913. Using Mr. Anderson's figures as a basis, the 
internal commerce of the country probably amounted to $71,- 
000,000,000 in 1919. The total of exports and imports of mer- 
chandise amounted to $12,000,000,000, thus making the total 
trade of the American people $83,000,000,000. In 1913 the 
foreign trade amounted only to $4,276,000,000 and the domes- 
tic trade to $33,000,000,000, or a total of $37,276,000,000. 
Thus, domestic and foreign trade have kept pace with each 
other in an expansion of the latter that is actually far beyond 
the wildest pictures of the old nightmares over what would 
happen to domestic trade if foreign commerce were greatly 
expanded. Moreover, the exports, despite the fact that the 
United States instead of being a debtor has now become a 
creditor nation, are unprecedentedly greater than the imports, 
much as the latter have increased. The so-called favorable 
balance of trade in 1919 was $4,017,000,000 — almost the same 
as the sum of exports and imports of merchandise in 1913. 

FROM 1914 TO 1919, BOTH INCLUSIVE, THE BAL- 
ANCE OF TRADE IN FAVOR OF THE UNITED 
STATES AMOUNTED IN ALL TO $15,597,000,000— THE 
IMPORTS IN THAT PERIOD BEING $15,786,000,000 AND 
THE EXPORTS $31,384,000,000. The foreign trade of the 
United States for 1919 was not only nearly three times as large 
as it was seven years ago, but it was MORE THAN TWICE 
AS GREAT AS THE FOREIGN TRADE OF OUR NEAR- 
EST COMPETITOR, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF 
GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, IN ITS BEST YEAR. 

With this great increase in trade has gone on a liquidation 
of American debts to Europe, or an establishment of offset- 
ting commercial credits, that has entirely wiped out the net 
indebtedness of the people of the United States to Europe — 
amounting to $6,500,000,000 in 1912— and replaced it with 
commercial credits abroad that doubtless aggregate many 
billions over and above the war credits or loans extended to 
the Allies, amounting to about $10,000,000,000. Hereafter the 
United States will be in the strong international position of 
a wealthy investor to whom revenues pour from all parts of 
the world. It is true that this revolution would not have 
come about so suddenly but for the war, but it is also* true 
that it could not have come as it did but for the financial 
sagacity and practices of the Treasury Department. 

THE RESULT IS THAT THE UNITED STATES IS 
NOW BECOME ACTUALLY AS WELL AS POTEN- 
TIALLY THE DOMINANT FINANCIAL AND COM- 
MERCIAL POWER OF THE WORLD. 

The wonderful growth of the country in foreign trade and 
finance, as well as in domestic commercial activity is of 
course strikingly reflected in the statistics of manufactures. 
Unfortunately, no exact figure will be available until the 
census of manufactures, as of 1919, is further along, but data 
gathered from 780 representative plants give a basis for cal- 
culations. In these plants the capital investment increased 



334 PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 

130 per cent, between 1914 and 1919, the number of wage- 
earners 53 per cent., the amount of wages 166 per cent., the 
cost of materials used 200 per cent., and the value of the 
product 221 per cent. Applying these percentages to the 
total figures of the 1914 census of manufactures we get the 
following indicated manufacturing statistics for 1919, shown 
in comparison with those of 1914: 

MANUFACTURING PROSPERITY IN THE 
WILSON ADMINISTRATION 

Gain in five 
Democratic 
1914 1919 years 

Capital $22,791,000,000 $52,419,000,000 $29,628,300,000 

Number of Wage Earners 7,000,000 10,700,000 3,700,000 

Amount of Wages 4,000,000,000 10,640,000,000 6,640,000,000 

Value of Materials ,.. 14,368,000,000 43,100,000,000 28,732,000,000 

Value of Products 24,246,000,000 75,404,000,000 51,158,000,000 

While a part of the manufacturing activity of 1919 may be 
attributed to the overlap of the war, it must be remembered 
that it was also the post bellum readjustment and reconver- 
sion year and that during the first six months there was in- 
evitably a considerable loss of production. 

These amazing figures confirm all the other evidences of 
abounding prosperity during President Wilson's administra- 
tion, even after making allowances for over-estimates. 

The prosperity of the manufacturer is shown not only in 
the trebled value of his output, but in the greatly increased 
margin between the combined costs of materials and labor 
and the value of the output, and also in the great excess of 
product-value as compared with capital. The prosperity of 
labor is shown in the fact that while the number of workers 
increased 3,700,000, their earnings went up by $6,640,000,000, 
and the per capita earning almost doubled, despite the fact 
that there was necessarily much lost time in the first part of 
the year, so that these figures do not show the full effects 
of Democratic prosperity in the higher rate of pay and vastly 
greater annual income now enjoyed^by labor. Another ele- 
ment of prosperity for labor is in the fact that along with in- 
creased pay — doubled, in the average, and trebled in some 
trades — has come in these latter years a shortening of the 
working day and a great reduction in the number of idle 
days. The former is very directly and largely due to the 
precedents established in war industries during the war by 
the President's War Labor and War Labor Policies Boards. 
TO-DAY AMERICAN LABOR FINDS ITSELF IN LEI- 
SURE, COMFORT, PAY, INFLUENCE AND SOCIAL 
DIGNITY AT THE HIGHEST POINT IN ITS HISTORY. 
This gratifying advance of labor has not been to the detri- 
ment of the employer, for like his employees, the employer 
during the Democratic administration has prospered as never 
before. 

PROSPERITY IN AGRICULTURE 

Agriculture aligns itself with commerce, finance, manufac- 
tures and labor in the front rank of prosperity that has been 
created in this Democratic period. 

Despite shortage of labor, a corollary of general prosperity, 
the farmers as a whole and without sectional distinction have 
enjoyed high prices for their products simultaneously with 



PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 335 

high-pressure production and have attained an unprecedented!* 
high plane of well-being. 

Along with an increase in the value of farms and farm 
property which has probably been greater than in any equal 
period in the nation's history, but which cannot be even ap- 
proximately estimated, there has come an expansion in the 
values of farm products that puts the last seven years in a 
class by themselves. 

THE VALUE OF ALL FARM CROPS, AT THE FARM, 
IN 1919 WAS CALCULATED BY THE SECRETARY OF 
AGRICULTURE AT $15,873,000,000, SURPASSING ALL 
OTHER YEARS AND BEING ALMOST THREE TIMES 
THE ANNUAL AVERAGE FOR THE FIVE YEARS, 
1910-14, WHICH WAS $5,827,000,000. The average for the 
last five years is $11,750,000,000. The $15,873,000,000 does not 
include the value of animals and animal products, the former 
being placed at $8,830,000,000 in 1919, as compared with $5,- 
500,000,000 in 1913. 

The crop value of the ten principal field crops, which con- 
stitute 90 per cent, of the farm acreage, was $36,90 per acre 
in 1919, as against $16.49 in 1913. The increase, $20.41, is 
much greater than the increase in the prices of what the 
farmer buys. This is shown in detail by a table on page 
736 of the 1919 year book of the Department of Agriculture, 
which states the purchasing power of an average acre of 
farm products in 1919, 1918 and 1914. To quote a few exam- 
ples: The value of an average acre's production v/ould buy 
4.1 tons of coal in 1919 and 3 tons in 1914; 79 pounds of 
coffee, as against 71; 171 gallons of kerosene, as against 125; 
about the same amount of flour; 130 gallons of gasoline, as 
against 97; more of almost all classes of farm machinery, 
about the same of lumber, more shoes, more staples, more 
stoves, more nails, more fruit jars, more harness, less cloth- 
ing and some other things — but, on the whole, a greater pur- 
chasing power per acre in 1919 than in 1914. With each 
acre's production exchangeable for more goods in 1919 than 
in 1914, there were 32,000,000 more acres in crop in the first 
mentioned year — so that even if the purchasing power of an 
acre had remained the same, the farmers of the country had 
32,000,000 more acres, with whose products to buy, in 1919 
than in 1914— or, roughly, $1,100,000,000. 

PRICES OF FARM PRODUCTS 

Comparing prices of some farm products, as given by the 
Department of Agriculture in the February, 1920, "Crop 
Reporter," for February 1st that year with those of February * 
1, 1913, we have the following figures, the first for each com- 
modity being that for 1913: (Prioes indents) wheat, per 
bushel, 79.9, 235.7; corn, 50.6, 145.8; oats, 32.4, 82.7; barley, 
51.4, 137.1; rye, 68.9, 154.5; buckwheat, 69.4, 154.9; potatoes, 
69.4, 217.6; sweet potatoes, 85.4, 156-6; flaxseed, 109.3, 456.5; 
apples, 76.4, 214.7; cotton, per pound, 11.9, 36.2; butter, 27.6, 
57.8; eggs, per dozen, 22.8, 5d>.9; chickens, per pound, 10.9, 
24.1. Quoting figures as of January 15, in 1913 and 1920, 
the ccmparative prices for the follbwing commodities were 
for the respective years: Hogs, per hundred weight, $6.77, 
$13.36; beef cattle, $5.40, $8.99; veal calves, $7.06, $12.99; 
sheep, $4.35, $9.34; lambs, $6.03, $12.9.1; wool, 18.6 cents per 
pound, 53.3 cents; milk ccws, per head, $*9.s'l, $94.42; horses. 



336 PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 

per head, $140, $118; cabbage, per bushel, $1.26, $4.31; beans, 
$2.26, $4.17; cotton seed, per ton, $21.98, $69.88. The 1913 
figures for hay are not given, but on January 15, 1915, timothy 
hay was $14.07 per ton and on the same day in 1920 it was 
$24.59; clover hay, $13.07 and $23.78, respectively; and alfalfa, 
$9.48 and $24.13. 

FARMING INDUSTRY MOTORIZED 

In the foregoing list of farm produce prices, it will be 
noted that the only decline is in horses, the increase in other 
things being generally from 100 per cent, to 400 per cent. 
The decline in price of horses is due to the increasing use 
of motor vehicles — automobiles, tractors and trucks in which 
the farmers are themselves in the front rank. 

They own about one-third of the 7,500,000 motor vehicles 
in the United States and now constitute more than one -halt of 
the purchasers of such vehicles, which is in itself a conclu- 
sive demonstration of agricultural prosperity. It also spells 
enhanced comfort and leisure for the farmers. 

The enormous increase in the number of motor vehicles 
in use by all classes is an interesting and impressive side- 
light on present prosperity. The volume and diffusion of 
prosperity in recent years have democratized the automobile. 
Once the symbol of wealth, it is now merely the mark of 
ordinary income. Hundreds of thousands of manual work- 
ers now motor daily to their work. Since 1914 the number 
of motor vehicles in the United States has grown from 
1,711,339 to 7,55S,848 in 1920, and in some states there ifc 
now a car to every six or seven persons. 

The teeming prosperity of the farmers is largely due to 
the vastly improved position of the United States in interna- 
tional trade, which has resulted in a quadrupling of exports 
of agricultural products since 1913, even though imports of 
such products have trebled. It is also resultant upon the 
general prosperity of the nation, which has stimulated do- 
mestic consumption. The fact that in 1919, 55 per cent, of 
the exports of the United States were farm products indi- 
cates the importance of foreign trade and a progressive for- 
eign policy to farmers. A POLICY OF ISOLATION AND 
EXCLUSIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 
WILL BE MORE DISASTROUS TO THE FARMERS 
THAN TO ANY OTHER CLASS. The United States still 
has land for a great expansion of agriculture, but that will 



DEMOCRATS WILL REDUCE TAXES 



Tj^EDERAL taxation must be heavily reduced, and it 
will be done at once if a Democratic administra- 
tion is chosen in November. Without hampering es- 
sential national administrative departments, by the 
elimination of all others and strict economy every- 
where, national taxes can be reduce*! in excess of two 
billion dollars yearly. — From JAMES M. COX'S 
Speech of Acceptance, August 7, 1920. 



ff PROSPERITY UNDER DEMOCRACY 337 

not be ^commercially possible unless great foreign markets 
are available. 

PROGRESS OF RAILROADS 

The national transport records join. with all other data in 
proclainuing the rapid progress of the United States during 
the Democratic administration. Although in this period the 
number of motor vehicles increased 600 per cent, and began 
to play an important part in the short-haul transportation 
of passengers and freight, the mileage of the Class 1 rail- 
roads increased from 218,000 to 230,000 miles; the gross oper- 
ating revenues from $2,842,000,000 to $5,113,000,000; the num- 
ber of passengers carried one mile, from 32,316,000,000 to 
46,200,000,000; the ton- miles of freight, from 259,981,000,000 
to 362,962,000,000 and the number of employees from 1,642,- 
110 to 1,891,607. In the same seven years (1912-19) the aver- 
age compensation of employees increased from 100 to 106 
per cent., though the introduction of the eight-hour day made 
the actual earnings increase about 80 per cent. 

Postal receipts tell their story of expanding commerce 
and prosperity by $365,000,000 in 1919, as against $247,000,000 
in 1912. 

The uxiparalleled prosperity of the United States is shown 
in a negative way by the record of commercial failures. 
Although the first half of 1919 was naturally a period of 
severe business strain, attendant upon the readjustments 
following the war, THE TOTAL NUMBER OF FAIL- 
URES :iN THAT YEAR WAS THE LOWEST SINCE 
1881, although the population has more than doubled and 
the commerce of the country is now ten times as great as 
it was then. In 1919 there were but 6,451 failures. This re- 
markable showing is not only a proof of prosperity, but is 
also an evidence of the improved financial life of the country 
consequent upon enlightened Democratic banking and mone- 
tary policies. 

DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE PROVEN 

Looked at from any angle — domestic commerce, foreign 
.commerce, manufactures, labor, agriculture, finance, trans- 
portation, employment, wages, profits, working conditions, 
standard of living, comfort, luxury, savings, etc., THE IN- 
DISPUTABLE FACTS SHOW THAT AT THE END 
•OF SEVEN YEARS OF DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRA- 
TION THE ECONOMIC POSITION OF THE PEOPLE 
OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE AVERAGE 
WELL-BEING HAVE REACHED HEIGHTS THAT ARE 
ALMOST DIZZY COMPARED WITH THE OLD 
LOW LEVELS. Never was there such prosperity for the 
masses in this or any other country. When all allowance is 
made for the mighty upheavals that have shaken the world 
in the same period it still remains perfectly patent that it 
is the wiisdom of Democratic administration that has made 
the most of the favorable alterations and ameliorated the 
harshness of the unfavorable. Through the most tempestu- 
ous commercial and political storms it has so steered the 
ship of state that THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED 
STATES ARE TO-DAY INCOMPARABLY THE BEST 
SITUATED IN THE WORLD. IT HAS PROVED IT- 
SELF A FAITHFUL AND BRILLIANTLY SUCCESS- 
FUL SIDEWARD OF THE NATIONAL HOUSEHOLD. 



"POLITICAL SALESMANSHIP" 

(From the New York World) 



Our superb ticket and progressive, forward- 
looking platform appeal to every true Ameri- 
can. BUT, BOYS, GET THE MONEY 1 

"We need to reduce our cost of govern- 
ment as one means toward reducing the cost 
of living." BUT, BOYS, GET THE MONEY! 

We would seek "the world's highest con- 
ception of helpful cooperation in the uliimate 
realization" of peace. BUT, BOYS, GET 
THE MONEY! 

"Steady, America! Let us assure good 
fortune to all." BUT, BOYS, GET THE 

MONEY! 

"Senator Harding has cut an unfaltering 
way through the tangle of the League of Na- 
tions." BUT, BOYS GET THE MONEY! 

The highest national idealism is embodied 
in our candidates, is crystallized in our plat- 
form. "Get the right man to see the right 
people!" BOYS, GET THE MONEY! 

"Senator Harding's election involves just 
a few of the simplest principles of salesman- 
ship." BOYS, GET THE MONEY! 



THE "CREAM" LIST 



The time has arrived when some prospecfts should 
be assessed for subscriptions ranging from $5,000 and 
upwards. In any case, it is absolutely necessary, first 
of all, to "sell" to this Committee the quota and the 
campaign plan. (From the "Official Bulletin, Trea- 
surer's Office, Republican National Committer.") 

333 



I.O.P. TRIES TRICKERY 

TO MASK EXTRAVAGANCE 

From extension of remarks by Representative James F. Byrnes 
• the House of Representatives, June 5, 1920: 

1 HE Republican Leader of ttte House, Mr. Mondell, has 
stated that the appropriations by this Congress for the 
seal year commencing July 1 amount to $4,859,890,327 30 

his is the truth, but it is not the whole truth. As a 
lember of the Committee on Appropriations, I want the 
.merican people to know that in addition to the direct 
ppropnation of the sum mentioned, this Congress has by 
^appropriations and authorizations made available for ex- 
enditure at least $543,500,000.00, making the total amount 
vanable for expenditure $5,403,390,327.30. 

This is almost five times as much as has ever been spent 
y the Government in a single year in time of peace, the 
irgest amount heretofore appropriated being $1 114937 - 
12.02 for the fiscal year 1916. ' ' 

This Republican Congress was in session exactly 150 days 
id an authorized expenditure of $5,403,390,327.30 means 
at the money of the people was appropriated at the rate of 
36,000,000 a day and that to meet the expenditures for next 
ear it will be necessary to levy an average tax of $50 upon 
ery man, woman or child in America. 

Inasmuch as it is advisable that the public should know 
ie total expenditure authorized by a Congress, it is ex- 
eedmgly unfortunate that for political expediency this Re- 
ubhean Congress should have resorted to appropriating 
loney in indirect ways, making absolutely misleading any 
tatement of direct appropriations. For instance, of the total 
E $543,500,000 which has been made available for expendi- 
lre, over and above the total of direct appropriations, there 
re reappropnations amounting to $156,600,000. This means 
iat of appropriations heretofore made for expenditure dur- 
g the present fiscal year, $156,600,000 was not expended 
id under the law would be turned back into the Treasurv 
l July 1. J 

AMOUNT INCLUDED IN OUTGO 

The Congress, however, has provided that this amount 
stead of being turned into the Treasury, should be made 
mailable for expenditure during the next year, and has 
ade a corresponding reduction in the amount of direct 
jpropriations. 

The Republican leaders include this amount in the 
total amount by which they claim to have reduced the 
estimates of the departments and call it a "saving " but 
the money will be spent and it makes no difference to 
the taxpayer whether it is provided in an appropriation 
or a reappropriation. 

Another plan by which the Republican Congress has - 
deavored to mislead the people as to the total expenditures 
r the next year is illustrated in the appropriations for the 
appmg Board. In order that the Government may have 

339 



340 G. O. P. MASKS EXTRAVAGANCE 

a check upon expenditures it has always required the various 
agencies of the Government to cover into the Treasury the 
proceeds of the sale of property, and submit estimates for 
needed appropriations. THIS YEAR THE SHIPPING 
BOARD ASKED FOR $225,000,000. THE CONGRESS 
DID NOT MAKE THE DIRECT APPROPRIATION, 
BUT DIRECTED THAT $225,000,000 OF THE PRO- 
CEEDS OF THE SALE OF SHIPS SHOULD NOT BE 
TURNED BACK INTO THE TREASURY; BUT 
SHOULD BE MADE AVAILABLE FOR EXPENDI- 
TURE DURING THE NEXT YEAR. The Republican 
leaders include this amount in the total alleged reduction of 
estimates and call it a "saving," but the money is going to 
be spent and it matters little to the taxpayer which one of 
his pockets it comes out of. 

Another instance of this effort to mislead the people by 
a pretended reduction of appropriations is in the Deficiency 
Bill, where the Railroad Administration asked for $420,000,000 
to wind up its affairs. Congress appropriated directly 
$300,000,000, and, instead of appropriating the remaining 
$120,000,000, "directed that the Railroad Administration be 
allowed to use $30,000,000 out of the Loars Fund appropriated 
in the Transportation Act. This money will be spent and 
the Loan Fund will, of course, be reimbursed after the elec- 
tion. The balance of $90,000,000 was provided by directing 
the War Finance Corporation to purchase at par $90,000,000 
of Liberty Bonds held by the Railroad Administration. 

REDUCES TREASURY'S FUNDS 

In this way the total of $120,000,000 was provided without 
making a direct appropriation and the Republican leaders 
include this in the reduction of estimates and call it a 
"saving." But the $90,000,000, instead of being "saved," will 
be spent, AND AS THE WAR FINANCE CORPORA- 
TION COULD NOT HAVE SPENT IT, THIS HIGH 
FINANCIERING SIMPLY REDUCED BY $90,000,0^ 
THE AMOUNT OF MONEY THE WAR FINANC 
CORPORATION WILL HAVE TO COVER INTO TH 
TREASURY. 

It is impossible to tell how many more similar "reduc- 
tions" have been included in appropriation bills, but the 
amounts made available for expenditure in these three item© 
alone total $471,000,000, which must be added to the total 
direct appropriations. 

In addition, innumerable expenditures have been authorized 
for which no funds have been appropriated at all. In this 
class is the Sells Bill increasing pensions, which it is esti- 
mated will cost next year $12,500,000; the amendment to the 
Vocational Rehabilitation Act, which will cost $5,000,000; 
the Navy Pay increase, which will cost $25,000,000; and the 
purchase of Farm Loan Bonds, which will amount to $30,- 
000,000, making a total of $72,500,000. 

To meet these authorized expenditures the Congress ap- 
propriated no funds and they will have to be paid out of 
other funds in the several Departments, and after the elec- 
tion, in December, the Congress will appropriate the money. 

It is notorious that while making most extravagant appro- 
priations and authorizations for new projects and for certain 
classes of citizens, the Congress failed to provide sufficient 
funds for certain fixed activities, especially in the Agriculture 



G. O. P. MASKS EXTRAVAGANCE 541 

and Kavy Departments, and in December next, after the 
election, these funds must be provided. But certain it is 
that when this amount of $72,500,000 and the amount of 
$471,000,000 is added to the total of direct appropriations, it 
makes the total expenditures of this Congress $5,403,390,- 
327.30. 

TAXES ARE NOT REDUCED 

Confronted by this record of extravagance, the Republican 
Leaders vainly endeavor to excuse themselves by explaining 
that the estimates of the Departments were $1,312,417,650.39 
in excess of the appropriations, and that they therefore 
'saved" this amount of money. No more ridiculous state- 
ment has ever been made by a public official. If this stater- 
nent of the Republican Leader, Mr. Mondell, is correct, and 
jy reducing estimates they have saved more than a billion 
iollars, WHY HAVE THEY NOT REDUCED TAXES 
N A CORRESPONDING AMOUNT? 

The fact is that during the past thirty years there have 
>een only two years when the estimates of the Departments 
id not exceed the appropriations. If such a reduction con- 
titutes a "saving," then the last Democratic Congress is 
ntitled to special commendation, for that Congress reduced 
le estimates of the Departments for the fiscal year 1918 in 
he sum of $5,554,161,598.31. 

But, of course, such a reduction constitutes no "saving," 
tnd is no test of economy. For instance, under the law the 
stimates for the fiscal year commencing July 1, 1920, had 
o be submitted by the Departments in October, 1919. When 
le representatives of the Departments appeared before the 

ongressional committees in March and April, 1920, condi- 
ions had changed and many estimates were entirely with- 
rawn and many more greatly reduced. They are not 
redited with such withdrawals by the political bookkeeping 

: Congress, but the Congress credits itself with having 
educed such estimates and with having "saved" money. 

SHIPPING FINANCES JUGGLED 

Of the alleged reduction of a billion dollars in the esti- 
lates for next year, $611,118,580.18 is a reduction of the 
stimates for the Sundry Civil Bill. A fair illustration of 
ow this was accomplished is offered by the Shipping Board 
ppropriations, which are carried in that bill. In October, 
919, the Shipping Board submitted an estimate of $446,- 
70,652.00 for the year commencing July 1. 
When they came before the Appropriations Committee 
lis Spring conditions had changed, contracts had been can- 
led and the Board stated they would need only $225,000,000. 
he Congress authorized them to spend this amount, and, 
istead of making a direct appropriation, directed that in- 
tead of turning into the Treasury the proceeds from sale 
ships as heretofore, they make $225,000,000 of such pro- 
seds available for expenditure next year. It is in this way 
lat the Republican Congress "reduced" the estimates for 
ie Sundry Civil Bill six hundred million dollars, and its 
aders now attempt to fool the people into believing that 
i so doing they "saved" this amount of money. 
Of the balance of this remarkable "saving," $592,053,855.00 
an alleged reduction of the estimates for the Army. When 
le War Department submitted its estimates in October, 



342 G. O. P. MASKS EXTRAVAGANCE 

1919, the Army Reorganization Bill had not been con%dered. 
It was the duty of Congress, not the Department, to fix the 
size of the army. The General Staff had recommended an 
army of 500,000 men. The Department submitted an esti- 
mate of the cost of maintaining such an army. Congress 
fixed the army at 300,000 men, and when department officials 
appeared before the Congressional Committee, they advised 
Congress how much would be necessary to maintain such an 
army as had been provided by Congress, thereby reducing 
the estimates, and this is the explanation of the reduction 
of $592,063,855 in the army estimate, which the Republican 
leaders call a saving. In the same way, when War Depart- 
ment officials appeared before the Appropriation Committee 
they voluntarily reduced the estimate for fortifications by 
$50,000,000. When they did so the Republican leaders called 
that a "saving" by Congress. 

MORE HOCUS-POCUS PRACTICED 

By the same hocus-pocus methods the Republicans in the 
first session of the 66th Congress reduced the amounts appro- 
priated by the previous Democratic Congress in the bills 
that failed in the Senate because of the filibuster of Repub- 
lican Senators. They claim that when they met in May 
and passed the bills that had failed in March, they reduce<| 
the amount appropriated by $939,692,541.97. Of this amount 
$246,011,651 is an alleged reduction in the Sundry Civil Bill 
for that year. As a matter of fact, in this bill they made 
available for expenditure $50,000,000 more than had been 
provided by the Democratic Congress. The bill as passe 
by the Democratic Congress provided $660,000,000 for th 
Shipping Board. The Republican Congress made the same 
amount available, but appropriated directly only $356,000,000, 
providing the balance of $304,000,000 by the reappropriation 
of various funds about to be covered into the Treasury 
And notwithstanding the fact that the Shipping Board has 
already spent this $660,000,0^0, the Republican leaders have 
the nerve to attempt to fool the people into believing that 
they "saved" this money when they reduced the estimat 
in the hocus-pocus manner described. Instead of a reduc 
tion, the total amount made available by appropriations an 
reappropriations was $50,000,000 in excess of the total amoun 
made available by the Democratic Congress. 

The other alleged saving in the bills passed during th 
first session was in the Army and Navy appropriations foi 



GEDDES' TRIBUTE TO NAVY 



'T'HE dauntless determination which the United 
States has displayed in creating the huge trained 
body of seamen out of landsmen is one of the most 
striking accomplishments of the war. Had it not been 
effectively done one would have thought it impossible, 
but words fail me to express our admiration of this 
feat undertaken and accomplished by your Navy De- 
partment, of which Mr. Daniels is the Civil Chief. — 
SIR ERIC GEDDES, First Lord of the British Ad- 
miralty, October, 1918. 






n G. O. P. MASKS EXTRAVAGANCE 343 

the year commencing July 1, 1919. When these bills were 
>assed by the Democratic Congress in February, 1919, we 
lad 1,500,000 soldiers in France. Republicans and Democrats 
>elieved it would be impossible to have them returned and 
lemobittzed for many months to come and that the appro- 
priation for the year beginning July 1 should be on the 
>asis of .500.000 men. The bill failed March 4, and when 
'our months later the Republicans repassed it, owing to the 
vonderful efficiency of the War Department and the Navy 
Department in returning our soldiers so much more rapidly 
nan had been anticipated, it was possible to appropriate 
or an average army of 300,000 instead of 500,000. 

CREDIT GIVEN TO DEMOCRATS 

Speaking of the action of the Democratic Congress, Repre- 
entative Kahn, Republican Chairman of the Military Com- 
nittee, said: 

''The Committee was justified at that time in appro- 
priating for that number because it seemed to the com- 
mittee that it would not be possible to demobilize our 
forces as rapidly as they have been demobilized." 

And foi? the same reason it was -possible to reduce the 
ppropriations for the Navy. Representative Butler, Re- 
ublican Chairman of the Naval Committee, advised the 
louse that «the amount appropriated by the Democratic 
Congress could be reduced only because of "conditions, 
lans or events occurring subsequent to the adjournment 
f Congress." 

Reference to these matters shows the absurdity of claims 
f "saving;" now being made. Even if these bills had been 
assed in March and the money provided, it could have 
een speuit only for the maintenance of the army, and if 
y reason of the efficient administration of the War Depart- 
lent the Army was demobilized earlier than expected, the 
mds reraaining would have been covered back into the 
reasury. 

If, howdver, any one is disposed to believe that by reducing 
le direct appropriations in the bills referred to, this Con- 
fess did save $939,692,541.97, then why did this Congress 
til correspondingly to reduce the taxes? 
This Republican Congress has spent the money of the 
sople in a manner that makes the^ proverbial sailor seem a 
ghtwad, and makes us wonder what they would have done 
id they not been pledged to economy. It is convincing 
roof that we cannot hope for economy from a Republican 
ongress, and judging from the disclosures in the Senate 
the primary campaign expenditures of those Republicans 
ho seek to be the Chief Executive, we cannot hope for 
onomy from a Republican Executive. 



''The nomination is one more achievement of that redoubtable 
litical group known to popular imagination as the Old Guard, 
nator Harding is a conservative candidate with a conserve- 
e platform. The Old Guard has got what it wanted. It re- 
nins to be seen whether the voters want what they have got. 
•Boston Globe (Ind.), June 1 3th. 



HOW GOVERNOR COX AIDED 

OHIO FARMERS IN 1919 



T^ARLY in 1918, v?A-n the necessity of stimulating; agricul- 
^ tural production as a part of the national wax effort 
became a matter of the highest importance, Governor 
Cox went to the aid of Ohio farmers in a specific and 
effective way. He called a meeting of tractor manufacturers 
in Columbus and told them that the state of Ohio wanted an 
allotment of tractors for that year far in advance of anything 
they had contemplated. He wanted at least 1,500, which was 
a big figure in the tractor industry in those days. . The manu- 
facturers told him they might be willing but that the banks 
wouldn't help the farmers finance tractor purchases- 

The Governor said they would and that he would see that 
they did. He then took the matter up with Philip C. Berg, 
superintendent of the state banking department. At Cox's 
direcion Berg wrote a letter to every banker in the state 
urging favorable action on requests for financial assistance 
in the matter of tractor sales to farmers. To supplement 
this action Cox diverted from its usual resting place in 
somnolent bonds $2,000,000 of the State Industrial Commis- 
sion funds, which was placed on deposit in country banks 
with a gentle hint that part of it at least be used ini helping 
farmers to buy tractors. It was so used. 

The next problem was that of discounting tractor paper at 
the Federal Reserve Bank. The Federal Reserve Bank had 
been discounting implement paper, but the bank doubted that 
tractor paper was the same as implement paper. Cox didn't 
wait for more than one complaint of this kind, but took Berg 
and went to Cleveland, where he had a conference with the 
governor of the Federal Reserve Bank of that district, D. C. 
Wills, with the result that Wills issued an order authorizing 
tractor paper to be discounted on the same basis as. agricul- 
tural implement paper. 

The Ohio campaign produced results. Until that time the 
state had 2,416 tractors. During that year 1,932 were sold, 
which was considerable more than Cox had asked the manu- 
facturers to allot. It was the most aggressive campaign ever 
instigated by a state official. 



"The Democrats have ruined the country," but read 
the following headlines from the New York Tribune 
— the strongest anti-Democratic paper in the country 
—of September 1st: "U. S. SHIPS NOW CARRY 
BULK OF NATION'S TRADE. MERCHANT MA- 
RINE REGAINS PLACE IN SEA COMMERCE FOR 
THE FIRST TIME SINCE PERIOD BEFORE CIVIL 
WAR." 



The platform is sound enough to hold the weight 
of the nation, BUT, BOYS, GET THE MOMEY.— 
(From the "Official Bulletin," Treasurer's Office, Re- 
publican National Committee.) a 

344 




RULE OF PEOPLE SURE IF 

DEMOCRATS WIN CONGRESS 



Would Mean Return to Popular Government 
and End of Control by Millionaire Steer- 
ing Committee and Senatorial Oli- 
garchy of Republican Congress 



'"F HE cause of good government can be completely stifled 
by a hostile majority in either branch of Congress work- 
ing at loggerheads with the Chief Executive. The evil of 
such a condition was never more conclusively demonstrated 
than by the record of the Sixty-sixth (Republican) Con- 
gress, the most notable feature of which was the systematic 
and pernicious program of obstruction carried on by certain 
Republican leaders. The orderly, progressive movement of 
the nation's business and the strong program of sound and 
constructive legislation that had been put in force by a 
Democratic Congress working in harmony with the Chief 
Executive was brought to a sudden halt when the Republican 
party assumed control of both houses of Congress in March, 
1919. FROM THAT DATE THE PROGRESS OF GOOD 
GOVERNMENT HAS BEEN THROTTLED BY A 
SMALL CLIQUE OF BIGOTED LEADERS COM- 
PLETELY OBSESSED WITH PARTY-HATE. 

America had just emerged from the most tragic conflict 
of all times. The hour of reconstruction was upon her. 
NEVER IN HER HISTORY WAS THERE A MORE 
CRYING NEED FOR UNSELFISH AND PATRIOTIC 
COOPERATION ON THE PART OF ALL BRANCHES 
AND DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT. The 
time was at hand for prompt, aggressive and united action. 
A DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENT RECOGNIZED THE 
GREAT NEED OF THE HOUR. Without delay he 
recommended to Congress much vital legislation to con- 
serve the national welfare and urged prompt and effec- 
tive measures to restore the country as speedily as pos- 
sible to peace-time conditions. HE APPEALED FOR 
PROMPT AND SPECIFIC ACTION TO REDUCE THE 
HIGH COST OF LIVING; BUT HE APPEALED IN 
VAIN. HE URGED A SPEEDY REDUCTION IN 
TAXES; BUT HE URGED IN VAIN. HE MADE 
DEFINITE, CONCRETE PROPOSALS LOOKING 
TOWARD THE BETTERMENT OF LIVING AND ECO- 
NOMIC CONDITIONS OF THE GREAT MASS OF 
LABORERS; BUT CONGRESS TOOK NO ACTION. 
HE RECOMMENDED VITAL LEGISLATION NEED- 
ED BY THE GREAT AGRICULTURAL CLASSES; BUT 

345 



346 NEED OF DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS 

CONGRESS TURNED A DEAF EAR TO HIS AP- 
PEALS. 

In fact, of the many recommendations made by the Presi- 
dent in his annual messages to the Sixty-sixth Congress, only 
one was ever acted upon. That was the question of equal 
suffrage, and this action was brought about ONLY AFTER 
STRONG PRESSURE BY THE DEMOCRATIC MEM- 
BERS AND AN INSISTENT AND UNIVERSAL DE- 
MAND ON THE PART OF THE PEOPLE. 

REPUBLICAN RULE BY STEERING COMMITTEE 

This program of obstruction dates back to the very begin- 
ning of the Sixty-sixth Congress. The notorious House 
Steering Committee was secretly organized soon after the 
Republican party assumed control of the lower house. 

THIS COMMITTEE IS COMPOSED OF A SMALL 
GROUP OF A HALF DOZEN MILLIONAIRES OF THE 
MOST EXTREME REACTIONARY TYPE. THEY MEET 
IN SECRET CONFERENCE BEHIND CLOSED DOORS 
AND DICTATE WHAT LAWS SHALL BE ENACTED 
TO GOVERN THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. This clan- 
destine council of millionaires must first put its O. K. on all 
laws that are passed concerning the welfare of the American 
laborer. It must first approve any measure which involves 
the present high cost of living. This little clique of corpora- 
tion favorites dictates to 100,000,000 American people the 
taxes they shall pay and how they shall pay them. These half 
dozen men, virtually all of whom come from the great indus- 
trial centers of New England, have absolute control in the 
designing of all measures which concern the interests of the 
great agricultural states throughout the West and South. 
THEIR WILL IS SUPREME. THEY ARE THE SOV- 
EREIGN DICTATORS OF THE PRESENT CONGRESS. 
No other Republican dare wreck his political fortune by run- 
ning counter to their well-laid schemes. 

And in the Senate it is just as bad. The Republican major- 
ity is completely in the power of the Penrose-Lodge dictator- 
ship. The most important Senate committees are bossed 
by members of the same old crowd of standpatters and de- 
featists. Senator Lodge is chairman of the Foreign Relations 
Committee; Boise Penrose is at the head of the Finance Com- 
mittee, and Francis E. Warren presides over the Committee 
on Appropriations. The record of these men and their 
cohorts has been one of constant bickering and dissension. 
Dominated by a mad passion of political jealousy, they have 
used every means within their power to defeat the progres- 
sive policies of the President and discredit anybody and 
everybody not of their own political faith. 

WHAT G. O. P. CONGRESS WOULD MEAN 

These conditions emphasize the great need of having a 
Congress that will work in harmony with the President. Al- 
though his power as a statesman and constructive organizer 
is universally conceded, and his ability as a leader and execu- 
tive has long been proven, Governor Cox, as President, would 
be greatly handicapped with a Congress that did not work 
in harmony with his plans and ideals. 

>To elect a Republican Congress this Fall means two 
years more of bickering and obstruction by Republi- 



NEED OF DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS 347 

can leaders. It means a continuation of the absolute 
dominance of the lower house by the Millionaire Steer- 
ing Committee. It means that the Senate will continue 
to be bossed by the Penrose-Lodge oligarchy. It 
means that the people for two years more will have to 
bow their heads to the will of a small coterie of schem- 
ing politicians. It means that the strong program of 
constructive legislation outlined in the Democratic 
platform will be defeated by a small group of political 
sore-heads. 

This close corporation of political bosses would not only 
do all in its power to defeat the progressive policies of a 
Democratic President, but has already manifested an inten- 
tion to repeal much of the progressive legislation enacted by 
a Democratic Congress. To keep them in power means the 
devitalizing of the Federal Reserve Act to subserve the 
interests of Wall Street and the return to an out-worn high 
protective tariff basis which will increase the burdens of taxa- 
tion already borne by the people. IT MEANS A CON- 
TINUED DISCRIMINATION AGAINST THE WORK- 
ING CLASSES IN FAVOR OF A FEW GREEDY 
MONOPOLISTS. IT MEANS THAT THE GREATEST 
AGRICULTURAL PROGRAM EVER DRAWN UP IN 
FAVOR OF AN AGRICULTURAL PEOPLE WILL BE 
IN LARGE PART ABANDONED. These are but a few 
of the things already put in operation by a Democratic Ad- 
ministration that the Republicans have already shown a 
determination to defeat if they are again given control of 
Congress. 

The Democratic party, during the seven and a half years 
just preceding the beginning of the Sixty-sixth (Republican) 
Congress passed more progressive legislation than has ever 
been placed upon the statute books in two decades. IT HAS 
VINDICATED ITS PLEDGES TO THE PEOPLE. In 
the platform at San Francisco it presents the strongest and 
most constructive program ever submitted to the voters of 
America. The successful accomplishment of the great mea- 
sures it has advocated will depend upon the election of men 
to both houses of Congress who are PLEDGED TO STAND 
BY THESE PLEDGES and who will work in harmony with 
a Democratic executive to promote the welfare of the people. 

The issue is drawn. It is for the voters to say 
whether or not they want to send back to Congress 
the same old enemies of progressive government, or 
whether they will elect courageous, unselfish, broad- 
gauged men who will fight for the finer ideals of 
American democracy. 



"SORRIEST RECORD EVER MADE" 



'if adjournment is taken in June, the Republican Party will 
have to go into the presidential campaign confronted by tke 
necessity of dodging or apologizing for the sorriest record ever 
made by any Congress in recent years." — From the Washing- 
ton "Post." 



PROTECTION OF CHILDREN 



T HE welfare of our future citizens, the infants and chil- 
A dren of to-day, was one of the first matters to claim the 
attention of Democrats when they gained control of the 
House by the 1910 elections and the Senate by those of 
1912. 

For at least a decade previous, with Republicans in power, 
industrial exploitation of the young and their deplorable 
. living conditions in city slums, had been an open shame. It 
remained for Democrats, however, to take the first step to- 
ward correcting these evils by creation of the Children's 
Bureau, placed under the Department of Labor. It was 
charged with investigating and reporting upon "all matters 
pertaining to the welfare of children and child life among 
all classes of our people." 

The Bureau began its work with a study of infant mor- 
tality, publishing reports on conditions surrounding the 
deaths of babies in nine cities. 

The next surveys were on the subject of maternity care 
and the welfare of young children in eight rural counties. 
As the result of the findings, the Sheppard-T owner Mater- 
nity bill was introduced at the last session of Congress. It 
provides for an initial Federal appropriation of $2,000,000, 
gradually increasing until it reaches $4,000,000 annually, to 
be distributed proportionately among those states guaran- 
teeing the appropriation of sums equal to their share and to 
be applied to public work for the protection of mothers and 
children. Republican Senators held up this bill in committee 
until June 2, 1920, thus preventing its passage. 

In 1918, the Bureau instituted a Children's Year Campaign, 
with the two-fold object of popularizing such standards of 
child welfare as its experience had shown to be desirable 
and of furnishing protection to American boys and girls 
under the hard conditions of war. Children of all ages were 
reached in the weighing and measuring test and the drives 
for wholesome recreation and for protection from premature 
and unsuitable employment which constituted the program. 
The Bureau also brought about a conference of American 
and foreign experts to draw up standards for the health, 
work and play of every American child which have proved 
the basis of far-reaching work undertaken by many organiza- 
tions. 

At least 20,000,000 adults became interested in child wel- 
fare as the result of this campaign. The enthusiasm of the 
public for measures to safeguard interests of the young is 
reflected in the phenomenal expansion of the Bureau's work 
during and following Children's Year. Publications distrib- 
uted on request increased from 8,524 in 1913 to 6,175,448 in 
1919. Letters received in 1916 totaled 60,095, compared to 
94,337 in 1919. 9 



The platform is sound enough to hold the weight of 
the nation, but, boys, get the money. — (From the 
"Official Bulletin," Treasurer's Office, Republican Na- 
tional Committee.) 

348 



THE "DO-NOTHING" 

G. O. P. CONGRESS 



Republican Majority Active Only in Futile 
Hunt for Fraud in Conduct of the War 



"rpHEY HAVE NEVER PAUSED IN THE 
x MIDST OF DOING NOTHING EXCEPT 
TO DO SOMETHING WORSE/' 

So were the deeds of the riding party in the Sixty- 
sixth Congress epitomized on the floor of the House by 
a Democratic leader who, with his minority colleagues, 
strove valiantly but in vain against the wilful inertia of 
an obstructionist Republican majority. 

Czarism and Standpatism dethroned the Republican 
arty at the Capitol in 1911. Fortuity and campaign 
misrepresentations in which its captains are well-versed 
returned it to power in the fall of 1918. PLEDGES 
T DID NOT MEAN TQ KEEP AND MEANING- 
JESS PROMISES PERMEATED ITS TRUMPETING 
3F TRIUMPH. Doing nothing or pausing to do 
omething worse compasses its "achievements." 

On May 17, 1919, the Republican legislative pro- 
ram was formulated in caucus. Early attention, it 
was solemnly set forth, would be given to reduction 
in domestic taxation with "immediate repeal of the 
uxury taxes," tariff legislation to increase revenues 
rom imports and afford adequate protection to Amer- 
can labor and industries, measures to conserve welfare 
of returning soldiers, railroad legislation and other 
natters. 

PRESIDENT'S PLEADINGS IN VAIN 

On May 20, an inclusive and finely-conceived set of legis- 

ative recommendations was received by the Congress from 

President Wilson who, though profoundly involved in peace 

onference labors, maintained his broad and minute compre- 

lension of America's post-war needs. 

On August 8, the President addressed the houses in joint 

ession, urging upon them "with all the persuasive force of 

which he was capable" legislative measures which would be 

nost effective in controlling and bringing down the cost of 

iving. 

Of all the suggestions in these two presidential communi- 
:ations but one was acted upon, submission to state legis- 
atures of the constitutional amendment enfranchising 
■women. 

From his sick-bed, President Wilson on Dec. 2, reiterated 
he sore need of constructive legislation. Trusting that Con- 
gress would give its immediate consideration to the prob- 
lem of future taxation, he cited "other matters of importance 
upon which he urged action at the last session which are 
itill pressing for solution." 

349 



350 THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 

Through the six weary months that followed, Re 
publican majorities contented themselves with frittei 
ing away time, heaping obloquy upon the Chief Execu 
tive, dissipating public funds in investigations of wa 
activities which served only to emphasize Democrati 
• probity and the Administration's able conduct of hos 
tilities, and filling the "Congressional Record" wit 
blatancies for home consumption in the present cam 
paign. 

"SMELLING COMMITTEES" 

Upon one project the do-nothing majority in both house 
of Congress embarked enthusiastically. 

The Republicans promised in caucus to conduct "such in 
vestigation of administration activities and expenditure 
since the beginning of the war as wfll fully inform th 
people and serve the public interest." MORE THAI 
FIFTY INVESTIGATIONS WERE CONDUCTED B 1 
REPUBLICAN "SMELLING COMMUTES" O! 
WHICH THE COST WILL RUN TO $2,060,000 BY COI\ 
SERVATIVE ESTIMATE. An intensely bitter and parti 
san group composed of men of the keenest intellectualits 
shrewd and able lawyers, with the assistance of a horde o 
expert accountants, scrutinized records with painstakin 
care. 

About 115,000 officials had discretion in expenditure c 
funds for war purposes and in the making of war contracts 
YET IN THE EXPENDITURE OF SOME $18,000,000,00 
THERE HAS NOT BEEN FOUND ONE CASE O! 
GRAFT OR PECULATION ON THE PART OF RE 
SPONSIBLE OFFICIALS. Each investigation has but re 
dounded further to the credit of Democratic administratio 
of war activities. The contrast between the present Demo 
cratic record and that of the Republican party in its con 
duct of the Spanish War, comparatively an outpost skirmisl 
reflects painfully upon the Republican party. 

The people in whose interest these investigations oster 
sibly were conducted soon grew so weary of "smelling com 
mittee" activities that even stalwart Republican newspaper 
ceased publishing reports. 

"REDUCED APPROPRIATIONS" MYTH 

Perhaps the most notorious failure of Republicans to fu 
fill caucus pledges is to be found in a summary of variou 
appropriations for the current fiscal year. 

"We promise a close scrutiny of appropriations," the caucu 
declared, "with a view to reducing the enormous total o 
public expenditures without injury to any essential activit 
of the Federal government." 

The total of appropriations carried in thirteen supply bill 
is $2,214,715,500.51. It is entirely proper to compare th 
appropriations made for the fiscal year 1921, two years afte 
the signing of the armistice, with appropriations made fo 
the fiscal year 1916, the last full fiscal year preceding th 
war. For 1916,*with Democrats in control of Congress 
appropriations carried in the thirteen regular supply bill 
totalled $978,722,857.78. THERE ALONE STANDS I 
BALANCE OF $1,235,992,642.73 AGAINST VAUNTEI 
REPUBLICAN "ECONOMY." In addition to supply-oil 



THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 351 

appropriations, permanent appropriations amounting to 
$1,425,407,752.29 and sums carried in special acts must be 
reckoned in the huge total of outlays authorized. 

Republicans claim credit for reductions of $940,000,000 in 
estimates for sundry civil expenses, Agriculture, the Army, 
the Navy, the District of Columbia and the Indian bills. 
All of these bills were passed by a Democratic House at the 
last session of the Sixty-fifth Congress but failed of passage 
in the Senate because of a Republican filibuster. At the 
extra session appropriations for the Army, Navy and Ship- 
ping Board were greatly reduced from what they were when 
they passed the House, due solely to the fact that in the 
interim, as a result of Democratic efficiency, the Army and 
Navy had been more speedily demobilized than was thought 
possible, and on account of reduction in the shipbuilding 
program and the beginning of the process of liquidation. 
THUS THE REDUCTION OF $940,000,000 IS MAINLY 
A TRIBUTE TO SPEED OF DEMOBILIZATION UN- 
DER DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION, and appears 
entirely in estimates for the Army, Navy and Shipping 
Board. 

BALANCES REAPPROPRIATED 

Republicans also reappropriated large unexpended balances 
which do not appear in the stated sum total of appropria- 
tions but which nevertheless constitute a direct charge on 
the Treasury for the next fiscal year. It can be safely said 
that they amount to more than $350,000,000. 

Because Congress failed to enact legislation necessary to 
enable the President to return the railroads to private owner- 
ship January 1, 1920, the roads of necessity remained three 
months longer under Federal operation, furnishing transpor- 
tation at less than cost. 

Because Congress could not decide until a few days be- 
fore adjournment of the late session on a permanent ship- 
ping policy, cash expenditures of the Shipping Board from 
Armistice day to date rolled up to $1,600,000,000. At last re- 
pi rts the Shipping Board had made no net return to the 
Treasury. 

The railroad transportation act carries an appropriation 
of $200,000,000 to wind up claims and $300,000,000 as a revolv- 
ing fund for loans to railroads. While these sums even- 
tually will be returned they constitute a present charge on 
the Treasury and are not included in the regular appropria- 
tion bills. 

None of the appropriation bills carries sums necessary to 
cover increased pay of officers in the Navy, Coast Guard and 
Public Health Service or increase in pensions to Spanish- 
American War veterans. These sums will total about $37,- 
500,000, and must be provided for by deficiency bills at the 
December session. Despite assurances of the most rigid 
economy, the Republican Congress has imposed financial 
obligations and charges on the Treasury for the current fis- 
cal year of more than $4,600,000,000. 

Congress invariably reduces estimates submitted by the 
departments and REPUBLICAN CLAIMS OF SAVINGS 
BASED UPON SUCH REDUCTIONS IN THE LAST 
APPROPRIATIONS ARE DOUBLY UNFOUNDED. 
Compare reductions as set forth by Republicans to figures 
of Democratic Congresses. 



352 



THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 



For the fiscal year 1918 estimates were reduced $5,554,- 
161,598.31 and during the eight years the administration party 
was in the majority, estimates of the bills over which the 
Appropriations Committee has authority were reduced in the 
sum of $9,275,684,891.55. 

COMPARISON OF AMOUNTS CARRIED IN THE 18 REGULAR 
ANNUAL APPROPRIATION BILLS FOR 1916 AND 1921 



Agriculture 

Army 

Diplomatic and Consular 

District of Columbia 

Fortifications 

Indian 

Legislative, executive, and judicial 

Military Academy 

Navy ." 

Pension 

Post Office 

River and harbor 

Sundry civil 

Total 



1916 



$22,971, 

101,974, 

4,061, 

11,859, 

6,060, 

9,771, 

86,904, 

1,069, 

149,661, 

164,100, 

813,364, 

30,000, 

126.922 



782.00 
195.87 
280.01 
5S4.4S 
216.90 
902.76 
799.75 
813.37 
864.83 
000.00 
667.00 
000.00 
750.79 



978,722,857.78 



1921 



$81,714 

892,558 

9,253 

18,373 

18,833 

12,788 

104,735 

2,142, 

433.279 

279,000 

462,574 

*12,000 

437,162 



368.00 
365.00 
■537.91 
004.87 
442.0tr 
397.00 
726.11 
212.70 
574.00 
000.00 
546.00 
000.00 
806.92 



2,214,715,500.51 



*As passed by House. Senate bill carries $24,000,( 



bill in disagreement. 



REPUBLICAN BOAST CHALLENGED 

Just before the fall of the Speaker's gavel at 4 o'clock P. M. 
Saturday, June 5, 1920, the hour at which the second ses* 
sion of the 66th Congress adjourned sine die, Honorable- 
Frank Mondell, of Wyoming, the Republican leader of the; 
House of Representatives, delivered a brief address in whicfe 
he attempted to review and praise the record made by the] 
Congress during its two sessions, and in the course of his] 
remarks created much amusement by declaring that it "con- 
stitutes the finest record ever made in the same period by! 
ah American Congress," and further that "take it all in aHJ 
the record of the Congress is one of which every Member] 
of the Congress may well be proud. It is a record that com- 
mends the Congress to the favorable judgment of the Amerir| 
can people." 

Honorable Finis J. Garrett, of Tennessee, challenged this; 
statement of the Republican leader and replying briefly said 
among other things: 



a "The work of this Congress measuring up with the rec- 
ords of any Congress of the past! How absurd! This 
Congress assembled here more than a year ago, facing 
problems more tremendous than any Congress in history 
had ever faced, the after-war problems, but, unfortu- 
nately, « . . from the hour that it assembled and began 
- its labors until now the (Republican) majority have pro- 
ceeded in their activities upon a predicate of hate. The 
inevitable result has been that upon the great things that 
challenged the patriotism and the intelligence of the House 
there has been an absolute, a humiliating and a shameful 
failure." 



THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 353 

In another address reviewing the work of the Congress, Mr. 
Garrett declared: 

"Swayed by the bad passions of envy and enmity, the 
Republican Congress convened in May, 1919. From that 
time it was in practically continuous convention until 
June 5, 1920, when its second session came to an inglori- 
ous, ignominious end. Its impotence long ago became the 
laughing stock of the nation a».d its record is the shame 
of the Republic. No one need be surprised when it is re- 
• membered that the whole motive spring of its mechanism 
has been hatred; that it has had no thought or purpose 
save to discredit the President, thinking thereby to de- 
stroy the party whose leader he is. What could one ex* 
pect of a Congress dominated by such a passion and 
devoted to such a hate? What, indeed, except that which 
has happened, the sinister effort to weave into all legisla- 
tion wherever possible some stroke which he (the Presi- 
dent) could feel? 

"Confronted by problems graver In many aspects than 
any which the country has ever faced, they have dawdled 
in idleness while feeding upon passion." 

In order to enable a full appreciation of the situation 
which confronted the Sixty-Sixth Congress and of the atmos- 
phere in which it labored, it is necessary to revert to the 
elections of November, 1918, and to certain procedure at the 
last and short session of the Sixty-Fifth Congress, which be- 
gan in December, 1918, and closed March 3, 1919. 

HOW REPUBLICANS WON SENATE 

The Republicans carried the House of Representatives in 
1918 by a majority of 42. The Senate also passed under their 
control. THIS LATTER EVENT WAS DUE TO THE 
FACT THAT BY CORRUPTION AND THE EXPENDI- 
TURE OF FUNDS IN VIOLATION OF LAW FOR 
WHICH THE ELECTED SENATOR HAS SINCE BEEN 
CONVICTED IN A FEDERAL COURT, THEY CAR- 
RIED THE STATE OF MICHIGAN. 

So soon as it was known that election results had passed 
control of both the legislative branches to the Republican 
party the leaders of that organization in Congress began to 
formulate a plan of action, and as a part of that plan it was 
determined to retard as far as possible all activities of the 
Democratic Congress — the Sixty-Fiftli — at its short session. 
All knew, of course, that by defeating any one of the large 
supply bills they could compel the President to call a special 
session of the new Congress before July 1st, 1919, the be- 
ginning of the fiscal year. 

This would serve the double purpose of enabling them 
sooner to organize and "pack" the C6mmittees on Foreign 
Affairs of the House and Senate against whatever the policy 
of the President in negotiating a Treaty of Peace might de- 
velop to be; and also of affording the opportunity of embar- 
rassing and harrassing him and the other Peace Commission- 
ers whom it had been determined in advance to discredit 
while they were abroad. 

>The Republican organization in neither the House nor 
Senate would assume the responsibility of openly declaring 
a purpose to filibuster the bills to death but it was determined' 



354 THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 

to let it be done without official sanction by individual sena- 
tors who were willing to serve as stalking horses and assume 
the odium. 

REPUBLICAN FILIBUSTER 

Accordingly, this policy was adopted and a few days prior 
to March % 4, 1919, and about the time all the conference re- 
ports were ready to be submitted, a well organized and deter- 
mined filibuster was begun in the Senate, led in the main by 
Senators Sherman of Illinois, France of Maryland, and 
Smoot of Utah, and aided and abetted by other Republican 
Senators who were willing to "talk against time." 

By this means six of the large supply bills failed of passage 
and along with them a number of other important measures. 
Among these latter, and one of the most important, was the 
Water Power Bill which had been fully agreed upon in sub- 
stantially the sama form that it has since passed the Sixty- 
Sixth Congress. The delay of more than a year in the pas- 
sage of this highly important measure is directly traceable to 
the Republican filibuster in the Senate during the closing 
days of the Sixty-Fifth Congress. It was there possible under 
the Senate rules of procedure for two or three Senators to 
thus destroy, by merely talking, the legislation program. 

The appropriation bills which the Republican Senators thus 
killed were Agriculture, Army, District of Columbia, Naval, 
Indian and Sundry Civil. They also killed the third Deficiency 
and a special Deficiency Bill to supply the amount lost in the 
operation of the railroads. In an "extension of remarks" for 
campaign purposes in the Congressional Record issued June 
14, 1920, Honorable J. W. Good, of Iowa, Chairman of the 
Committee on Appropriations, refers to the failure of these 
bills to pass and so words his statement as to leave the im- 
pression that it was the fault of a Democratic Congress. As 
a matter of fact it WAS WHOLLY DUE TO A FEW RE- 
PUBLICAN SENATORS, but these were acting with the full 
approval of almost all of their party associates. The only 
bill of great importance they permitted to pass at that session 
was the Revenue Bill, and they submitted this because they 
were unwilling, as subsequent events have proven, to under- 
take the preparation of a revenue measure to meet the condi- 
tions of peace. 

Another measure of very great importance which had been 
perfected in conference (and the Conference Report passed by 
the House) was the Oil and Coal Land Leasing Bill. Action 
upon this was defeated by the filibuster of the Republican 
Senators and it was, like the Water Power Bill, delayed for 
several months* until the Sixty-Sixth Congress could again 
take it up. These were measures perfected to the last stages 
of legislative completion by a Democratic Congress, only to 
fail by a Republican filibuster, and then be taken up after an 
inexcusable delay and passed by the Sixty-Sixth Congress; 
and the credit is now claimed for them by the Republican 
platform and organization. 

MYSTERY IN WATER POWER DELAY 

It is one of the mysteries as to why the Water Power Bill 
for which there was such an insistent demand, was so long 
delayed in the present Congress. The bill had been per- 
fected by the Democratic Committees of the preceding Con- 
gress. As passed it was in practically all aspects the Demo- 



THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 355 

cratic bill. It might as well have been made a law twelve 
months earlier, but A REPUBLICAN CONGRESS DELIB- 
ERATELY DELAYED IT UNTIL THE CLOSING DAYS 
OF THE SESSION SO THAT IT DID NOT REACH T?IE 
PRESIDENT IN TIME FOR HIM TO SCRUTINIZE 
AND SIGN IT BEFORE THE HOUR OF ADJOURN- 
MENT, AND HE COULD ONLY SIGN IT AFTER- 
WARDS UPON THE OPINION OF THE ATTORNEY 
GENERAL THAT HE HAD THE CONSTITUTIONAL 
RIGHT SO TO DO. The President had been largely in- 
strumental in bringing about the creation of a special Water 
Power Committee in the Democratic Congress to iron out 
the conflicting opinions as to this legislation and perfect it. 
Republican filibuster delayed it for more than a year, and 
Republican delay came very near defeating it in the end. 

On account of the failure of the supply bills it was neces- 
sary for the President to call the Congress in extraordinary 
session so that others could be passed by July 1, 1919, Ac- 
cordingly he fixed the date for May 19, 1919. This was 
while he was in France as head of the American Peace Mis- 
sion. 

INTENSE PARTISANSHIP DISPLAYED 

The intense partisanship of the Republican Congress was 
immediately made manifest. In organizing the House, Hon- 
orable James R. Mann, of Illinois, who had been for eight 
years the minority leader while the Democrats were in con- 
trol, was thrown to the wolves, being denied the Speakership. 
Instead, Congressman Garrett said, in the address already re- 
ferred to: 

"There was selected a gentleman from Massachusetts 
whose contempt for the President was known to be suffi- 
cient to satisfy the most exacting demands, and as floor 
leader there was chosen one who had been wrong upon 
nearly every war question and most all others." 

IN ADDITION TO THE REGULAR OFFICIAL OR- 
GANIZATION OF THE HOUSE, THE REPUBLICAN 
PARTY INTRODUCED AN INNOVATION BY CREAT- 
ING A CAUCUS BODY KNOWN AS THE "STEERING 
COMMITTEE." THIS COMMITTEE CONSISTS OF 
SEVEN MEMBERS. THEY. MEET IN SECRET CON- 
FERENCE BEHIND CLOSED DOORS AND DETER- 
MINE, NOT ONLY THE ORDER OF PROCEDURE 
BUT WHAT LEGISLATION SHALL AND SHALL NOT 
COME BEFORE THE HOUSE FOR CONSIDERATION. 
THEY DOMINATE COMPLETELY THE OFFICIAL 
COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA- 
TIVES. 

Not one of these will dare to report an item of legislation 
or an order of business until the Steering Committee has 
passed upon it. When the Steering Committee directs that a 
matter be reported by one of the official committees of the 
House, that committee promptly obeys. The responsibility 
of this unofficial organization is never in the open. SO FAR 
AS IT IS KNOWN NO OFFICIAL RECORDS ARE 
KEPT. IT ACTS ALWAYS BEHIND CLOSED DOORS. 
IT IS THE VERY APOTHEOSIS OF INVISIBLE GOV- 
ERNMENT. 



356 THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS ' „ "'*' 

Its membership is made up of the most intensely re- 
actionary and static-minded individuals in the House. 
They are men of large fortunes. Not a progressively 
inclined Republican is given recognition in the new 
body. Only the States of Massachusetts, New York, 
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois and Wyoming have repre- 
sentation upon it. 

In this body is centered to-day the real power of the. House 
of Representatives. In the days when the House was ruled 
by Cannonism there was open and avowed responsibility. A 
people's wrath was excited but they knew where to find its 
object. 

To-day the controlling influence of the Republican 
majority in the House of Representatives is centered 
in a secret body, meeting with curtains drawn and key- 
holes sealed, to pass upon the destinies of a hundred 
million people. 

In the Senate organization the reactionary element was 
placed in complete control of every important committee. 

ULTERIOR REPUBLICAN MOTIVE 

From the time of the completion of organization one 
stealthy, steady purpose ran through every move which was 
made, viz., to asperse all that a Democratic administration had 
done, thus creating discontent, and to refrain from attempting 
a solution of any of the post-war problems, to the end that the 
discontent created might become and remain fixed in public 
thought, thus furnishing a fallow field for the 1920 campaign. 

• To quote Congressman Garrett again: 

"The epitome of absurdity was probably reached in the 
method employed by the innumerable investigating com- 
mittees which have been appointed to probe the war ex- 
penditures. No constructive thing has been done or sug- 
gested by any one of these. The whole bent and purpose 
has been to find something, some expenditure, some act 
that would reflect discredit upon the responsible authority 
of the Government; when these efforts have proven futile 
it has in no wise changed their course in making report. 
They have deliberately disregarded every item of testi- 
mony which tended to glorify the country and have writ- 
ten into page after page of what they called reports the 
evidence of their pre-existing prejudice. 

"IN ALL THE VAST ACTIVITIES OF THE 

WAR, EVERY DETAIL OF WHICH HAS BEEN 

SEARCHEt), THEY HAVE FOUND NOT ONE 

THING TO WHICH THEY GIVE A WORD OF 

PRAISE. 

* * * * 

"I charge without hesitation that the responsible party 
in the Congress of the United States has deliberately 
conspired to do nothing to the end that the people may 
remain in a state of discontent, believing that to restless- 
ness of spirit they can make successful appeal and that by 



„ THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 357 

discrediting the leader of Democracy they can destroy 
Democracy itself." 

"SAVINGS" IN APPROPRIATIONS 

Much stress has been placed by the Republican national 
platform upon alleged savings in appropriations. It develops, 
however, that the sole standard of measurement for these are 
the estimates submitted by the different executive department 
heads in most instances many months before the bills carry- 
ing the appropriations were framed and made merely as esti- 
mates of what it was then thought would be needed. Honor- 
able Joseph W. Byrns, of Tennessee, in a speech reviewing the 
appropriations has placed the exact facts in the Congressional 
Record: 

"Mr. Chairman, the facts are that Congress invariably re- 
duces the estimates submitted by the Departments. The rec- 
ord during all previous administrations demonstrates this fact, 
and no one heretofore has ever claimed that such reductions 
of themselves constituted an evidence of economy on the part 
of Congress. A comparison of the estimates submitted with 
the appropriations made in order to establish a record for 
retrenchment is clearly a false basis of computation and com* 
parison, for real legislative economy or retrenchment consists 
in cutting down the amount of fixed or normal expenditures 
as made during previous years. The only correct way by 
which to determine whether a Congress has practised econ- 
omy and retrenched expenditures is to compare its appropria- 
tions with those made by preceding Congresses for similar 
services to be performed under like conditions. When judged 
by this standard, the present (66th) Congress has not reduced 
but has actually increased expenses. 

"It will be observed that despite assurances of the most 
rigid economy, this Congress has imposed financial obliga* 
tions and charges on the Treasury for the next fiscal year 
amounting to more than $4,600,000,000. This is a startling 
fact when it is remembered that these appropriations are 
made for a period of two years after the signing of the armis- 
tice, and v/hen we should at least be approaching pre-war 
conditions in governmental expenditures. 

RIDICULOUS CLAIM OF ECONOMY 

"Gentlemen on the majority side of the Chamber have re- 
ferred to these reductions as savings, and as showing great 
economy on the part of Congress. With all due respect, Mr. 
Chairman, to those gentlemen who have made this claim, 
such an instance is nothing short of ridiculous. It is SHEER 
NONSENSE. If that is to be the rule by which economy and 
the saving of a Democratic Congress is to be determined, let 
me call their attention to the fact that for the fiscal year 1918 
a Democratic Congress reduced the estimates in the sum of 
$5,554,161,598.31, and that during the eight years while the 
Democrats were in the majority on the Appropriation Com- 
mittee, estimates for the bills over which it had jurisdiction 
were reduced in the sums of $9,275,684,891.55." 

TRAVESTIES UPON INQUIRIES 

The investigations conducted by the Congress have been 
travesties upon parliamentary inquiries. High priced attor- 
neys and hordes of special accountants have been employed 
to mull over the records of the different departments — particu- 



358 THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 

larly the war branch — and give partisan testimony and draw 
partisan reports. No constructive thing has been at any time 
attempted by one of these investigating committees and the 
whole vast work has been shot through with bitter partisan- 
ship which utterly refused to regard testimony even of its 
own taking unless that testimony would tend to reflect dis- 
credit or cast suspicion upon some responsible governmental 
authority, particularly some Democratic official. 

As an illustration of the futility of these investigations one 
of the committees, after months of searching with the aid of 
skilled legal counsel, finally concluded its labors by present- 
ing a resolution to refer its mass of testimony to the Attorney 
General of the United States with a request that he ascertain 
if some prosecutions should not be entered upon without even 
a suggestion as to whom or what should be prosecuted. 

Investigations that might have been valuable if properly 
directed toward creating some constructive policy were de- 
based to the" poor plane of party advantage and made to do 
duty in preparing Republican campaign material to be used in 
misleading citizens who will never have the opportunity of 
reading the actual record. 

In speech after speech inserted in the Congressional Record 
THE TESTIMONY HAS BEEN DELIBERATELY DIS- 
TORTED FROM ITS TRUE MEANING; ONLY PARTS 
OF IT GIVEN; AND OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS SHAME- 
FULLY MISQUOTED. 

These alleged investigations have furnished employment to 
disgruntled and partisan lawyers; to disappointed clerks and 
employees of the Departments, many of whom had been dis- 
charged for incompetency. 

But never have Republican "Smelling Committees" sum- 
moned Generar John J. Pershing, Commander-in-Chief of the 
A. E. F., for they dared not let him tell what they knew he 
would tell— THE TRUTH. 

NO FRAUD UNCOVERED 

Representative James Byrnes of South Carolina, speaking 
In the House May 14, 1920, said of the war "smelling com- 
mittees" that "their true purpose was to endeavor to secure 
material for the coming campaign. 

"Oh, how hopeful you were! How you longed for a thief! 

Surely you thought out of all the thousands of Army officers 

who were engaged in the purchase of supplies there must be 

some who were guilty of fraud and whose fraud you could 

charge up to the Democratic Administration. 

y * ... 

"It was an idle day that there was not an intimation of 

fraud discovered, and at least on one occasion the statement 
was made that a number of army officers would be criminally 
prosecuted. A year has passed, and not a single man has been 
arrested; not a single warrant has been issued; and not a 
single case reported to this House that would justify even a 
Republican politician in charging an official of the War De- 
partment with fraud. 

♦ * .*- * 

"If there was any fraud on the part of a single individual 
connected with any of these boards, you have had the oppor- 
tunity and the means to discover it, and when after a year's 



THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 359 

t 

investigation you have failed to report it, it is conclusive evi- 
dence that there was no fraud. 

HAVE NOT DARED SUMMON PERSHING 

"Your sub-committee endeavored to embarrass General 
Pershing on the day he was leaving France, and he ignored 
you, as he should have done, advising you that in Washington, 
where he had sent his files, he would be at your service. 
Though he has been in this country since September, and in 
this city the greater part of the time, you have never sum- 
moned him. It shows your bad faith. Summon him! Learn 
from him that which you seem not to know — that we won the 
war. Learn from him also that which is contained in his 
final report: 

'IN CLOSING THIS REPORT, MR. SECRETARY, I 
DESIRE TO RECORD MY DEEP APPRECIATION 
OF THE UNQUALIFIED SUPPORT ACCORDED 
ME THROUGHOUT THE WAR* BY THE PRESI- 
DENT AND YOURSELF. MY TASK WAS SIMPLI- 
FIED BY YOUR CONFIDENCE AND WISE COUN- 
SEL/ " 

There has been no single measure of a public character or 
of general interest initiated by the present Republican Congress 
or pressed to legislative conclusion. Even in the budget act 
they could not forego inserting a provision striking at the 
Executive and of such doubtful constitutionality as to induce 
its veto by a President who fully sympathized with such legisla- 
tion and who had done more to urge a proper measure along 
this line than any individual whether in official or private life. 



PURCHASE OF SENATE SEATS 



"If this enormous expenditure of money in sena- 
torial campaigns is to go without challenge by Con- 
gress, then a poor man has no chance ever to secure a 
seat in this body and simply the rich can purchase a 
seat here."— From speech by SENATOR KENYON 
(Republican) in the Senate of the United States on the 
expenditures of Senator Newberry (Republican) in hi3 
campaign for election to the Senate. 



G. O. P. RULE BY PURCHASE 



T HE 



Republican Party is in absolute control 
of this Congress. The Republican ma- 
jority in the House of Representatives is nearly 
fifty. In the Senate the Republican majority, 
while small, was made safe through the pur- 
chase of one seat. — From a speech by Repre- 
sentative W. L. NELSON of Missouri in the 
House in May, 1920. 



WAR SERVICE OF COMMITTEE 

ON PUBLIC INFORMATION 



(^ARRIED to every corner of the civilized 
globe the Ml message of America's ideal- 
ism, unselfishness, and indomitable purpose. 

Used the highly specialized abilities of 150,- 
000 men and women to inform the world why 
America had taken up arms. 

Placed representatives in nearly every coun- 
try of the world. 

Commanded the volunteer services of 75,- 
000 Four-Minute Men, operating in 5,200 
communities and making a total of 755,190 
speeches. 

Conducted forty-five war conferences from 
coast to coast. 

Issued more than seventy-five million war 
pamphlets. 

Organized and directed twenty-three socie- 
ties and leagues for work among the foreign 
born. 

Planned state fair war exhibits and inter- 
allied war expositions. 

Mobilized artists and the advertising forces 
of the country for war service. 

Issued an official daily newspaper with 100,- 
000 circulation. - 

Organized a bureau of information which 
answered 86,000 requests for specific informa- 
tion. 

Assembled the leading novelists, essayists 
and publicists to produce articles for the press. 

Employed every known medium of com- 
munication, including motion and still pictures, 
radio, cable, the spoken and written word, and 
used practically every language as a vehicle to 
convey to the people of all lands, including 
enemy countries, the story of America's pur- 
poses and power. 

Expended only $4,912,533 in eighteen 
months of its existence, less than one-half what 
Germany spent in Spain alone. 



Harding and Coolidge have the confidence of the 
people, BUT, BOYS, GET THE MONEY.— (From 
the "Official Bulletin," Treasurer's Office, Republican 
National Committee.) 

360 



REPUBLICAN PROMISES 

AND PERFORMANCES 



President's Urgent Requests for Remedial 

Legislation Ignored by G. O. P. Leaders 

in Sixty-Sixth Congress 



'THE first and second sessions of the Sixty-sixth Con- 
gress have passed into history. But before the 
record of unexcelled "do-nothingness" therein written 
by the Republican majority is forgotten, let the con- 
demning roll of its promises and performances be set 
forth in humiliating contrast to President Wilson's leg- 
islative requests of its Republican masters: 

TAXES 



WHAT PRESIDENT 
WILSON ASKED 

Simplification of income 
and profits taxes as to rates 
and methods of collection. 
Repeal of taxes on retail sales 
and luxuries and excises on 
various manufactures. Ad- 
justments in inheritance taxes 
because of double taxes re- 
sulting from imposition of 
similar levies by states. 
"There is a point," said the 
President, "at which in peace 
times high rates of income 
and profits taxes discourage 
energy, remove the incentive 
to new enterprise, encourage 
extravagant expenditure and 
produce industrial stagnation 
with consequent unemploy- 
ment and other attendant 
evils." Earnest representa- 
tions and a full program of 
tax modification proposals 
also were made by Secre- 
taries of the Treasury Glass 
and Houston. 



WHAT REPUBLICANS 

PROMISED AND WHAT 

THEY ACHIEVED 

PROMISE — Reduction in 
domestic taxation, simplifica- 
tion of the laws relative 
thereto and the immediate 
repeal of the luxury taxes. 

PERFORMANCE— Noth- 
ing. 



TARIFF 



Declaring that no occasion 
existed "for undertaking in 
the immediate future any 
general revision of our sys- 
tem of import duties," the 
President nevertheless point- 
ed out that parts of the 
tariff system needed prompt 
attention, especially recom- 



PROMISE— Tariff legisla- 
tion designed to increase the 
revenues from imports and to 
afford adequate protection to 
American labor and indus- 
tries. 

PERFORMANCE — Sum 
of Republican efforts is found 
in a half dozen "popgun" bills 



361 



362 



THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 



mending an increase in dye 
and chemical imposts to pro- 
tect American industries of 
this nature from the German 
chemical industry which "was 
and may well be again, a 
thoroughly knit monopoly, 
capable of exercising a com- 
petition of a peculiarly insidi- 
ous and dangerous kind/' 



dealing with tariff upon prod- 
ucts of low domestic produc- 
tion which passed the House 
and died in the Senate, as 
was intended. The master- 
stroke was embodied in a 
bill reported from the Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means, 
to place a prohibitive tariff 
on BEANS! During 18 
months the 65th (Republi- 
can) Congress made no 
changes in the Democratic 
(Underwood) tariff law. 



REDUCTION OF LIVING COSTS 



Unrest in the body politic, 
the President brought to the 
attention of Congress in two 
messages, is largely due to 
the high cost of living. He 
recommended strong laws as 
to price-stamping and length 
of retention of cold storage 
products, a law requiring 
Federal licensing of all cor- 
porations engaged in inter- 
state ccmmerce and other re- 
medial measures. 



PROMISE— Nothing. 

PERFORMANCE — Noth- 
ing save appropriation of 
funds to carry on invcsuga- 
tions of prices with no au- 
thority for expenditures for 
making the findings public. 



LABOR 



Legislation to make possi- 
ble progressive improvement 
in the conditions of labor 
leading to "a genuine co- 
operation and partnership" 
between employer and em- 
ployee "based upon a real 
community of interest and 
participation in control." 



PROMISE— "It will be our 
aim to legislate with a view 
of aiding and restoring and 
sustaining normal and pros- 
perous conditions in trade 
and industries and among all 
our people." 

PERFORMANCE— Noth- 
ing. 



SOLDIERS 

Help in placing returned PROMISE — "Measures to 

soldiers in jobts; authorization conserve the welfare of our 
for their- admission to land in returning soldiers" and "a 



LEAGUE SUBSTITUTE LACKING 
"I want you to realize, my fellow countrymen, that those 
Americans who are opposing this plan of the League of Nations 
offer no substitute. THEY OFFER NOTHING THAT THEY 
PRETEND WILL ACCOMPLISH THE SAME OBJECT. On 
the contrary, they are apparently willing to go back to that 
old and evil order which prevailed before this war began and 
which furnished a ready and fertile soil for those seeds of envy 
which sprung up like dragon's teeth out of the bloody soil of 
Europe." — From address of PRESIDENT WILSON, at San Fran- 
cisco, California, September 17, 1919. 



THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 363 

hitherto undeveloped regions military policy and measures 
of the United States. necessary for the earliest pos- 

% sible return of our soldiers 

from overseas" were pledged. 
PERFORMANCE — Noth- 
ing. 

FARMERS 

The farmer performed a PROMISE— Nothing, 

"vital and willing service to PERFORMANCE— Noth- 

the nation" during hostilities ing, except to cut $2,000,000 
and "indispensably helped to from appropriation bills in- 
win the war," said the Presi- tended to aid the farr*;enL 
dent in his message of De- 
cember 2, 1919. On his rec- 
ord of loyalty and industry 
he deserved the best treat- 
ment from Congress. The 
President urged a thorough 
study of agricultural condi- 
tions with legislation for 
preservation and develop- 
ment of forest resources, 
better support of country 
schools, fuller provision for 
sanitation in rural districts 
and building up of hospital 
and medical facilities, and a 
comprehensive survey of 
rural conditions by a confer- 
ence composed of representa- 
tives of the farmers and of 
agricultural agencies respon- 
sible for leadership." 

RAILROADS 

"The railroads will be hand- PROMISE— Railroad leg- 

ed over to their owners at islation was to receive "early 
the end of the calendar year," attention" as was develop- 



LODGE WAS FOR LEAGUE OF NATIONS 



"Nations must unite as men unite, in order to pre- 
serve peace and order. The great nations must be so 
united as to be able to say to any single country, 'You 
must not go to war,' and they can say that effectively 
when the country desiring war knows that the force 
which the united nations place behind peace is irre- 
sistable. In differences between individuals the deci- 
sion of a court is final, because in the last resort the 
entire force of the community is behind the court de- 
cision. In differences between nations which go be- 
yond the limited range of arbitral questions, peace can 
only be maintained by putting behind it the force of 
united nations determined to uphold it and prevent 
war." — From an address delivered by SENATOR 
LODGE of Massachusetts (Republican), at Union 
College, in June, 1915. 



364 



THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 



President Wilson informed 
Congress in May, 1919. 



ment of transportation facili- 
ties. 

PERFORMANCE — Tke 
President was compelled to 
postpone relinquishment of 
Federal control until March 
1, 1920, because of Congress' 
failure to enact the legisla- 
tion essential. In a mad rush 
and under the urgency of im- 
minent return of the rails, 
the Esch-Cummins Bill was 
put through the last week in 
February. Many Democrats 
voted for the measure be- 
cause of its pressing impor- 
tance, hopeless of getting 
anything better. Whether its 
merits or defects preponder- 
ate remains to be seen. 



TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH 



Declaring he would return 
telephone and telegraph 
wires to private ownership 
"as soon as the retransfer 
can be effected without ad- 
ministrative confusion" — a 
pledge fulfilled — the Presi- 
dent asked Congress for leg- 
islation to bring about uni- 
formity and coordination of 
system and end "confusions 
and inconsistencies of rates" 
in these "indispensable in- 
strumentalities of our mod- 
ern life." 



PROMISE— The Republi- 
cans in caucus would "return 
telephone, telegraph and ca- 
ble lines to their owners." 

PERFORMANCE — Out- 
side of acquiescence in the 
Chief Executive's plan of re- 
turn, Republican Congress- 
men showed no interest in 
the wire matter, originating 
none of the legislation asked. 



WATERPOWER LEGISLATION 



Always a proponent of na- 
tional water power develop- 
ment, ' President Wilson 
brought about creation of a 
Water Power Commission in 
the Sixty-fifth Congress to 
prepare an inclusive measure. 



PROMISE— The Republi- 
can caucus of 1919 signified 
its intent of enacting water 
power legislation after a G. 
O. P. filisbuster in the Senate 
prevented consideration of 
the Administration bill at the 
close of the preceding ses- 
sion. 

PERFORMANCE — Daw- 
dling and obstructive tactics 
prevented its passage until 
the closing days of the recent 
session. The President sign- 
ed the measure after adjourn- 
ment under a special ruling 
of the Attorney General. 
Thus operation of this im- 
portant law was delayed 
more than one year. 



THE "DO-NOTHING" CONGRESS 



365 



FEDERAL BUDGET 



The President asked Con- 
gress in December, 1919, to 
"bring to a conclusion at this 
session legislation looking to 
the establishment of a budget 
system" by which responsi- 
bility for final formulation of 
each departmental estimate 
would rest with one official. 
He also stressed the neces- 
sity of appointment of audi- 
tors to ascertain whether 
sums appropriated "had been 
spent wisely, economically 
and effectively." 



PROMISE— Budget legis- 
lation was pledged by the Re- 
publicans. 

PERFORMANCE— As 
originally passed, the budget 
bill contained objectionable 
features which led to a Presi- 
dential veto. In the wild 
flurry of eleventh-hour legis- 
lation with which G. O. P. 
Congressmen sought to 
whitewash their "do-ifothing" 
record, the measure, with un- 
acceptable features stricken 
out, was lost in the Senate 
after passage in the House. 



SUFFRAGE AMENDMENT 



Of the constitutional 
amendment enfranchising 
women, President Wilson 
told Congress: "Every con- 
sideration of justice and pub- 
lic advantage calls for the im- 
mediate adoption of that 
amendment and its submis- 
sion forthwith to the legisla- 
tures of the several states." 



Promise and performance 
here were identical. The 
Senate followed in the foot- 
steps of the Democratic 
House of the Sixty-fifth Con- 
gress, adopting the amend- 
ment, an inescapable consum- 
mation in light of public sen- 
timent. 



SALE OF EUROPEAN GOODS IN U. S. 



Our trade balance of seven- 
teen billions over Europe will 
become of practical value 
only with free shipment of 
Old World goods into this 
country. President Wilson 
pointed out to Congress that 
"anything which would tend 
to prevent foreign countries 
from settling for our exports 
by such shipments "could 
only have the effect of pre- 
venting them from paying 
for our exports and therefore 
of preventing the exports 
from being made." 



PROMISE— Nothing. 
PERFORMANCE— Noth- 
ing. 



G. O. P. HONOR ROLL 

It is probable the sum of $150,000 for the state and 
national treasury will stand to the credit of Columbus 
by the first day of September. — (From the "Official 
Bulletin," Treasurer's Office, Republican National 
Committee. ) 

Note: Columbus's quota was $100,000. 



SENATOR HARDING OPPOSED 
PASSAGE OF FARM LOAN BILL 



"I may say for myself before entering upon the reading, that 
I am not opposed to a practical measure which does not go too 
far in fixing upon the Government a function that is paternally 
socialistic. I am trying to learn from members of this body 
the real reasons, however, for pressing a measure of this kind. 
I will not assume to say that conditions in Ohio are altogether 
like those of other states in the Union, but I believe I state an 
absolute truth when I say that THERE IS NO MORE NEED 
FOR A MEASURE OF THIS KIND FOR THE AGRICUL- 
TURISTS OF THE STATE OF OHIO THAN FOR THE GOV- 
ERNMENT TO STEP IN AND TAKE CHARGE OF ALL OUR 
INDUSTRIAL AND PRODUCTIVE AFFAIRS IN THAT 
STATE. 

"I only speak of this in passing, because to those of us in 
Ohio THERE SEEMS TO BE NO OCCASION FOR THE PAS- 
SAGE OF SUCH A MEASURE. However, I wanted to present 
to the Senate the very valuable suggestions of the distinguished 
banker (Myron T. Herrick) who has written the New York 
Sun, somewhat as follows: 

***** * In almost every section of the bill there is 
error on some important point or in respect to minor details, 
and its general plan is rendered utterly vicious by two monster 
objects, which are unjustifiable use cf the cash and credit of 
the United States Government for a special class of private 
individuals and the creation (too soon after the postal banks) 
of another Government savings bank system, absolutely un- 
necessary and fraught with grave dangers because of wrongful 
combination with long term operations.' * * * * 

**I want to repeat that I have read these criticisms of this 
distinguished banker and this earnest student of rural credits, 
because I think they are a very valuable contribution to the 
discussion of the pending measure." From remarks by SENA- 
TOR HARDING on floor of United States Senate. See Con- 
gressional Record, April 26, 1916, pages 6849 et seq. 

ARE THEY ALL NEWBERRYS? 
There are 435 Congressmen and only 32 Senators 
to be elected in November. But the Republican Na- 
tional Committee has agreed to advance $500,000 to 
the Senatorial Committee, and only $200,000 to the 
Congressional Committee. 



HARDING LIKES GERMAN STANDARD 

OF PATRIOTISM 

T SHOULD like American devotion similar to 
that which the people of Germany show to 
the government of that country. — SENATOR 
WARREN G. HARDING, in United States 
Senate, June 8, 1917. See "Congressional 
Record," page 3325. 



366 



NEWBERRY'S PURCHASED 

SEAT IN THE U. S. SENATE 



Vote of Member Now Under Sentence to 

Penitentiary Used To Give Republicans 

Senate Control and Enable Them to 

Defeat League of Nations 



HT HIS is the story of Senator Truman H. Newberry, of 
Michigan — a story that voters will not find in the Re- 
publican platform nor in the Republican campaign text-book. 
Truman H. Newberry still holds his seat in the United 
States Senate, although under sentence to two years im- 
prisonment in the penitentiary for violations of the Corrupt 
Practices act. He is a Republican Senator, whose tainted 
election made possible the organization by the Republican 
party of the present Senate. 

Newberry — under sentence to the penitentiary; con- 
victed of election frauds by a jury of his peers. 

Newberry — United States Senator, making laws 
governing more than 100,000,000 people; holding to 
a seat in the greatest deliberative body in the world; 
suffered to remain in public life because the Republi- 
cans needed his vote to give them control of the Senate 
and to defeat the League of Nations. 

THE CASE IS WITHOUT PARALLEL IN THE 
POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES! 

If it were merely a contested election case, a matter of 
alleged unlawful expenditure of money, the public might 
await with less impatience a final judgment. But the New- 
|berry case is different. 

Newberry's purchased seat in the Senate has brought both 
Inational and international complications, disturbances and 
|distress. It has meant, in brief: 

1. Organization of the Senate by the Republican party, 
because without the corrupt election of this Republican 
Senator from Michigan the Democratic party and the ad- 
ministration would have remained in control of the upper 
branch of Congress. 

2. The "packing" of the Senate Committee on For- 
eign Relations with enemies of the Peace Treaty and 
League of Nations covenant. Before the Peace Treaty 
was presented to the Senate, the committee to receive it 
had been packed by the Republican majority against that 
document. 

3. Nearly two years' delay in the ratification of peace. 

4. Republican opposition to the administration in do- 
mestic as well as international policies; a constant harass- 
ing of the Chief Executive, who had no rest from parti- 
san opposition even when he was critically ill. 

5. Distrust of election laws since they apparently may 
be nullified by the profligate use of money and shame- 
less employment of corrupt practices, 

367 



368 THE NEWBERRY CASE 

This is but a partial indictment of the so-called election 
of Truman H. Newberry. From the time he was sworn in 
as a Senator, giving the Republican party a bare majority 
of the Senate, until the day he was convicted, along with 
more than a dozen henchmen and sentenced to the peni- 
tentiary, the Newberry election has had constantly a baleful 
influence upon both national and international affairs. 

And this convicted Republican Senator, immensely wealthy 
and apparently politically powerful through the use of money 
in his state, has held to his Senate seat steadfastly regard- 
less of his conviction and sentence. 

So shameless has been his performance that it is under- 
stood that some of the leaders of his party advised New- 
berry not to appear too frequently in his place in the Senate. 

SENATE POSTPONES JUDGMENT 

Meanwhile, the Republican Senate has postponed from day 
to day and week to week a count of the ballots which the 
Democratic candidate claims would show his election. Irre- 
spective of the fact that Newberry has been convicted of 
election frauds the partisan Senate — Republican because 
Newberry is a member — postpones the day of its judgment. 

Newberry, multi-millionaire manufacturer and capitalist, 
was a candidate for the Republican nomination for Senator 
in Michigan at the primary August 27, 1918. There were 
rumors of wholesale use of money in Newberry's behalf for 
some weeks preceding the elections. The matter was not 
brought to general notice, however, until five days before 
the election when the Republican Lieutenant Governor of 
Michigan, Luren D. Dickinson, appealed to Newberry to save 
the state from a campaign "which is now being likened to 
the notorious Lorimer campaign in Illinois a few years ago." 

(Lorimer was a Republican Senator from Illinois who was 
ousted from the Senate of the United States for fraudulent 
election practices.) 

LIEUT. GOVERNOR'S PROTEST 

Lieut. Governor Dickinson's letter to Mr. Newberry con- 
tained these salient paragraphs: 

"Dear Sir: Men of all walks of life who have the best in- 
terests of our state at heart believe the men who are con- 
ducting your campaign for United States senator are con- 
ducting one which will bring one of the greatest scandals 
on our state that Michigan politics ever saw, and have asked 
me to take the lead in attempting to rid the state of this 
blight. 

"I note by your statement that you say you do not know 
of these things. In giving you the information I will give 
you the terms that I hear everywhere in the 62 counties in 
which I have been recently. I have always had the highest 
regard for you and must believe that you will relieve the 
Republican Party of a campaign which is now being likened 
to the NOTORIOUS LORIMER CAMPAIGN OF ILLI- 
NOIS a few years ago. The terms boodle and rotten seem 
to be general terms that I hear. 

"Every section of the state shows evidences of an expensive 
newspaper campaign, costing thousands and thousands of dol- 
lars. Thousands of men are liberally paid for -work at many 
more thousands of dollars, an expensive suite of offices with 



'\H Vl THE NEWBERRY CASE 369 

a large force sending out hundreds of thousands of letters to 
influential Voters at more thousands of dollars, thousands of 
autos already engaged for use on primary day at many more 
thousands, that practically every opponent of the primary sys- 
tem is backing your campaign and that hundreds of the experts 
who hare figured in or conducted for money the wet cam- 
paigns of the past are among the most active of your sup- 
porters. 

» 
"Conservative estimates say anywhere from $250,000 to 
$500,000 is being used. 

"I cannot believe that you understand the situation, and 
if you did you would come to the rescue. I am therefore 
asking you in behalf of the old Republican Party, clean 
politics, preservation of the primary, social and business in- 
terests, TO WITHDRAW FROM THE CAMPAIGN AND 
SAVE THE EVERLASTING DISGRACE TO THE 
PARTY AND THE STATE FROM A POLLUTION 
THAT WOULD STAY FOR YEARS. (Signed) Luren D. 
Dickinson, Lieutenant Governor of Michigan." 

CONFIDENCE APPARENTLY MISPLACED 

Lieut. Governor Dickinson's confidence in Mr. Newberry 
apparently was misplaced. The senatorial candidate an- 
swered with a second denial of any knowledge of the man- 
ner in which his campaign was being conducted. His cam- 
paign managers likewise entered indignant denial of the 
charges. And in the primary election Mr. Newberry received 
the nomination for Senator by a narrow margin of votes. 

Previous to the primary election and subsequent thereto 
Mr. Newberry filed with the Secretary of the United States 
Senate SWORN STATEMENTS DECLARING THAT 
NO MONEY HAD BEEN SPENT IN HIS CAMPAIGN 
"WITH HIS KNOWLEDGE OR CONSENT." 

Two days following the primary, on August 29, Frank W. 
Blair, Treasurer of the Newberry campaign committee, act- 
ing in compliance with the Michigan state law, filed a state- 
ment with the Secretary of State of Michigan showing re- 
ceipts and disbursements of that committee as follows: 

Receipts . . . ., . $178,856.00 

Disbursements 176,563.00 

The list of detailed contributors to the campaign fund as 

appended to this statement showed that practically all of 

the huge sum of $178,856 was contributed by members of 

MR. NEWBERRY'S OWN FAMILY, in amounts as 
follows : 

John S. Newberry, his brother and business partner, $99,- 
900; Henry B. Joy, his brother-in-law, $25,000; A. Victor 
Barnes, another brother-in-law, $25,000; Mrs. Henry B. Joy, 
his sister, $10,000; Lyman D. Smith, a business associate of 
Barnes, $10,000. 

At the time of the campaign Newberry held the rank of 
Commander in the United States Navy, serving in a non- 
combatant capacity as personnel officer in a New York re- 
cruiting office. Because of the fact that his affidavit, filed 
with the Secretary of the Senate, was sworn to in New 



370 THE NEWBERRY CASE ~ r 

York, any court investigation as to the truth or falsity of 
this affidavit had to be conducted in that district. 

WITNESSES REFUSED TO TESTIFY 

In October, 1918, Judge Hand of the New York federal 
court district, ordered a grand jury investigation. Numerous 
witnesses were summoned from Michigan, including the di- 
rectors of the Newberry senatorial campaign. When the first 
of these campaign directors, Allajti A. Templeton, Chairman; 
Frank W. Blair, Treasurer; and Thomas P. Phillips, Pub- 
licity Director, were called before the jury, however, THEY 
REFUSED TO TESTIFY, and when they were remanded 
to jail for contempt of court a writ of habeas corpus was 
secured and an appeal taken to the United States Supreme 
Court. 

Unable to secure the testimony of these essential wit- 
nesses it was decided to discharge the grand jury, pending 
the decision of the higher court in the habeas corpus pro- 
ceedings. No important testimony had been taken but the 
discharge of the jury was hailed by the friends of Mr. New- 
berry in Michigan as an exoneration and so successful were 
they in conveying this impression to the voters that Mr. New- 
berry was elected Senator by a scant margin of 7,000 votes. 
The majority for other Republican state candidates in this 
election was in all cases in excess of 50,000. On behalf of 
Mr. Ford there was subsequently filed with the United States 
Senate a petition for a recount of the votes, embodying spe- 
cific charges of gross frauds in the counting and casting of 
the ballots. 

INVESTIGATION DELAYED 

But the Senate then was Republican, only by virtue of the 
seating of Newberry. Efforts to obtain an investigation of 
the Ford charges failed for eighteen months, during which 
period Newberry was convicted by the court at Grand Rap- 
ids and sentenced to imprisonment. Just prior to adjourn- 
ment of the session on June 5, 1920, belated steps were taken- 
to bring the Ford-Newberry ballots to Washington for count- 
ing by the Senate. The Senate is still a judge of its own 
membership, though one may have been indicted, convicted 
and sentenced for election frauds. 

It was well known, however, that the Republican Senate 
did not intend to proceed with counting the ballots before 
adjournment. A pretense of activity was made and then Con- 
gress adjourned until December next — WITH TRUMAN H. 
NEWBERRY STILL DRAWING HIS SALARY AS SEN- 
ATOR AND STILL MAKING IT POSSIBLE FOR THE 
REPUBLICANS TO CONTROL THE SENATE, AN- 
TAGONIZE THE ADMINISTRATION, STRANGLE 
THE PEACE TREATY AND LEAGUE OF NATIONS 
AND KEEP IN OPERATION A SENATORIAL OLI- 
GARCHY AS REACTIONARY AS THE COUNTRY HAS 
EVER KNOWN. 

The United States Supreme Court rendered in June, 1919, 
its decision upholding the commitment of the Newberry cam- 
paign managers for refusal to testify before the New York 
grand jury. 

In the meantime, however, charges had been filed of cor- 
ruption of the ballot in Newberry's behalf. It was decided 
to hold in abeyance the perjury charge against Newberry 



THE NEWBERRY CASE 



371 



In New York and proceed in Michigan with the trial of the 
>ther case. 

CONVICTION OF NEWBERRY 

In September, 1919, Judge Clarence W. Sessions, of the 
J. S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan, 
m appointee of President Taft and a Republican in politics,' 
:onvened the grand jury at Grand Rapids. Taking of testi- 
nony before this grand jury continued for nearly two 
nonths, after which indictments against 135 men, including 
Senator Newberry and his principal political aides, were re- 
urned. 

. Trial of the case in the United States court before Judge 
Sessions continued nearly two months. A small army of 
dewberry lawyers appeared for the defendants and used 
very expedient in their behalf. Late in March, this year, 
he jury of Michigan farmers and merchants declared New- 
berry and sixteen of his co-defendants, guilty of violation of 
he Federal and state corrupt practices acts. 

Newberry, a brother, his campaign manager and a New 
fork lobbyist who acted as a go-between for Newberry and 
lis active managers, were each sentenced to two years' im- 
prisonment and to pay a $10,000 fine. The other convicted 
len received lesser sentences. 

It was assumed by all decent Americans that Senator New- 
terry would resign his seat in the Senate following con- 
iction and sentence. HE DID NO SUCH THING HE 
APPEALED TO THE HIGHEST COURT AND RE- 
GAINED THE TITLE, PAY AND PRIVILEGES OF A 
JNITED STATES SENATOR. 



REJECTION OF LEAGUE 

BREAKS NATION'S FAITH 



WONDER if some of the opponents of the League 
of Nations have forgotten the promises we 'made 
our people before we went to that peace table. WE 
HAD TAKEN BY PROCESS OF LAW THE FLOWER 
OF OUR YOUTH FROM EVERY HOUSEHOLD, AND 
WE TOLD THOSE MOTHERS AND FATHERS AND 
SISTERS AND WIVES AND SWEETHEARTS THAT 
WE WERE TAKING THOSE MEN TO FIGHT A WAR 
WHICH WOULD END BUSINESS OF THAT SORT; 
AND IF WE DO NOT END IT, WE ARE OF ALL 
MEN THE MOST UNFAITHFUL, the most unfaithful 
to the loving hearts who suffered in this war, the most 
unfaithful to those households bowed in grief and yet 
lifted with the feeling that the lad laid down his life 
for a great thing and, among other things, in order 
that other lads might never have to do the same thing. 
That is what the League of Nations is for, to end this 
war justly, and then not merely to serve notice on 
governments which would contemplate the same 
things that Germany contemplated that they will do it 
at their peril, but also concerning the combination of 
power which will prove to them that they will do it at 
their peril.— From PRESIDENT WILSON'S address at 
Columbus, Ohio, September 4, 1919. 



372 THE NEWBERRY CASE 

Members of the Grand Rapids jury said after the convic- 
tion that the testimony of Paul King, campaign manager for 
Newberry and a defense witness, was partly responsible for 
the verdict of guilty. 

King's testimony showed that as early as December, 1917, 
Newberry and his associates made plans to capture the Sena- 
torial election. King was named as manager early in 1918, 
and from that time forward numerous telegrams and letters 
were exchanged between Newberry, the candidate, and his 
managers and he was kept in close touch with the progress 
of the campaign. YET NEWBERRY FILED WITH THE 
SENATE A SWORN STATEMENT SAYING HE KNEW 
NOTHING OF EXPENDITURES IN HIS BEHALF. 
THAT NO MONEYS HAD BEEN EXPENDED "WITH 
HIS KNOWLEDGE OR CONSENT," WAS ALSO AS- 
SERTED BY NEWBERRY. Newberry may still face the 
charge of making a false affidavit. 

In the course of the trial at Grand Rapids it was shown 
that the $176,000 of admitted expenditures did not represent 
the total outlay of the, primary campaign. Other thousands 
not reported, it was testified, had been spent. 

DEMOCRAT PAID TO OPPOSE FORD 

One of the startling revelations of the trial was that money 
was paid to induce a Democrat to oppose Mr. Ford in the 
Democratic primaries, thus giving Newberry an opponent 
of. his own choosing in the general election. It was shown 
that one of the Newberry henchmen FORGED THE PETI- 
TIONS BY WHICH THIS DEMOCRATIC CANDI- 
DATE, HAND-PICKED BY THE NEWBERRY CLIQUE, 
WAS ENTERED IN THE RACE. 

No move has been made in the United States Senate to 
oust the convicted Michigan Senator. The Republicans re- 
tain possession of the Senate because he has not resigned. 

The entire course of national and international 
events, therefore, might have been different but for the 
tainted election of a Republican Senator in Michigan. 
The defeat of the peace treaty, a "do nothing" Con- 
gress, partisan opposition to President Wilson and 
numerous legislative evils, may be attributed to New- 
berry's purchased seat. 



"LIBERTY IS SUFFOCATED BY WAR" 
"There can be only one intelligent reason for America stay* 
ing out of this (League of Nations), and that is that she does 
not want peace, that she wants war sometimes and the advan« 
tages which war will bring her, and I want to say now and here 
that the men who think by that thought they are interpreting 
America are making the sort of mistake upon which it will be 
useful for them to reflect in obscurity for the rest of their lives. 
This is a peaceful people. This is a liberty-loving people, ana 
liberty is suffocated by war. Free institutions can not survive 
the strain of prolonged military administration. In order to 
live tolerable lives you must lift the fear of war and the prac- 
tice of war from the lives of nations." . . . — From an address 
by PRESIDENT WILSON at St. Paul, Minn., September 9, 1919. 



SHAMELESS USE OF MONEY 
TO WIN G. O. P. NOMINATION 



-low Republican Candidates Spent Huge 
Sums in Pre-Convention Contest Re- 
vealed by Senate Investigation 



PRE-CONVENTION CAMPAIGN FUNDS 



HT HERE is no precedent in American politics 
for such an orgy of spending as Repub- 
lican candidates for the presidential nomina- 
tion staged prior to the Chicago convention. 
Expenditures of Democratic candidates were 
negligible in comparison. The figures as indi- 
cated by the hearings to the date of adjourn- 
ment of Congress follow: 

REPUBLICANS DEMOCRATS 

General Leonard Wood. $1,598,709 Attorney General Palmer. .$50,682 

Gov. Frank O. Lowden. 414,948 Governor James M. Cox.. 20,000 

Senator Hiram Johnson. 200,000 James W. Gerard 14,000 

Herbert Hoover 172,895 Gov. Edward I. Edwards.. 12,900 

Sen. Warren G. Harding. 107,709 Sen. Robert L. Owen 4,000 

Sen. Miles Poindexter.. 71,000 Sen. Gilbert M. Hitchcock 3,800 

Gov. Calvin Coolidge... 68,000 William G. McAdoo None 

Dr. Nich. Murray Butler 34,730 > — - 

Sen. Howard Sutherland 4,173 Total .$105,382 

Total $2,672,164 



FOLLOWING widespread publicity which had been di- 
rected by the press of the country to the "EXTRAVA- 
ANT AND IMPROPER USE OF MONEY" BY 
ERTAIN REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES FOR THE 
RESIDENTIAL NOMINATION, Senator Borah (Repub- 
can), on March 16, 1920, introduced in the Senate a resolu- 
on which called for the investigation of the campaign 
xpenditures of all aspirants for the nomination. In connec- 
ion with his resolution, SENATOR BORAH BITTERLY 
)ENOUNCED TWO OF THE REPUBLICAN CANDI- 
DATES FOR THE WANTON AND CORRUPT MANNER 
N WHICH THEY HAD USED MONEY IN CONDUCT- 
NG THEIR CAMPAIGNS, charging that they "had appar- 
ntly turned themselves over to a coterie of men of vast 
realth" and were "permitting those men to conduct their 
ampaign." "It is a shameless situation," he said, "and has 
very appearance of an attempt to deliberately control with 
loney the national convention." He further charged that 
uch practices by the Republican candidates were nothing 

ss than A NATIONAL PERIL WHICH HAD REACHED 

HE POINT OF SCANDAL. 

Senator Borah's charge was directed particularly at the 
ivo leading candidates for the Republican nomination, Gcn- 
ral Wood and Governor Lowden, but he added generally 
lat both Democratic and Republican candidates were spend- 

Z7Z 



374 BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 

ing money lavishly in an attempt to gain the nomination. 
Although challenged on the floor of the Senate TO NAME 
A SINGLE DEMOCRAT WHO HAD BEEN GUILTY 
OF ANY EXTRAVAGANCE OR IMPROPER USE OF 
MONEY TO FURTHER HIS CAMPAIGN, the Senator 
FAILED TO DO SO. Subsequent events have proven con- 
clusively that his charge with reference to DEMOCRATIC 
aspirants was mere GUESSWORK AND ABSOLUTELY 
WITHOUT FOUNDATION IN FACT. 

On May 20th the Borah resolution was passed by the 
Senate and a sub-committee, of which Senator Kenyon (Re- 
publican) was chairman, immediately began its investigation. 
The results of this investigation are well known to the people 
of the United States. Although it developed that several 
of the leading Republican candidates had been guilty of cor- 
rupt and inordinate extravagance in the use of campaign 
money, IT HAS FAILED TO THIS HOUR TO DIS- 
CLOSE ONE INSTANCE WHERE A DEMOCRATIC 
CANDIDATE SPENT MONEY IN LARGE SUMS OR 
IMPROPERLY TO WIN THE NOMINATION. 

PAINFUL TO REPUBLICANS 

As the investigation progressed IT BECAME MORE 
AND MORE PAINFUL TO THE REPUBLICAN MEM- 
BERS AND THEY WERE APPARENTLY WILLING TO 
LET THE MATTER DROP LIKE A HOT BRICK LEST 
THE PUBLIC MIGHT GET A FURTHER AND EVEN 
BETTER INSIGHT INTO THE UNCONSCIONABLE 
PRACTICES THAT HAD ALREADY BROUGHT DIS- 
GRACE UPON THEIR PARTY. Senator Pomerene 
(Democrat), however, a few minutes before the final adjourn- 
ment of the last session^ of Congress, moved to extend the 
scope of the investigation and continue it until after the 
November election. THIS MET WITH THE BITTER 
OPPOSITION OF SENATOR SMOOT (REPUBLICAN), 
WHO ATTEMPTED TO PREVENT FURTHER EMBAR- 
RASSING EXPOSURE OF REPUBLICAN CANDI- 
DATES BY AN EFFORT TO DEFEAT THE MEASURE 
ON A POINT OF ORDER. It was not until after a vigor- 
ous fight on the floor of the Senate, led by Senators Pome- 
rene and McKellar (Democrats), and A THREAT BY 
SENATOR BORAH TO BOLT THE REPUBLICAN 
PARTY IF IT DID NOT "CLEAN HOUSE," and who 
dramatically exclaimed that unless the party did so, the 
people of the United States would "clean house" for it in 
November, that Senator Smoot reluctantly withdrew his 
objection and voted for the investigation to continue. 

The investigation, which had continued for several weeks; 
disclosed that approximately THREE MILLION DOIi 
LARS were expended by Republican candidates for the 
presidential nomination prior to the convening of the Chi- 
cago convention. WITH A CYNICISM, BOLDNESS AND 
SHAMELESSNESS TYPICAL OF THE "SLUSH FUND" 
DAYS OF HANNA AND QUAY, REPUBLICAN CAN- 
DIDATES INVADED STATE CONVENTIONS AND 
PRIMARIES, OPENLY USED VAST SUMS OF MONEY 
AND MADE PERTINENT THE NATION-WIDE 
QUERY: "IS THE PRESIDENCY FOR SALE?" 

The Senate's pre-convention campaign investigating com- 
mittee had disclosed, when it halted its hearings with the 



" i BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 375 

idjournment of Congress, that Republican candidates for the 
lomination had expended $2,672,000. THE EXPENSES OF 
rHE SEVERAL DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATES 
rOTALED $105,000— one twenty-fifth of the Republican 
mount. 

TOTALS NOT YET LEARNED 

This revealed Republican fund, however, does not repre- 

ent the total. The Senate committee is yet to obtain the 

inal accountings of the campaign committees of General 

"ood, Governor Lowden, Senator Johnson, Herbert Hoo- 

er, Senator Harding and other Republican candidates. 

When the hearings were halted General Leonard Wood's 

anagers were shown to have expended $1,598,000 up to the 

st week in May. This startling sum did not include cer- 

in amounts spent by local committees in Ohio and other 

tates, which sums were not cleared through the Wood na- 

tonal headquarters. The committee also was in search of 

dditional amounts contributed to and expended by the 

.eonard Wood League, as distinguished from the Wood 

Campaign Committee. 

The Senate investigators also found that up to May 24, 
rovernor Lowden's campaign had cost $414,948. Of this 
irge sum, Governor Lowden took from his own pocket 
pproximately $379,000, OR MORE THAN FIVE TIMES 
'HE ANNUAL SALARY OF THE PRESIDENT OF 
'HE UNITED STATES. 

With the halting of the Senate inquiry — to be resumed 
iter in the year— the expenses to that date of Senator 
[arding, now the Republican nominee, were shown to be 
107,709; those of Senator Hiram Johnson approximately 
200,000 (in the east and on the Pacific Coast); and those 
f Herbert Hoover $172,895. 

To these sums must be added the amounts expended at 
le Chicago convention by the several candidates and other 
Kpenses incurred for the last week in May and the first week 
l June. The Senate committee adjourned without obtain- 
ig all of the books relating to the Johnson campaign fund 
r the amounts handled by independent "Hoover Clubs" 
iroughout the country. In the main the Senate inquiry 
>vered only the sums accounted for by the national head- 
jarters of the various Republican candidates, and, STAG- 
ERING THOUGH THE TOTALS ARE, IT IS APPAR- 
NT THAT THOUSANDS OF DOLLARS WILL BE 
DDED TO THE EXPENSE ACCOUNTS OF THE RE- 
UBLICAN CANDIDATES WHEN THE FINAL 
ALANCE SHEET IS FILED. 

PROCTOR'S CONTRIBUTIONS 

The startling revelations as to the vastness of the sums 
ent by Republican candidates were matched in some in- 
ances by the details of contributions to their campaign 
irrels. There was testimony that William C. Procter, a 
ap manufacturer of Cincinnati, CONTRIBUTED AND 
DVANCED A TOTAL OF $721,000 TO THE WOOD 
\MPAIGN FUND. Most of this was in cash, while $200,- 
was borrowed from two banks. , Procter borrowed 
00,000 on his name and another loan of $100,000 for the 
ood committee was made jointly by Procter and A. A. 
rague, treasurer of the Wood committee. 



376 BUYING THE PRESIDENCY & 

For this $721,000 Procter testified that he had no> security 
except notes signed by the Wood campaign committee, which 
is now a defunct organization and without resources. 

A remarkable sidelight of the Senate investigation! was the 
disclosure that one Republican politician in Missouri? handled 
funds for both Governor Lowden and Senator Harding. 

The approximate $3,000,000 spent by Republican candidates 
before the Chicago convention — and the sum may exceed 
that when all items are in— represents FORTY TIMES THE 
ANNUAL SALARY OF THE PRESIDENT, OR FIVE 
TIMES THE AGGREGATE OF THE PRESIDENT'S 
SALARY FOR TWO TERMS. 

That a group of wealthy men met in New York at th* 
outset of the presidential nomination campaign and dis- 
cussed the underwriting of a Wood campaign fund of $500,- 
000 to $1,000,000 was brought out by the Senate investigation- 
Testimony was also presented showing that two Missouri 
delegates to the Chicago convention sat in that convention in 
possession of $2,500 each received from the treasurer of the 
Lowden campaign committee. This revelation caused an 
upheaval in the Republican party in Missouri and was fol- 
lowed by a demand of the Republican rank and file that 
these two delegates be deprived of their positions of influ- 
ence in the party, and that the national committeeman, who 
received the checks from Lowden headquarters to be given 
the two delegates, be removed from his position. 

Hearings of the Senate committee throughout were replete 
with exposures of the methods of big business in Republican 
politics, the brazen attempt of candidates to obtain political 
preferment through the use of money and wanton efforts to 
control delegates at the convention as political pawns. 

Following the preliminary plan for "underwriting" the 
Wood campaign, it was subsequently shown that in addi- 
tion to Procter another Wood "angel" was Ambrose MonelL 
Wall Street capitalist, who advanced $120,000. The sum of 
$225,000 was sent into Wood headquarters by William 
Loeb, Jr., of New York, this amount representing several 
contributions by men whose names have not yet been dis- 
closed. 

EXPENDITURES IN OHIO 

One of the bitter state fights was that in Ohio, where the 
contest primarily was between General Wood and Senator 
Harding. From a Republican and Democratic politician, re- 
spectively, the Senate committee heard the story of lavish 
expenditures. 

Robert S. Wolfe, publisher of two Republican newdl 
papers, testified he refused to support Senator Harding be- 
cause he placed his candidacy in Ohio in the hands of the 
Republican "machine." 

"A great deal of money was expended in Columbus," said 
this Republican, "by both Harding and Wood. There wa» 
general activity in the state and the Harding people were 
apparently as well financed as the Wood people and spent 
their money liberally. My judgment is, if you would like to*, 
know frankly, that each campaign in Ohio cost about $100,000* 
that each side spent about $100,000 in the state." 



BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 377 

This estimate by an Ohio Republican is much at variance with 
the Harding management's claim that only $107,000 was 
spent throughout the entire country. 

Edwin H. Moore, Democratic national committeeman 
from Ohio, told the Senate committee of the flow of money 
in the Harding-Wood contest. Mr. Moore spoke as an exper- 
ienced politician and testified under oath. At one point in 
his testimony he said: 

"I will not say I have no knowledge, for I have, but of 
direct personal knowledge I have none, except that I want to 
say I have been in politics for nearly forty years, more or 
less actively, and, if I know a chicken hawk from a handsaw 
there was more money expended in the pre-primary fight 
in Ohio by the two candidates than I have ever seen ex- 
pended in Ohio in any election. AND IN COMPARISON 
WITH THE MONEY SAID TO HAVE BEEN EX- 
PENDED BY SENATOR NEWBERRY IN MICHIGAN, 
IT MAKES THAT LOOK LIKE A MERE PIKER'S 
CONTEST. 

"There were page advertisements in the various important 
newspapers in the state, not one day, but days. There were 
meetings, that were perfectly proper, held all over the state, 
large meetings, music and bands and all of that, which is 
perfectly proper, I suppose. In addition to that there wej e 
state organizations in cities like my own, which is not one of 
the most important in the state, a town of about 130,000; end 
the headquarters in our town, which I understand were of 
the same character as those over the state, were extensive 
leadquarters in an expensive hotel, the Lee Hotel, very 
expensive, and maintained for perhaps six weeks or two 
months." 

Asked by Chairman Kenyon who maintained those head- 
quarters, Mr. Moore replied: 

"Both Wood and Harding. I am taking it for granted that 
this investigation is not a mere blarney investigation. I sup- 
pose it is a real investigation. You could subpoena twenty 
men in Ohio that could tell the story much better than I can." 

HARDING PRESS AGENT GOT $300 A WEEK 

The Republican nominee, Senator Harding, who was se- 
lected by the "Old Guard" at Chicago, waged his principal 
campaign in Ohio and Indiana, making more or less limited 
efforts in other states. The Senate investigation showed that 
Senator Harding's publicity agent was paid $300 per week. 
This press agent, who also received his expenses while travel- 
ing, was paid more liberally THAN A CABINET OFFICER 
OF THE UNITED STATES. 

How Dan R. Hanna, of Ohio, agreed to raise a half -million 
dollars for the Wood campaign in the event Senator Harding 
did not become a candidate for the Presidency was related 
to the Senate investigators by John T. King, national com- 
mitteeman from Connecticut and original Wood manager, 
who later withdrew from the management because of differ- 
ences between himself and General Wood and Col. William C. 
Procter, the Wood "angel." He testified that he and Wood 
were brought together by Hanna. 

"Mr. Hanna said he was very anxious to get into a move- 
ment to make Wood president," declared King. "I asked 
Slim about the Ohio situation in case Senator Harding became 
l candidate. He said if Harding became a candidate he 



378 BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 

would not interfere and would not do anything in Ohio for 
General Wood. I said, 'On that basis I am very willing to 
look into it and meet General Wood.' " 

King also testified that at this conference "HANNA 
AGREED TO RAISE A HALF MILLION DOLLARS. He 
agreed to go out and gather up a half million, which he 
thought would be necessary for the eight months' work." 
King further testified that Hanna never raised this amount, 
and did not give any explanation for his failure. After King 
withdrew, Colonel Procter assumed charge of the Wood cam- 
paign. 

It is significant that Dan Hanna agreed to finance the 
Wood campaign only in the event that Harding did not 
become a candidate for the nomination. 

THE "UNDERWRITING" CONFERENCE 

Further testimony regarding the interest of big business 
in the Republican nomination was furnished by Charles H. 
Duell, a lawyer, of Yonkers, N. Y., who related details of 
the "underwriting" conference. 

Mr. Duell told the committee that he was connected with 
the Wood campaign in the early stages, "dating from the 
time I met Mr. Ambrose Monell, who has had business in 
Wall Street — the gentleman mentioned here this morning." 

Asked "What does Mr. Monell do?" the witness replied: 

"To the best of my knowledge and belief, Mr. Monell is 
connected with the International Nickel, the Midvale Steel 
and the American Bank Note." 

Mr. Monell was subsequently shown to be one of the large 
contributors to the Wood fund. 

The witness described Monell as "the quiet collector of the 
Wood money in the early stages." Speaking of the "under- 
writing" conference, he added: 

"Initially, the theory of Mr. Monell as to the Wood cam- 
paign was to underwrite either a half million or a million 
dollars; TO UNDERWRITE WOOD JUST AS YOU 
WOULD A STOCK COMPANY. ... Of course, after the 
change in management the plans were changed, but the first 
plan was to raise a half million. Mr. Monell asked me to 
raise half and he would get half. Then a meeting was ar- - 
ranged at his house in New York, at which meeting Robert 
Cassatt, of Philadelphia, General Wood, Mr. Monell and 
myself were present." 

"Is that the Pennsylvania Railroad man?" the witness was 
asked. 

"Of Philadelphia, Pa.," replied the witness. 

Duell testified that when Cassatt was asked to raise half 
a million dollars he explained that he was for Wood, but he 
did not think it best under all the circumstances for him to 
undertake the task and finally declined, because of pressure 
of business and other matters. 

LOEB THE "DEPOSITORY" 

Additional details of the "underwriting" of General Wood's 
campaign by men connected with Wall Street interests were 
given at the hearing at Chicago, on July 7, 1920, in the testi- 
mony of William Loeb, Jr., who was private secretary to 
President Roosevelt, and is now a high -official in two com-' 
panies controlled by the powerful Guggenheim interests. He 
told the committee that he was selected as the "depositors" 



BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 379 

for the $1,000,000 fund to be raised by the Wood campaign 
"underwriters." 

Because of Senator Borah's speech exposing the saturnalia 
of expenditures being made by candidates (or the Republican 
nomination for President contributions were discouraged and 
Loeb received only $406,000 in all. 

Speaking of the "underwriting" conference which was held 
in the office of Rufus Patterson, the representative of the 
Duke interests, in the early part of February, 1920, Mr. Loeb 
said: 

"At a meeting which was attended by Col. Ambrose Monell, 
Mr. Rufus Patterson, a personal friend of General Wood's, 
and Mr. George A. Whalen and myself, we determined that 
the only way of raising the money that would be necessary 
to organize the country and fight the organization was to 
have certain friends and admirers of General Wood under- 
write the campaign. And at that meeting Colonel Monell 
took a quarter of the underwriting, assuming that the under- 
writing would be a million dollars; Mr. Whalen took another 
quarter, and Colonel Monell said he was sure that Colonel 
Proctor would take another quarter, which left $250,000 to be 
raised by general subscription." 

Mr. Loeb testified that General Wood was present at the 
meeting in Patterson's office, but he denied that the General 
was in the room when the "underwriting" of his candidacy 
was discussed. He said: 

"When the decision had been reached, that we would go 
to the country, why Mr. Monell and Mr. Whalen and I went 
off into another room, and those two gentlemen agreed to 
underwrite, as I said, 50 per cent." 

Asked, "And General Wood was with them out in the other 
rocm?" the witness replied: 

"I don't recall whether he left before we returned or not. 
I rather think he had left before we returned." 

TRIES TO JUSTIFY EXPENDITURES 

Mr. Loeb even attempted to justify the expenditure of vast 
sums of money in the Wood campaign by saying, "I don't 
think the criticism that too much money was spent in the 
Wood campaign is well founded." 

In reply to the question as to whether "there should be no 
limit at all of the amount of money spent in a campaign," 
Mr. Loeb said: 

"Oh, I think there should be a reasonable limit, but when 
you consider that the General's campaign had to be organ- 
ized from the Atlantic to the Pacific in every State, to fight 
a political organization already well manned, and when you 
consider the high cost of campaigning, which moves up with 
the high cost of living, I DON'T THINK THAT A MIL- 
LION DOLLARS WAS TOO MUCH. You take the last 
Republican campaign. They reported having expended two 
nillion and a half between the convention of 1916 and the 
election. They couldn't do that same work for double the 
amount now." 

CONTRIBUTORS TO WOOD FUND 

Pressed for the names of the contributors to the Wood 
'und whose money came into his hands as the "depository" 
if th<* "underwriters,** Mr. Loeb was able to give a few 



380 BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 

names. His memory as to the amounts contributed by the 
Wall Street barons was likewise hazy. His memory served 
him sufficiently to recall that J. B. Duke, the tobacco king, 
was one of the contributors, but he did not remember the 
amount given by him. Persistent questioning by the com- 
mittee developed the fact that H. H. Rogers, son of the late 
Standard Oil magnate, gave $50,000. Although the late 
George W. Perkins was a supporter of Governor Allen of 
Kansas, he handed Mr. Loeb $10,000, which Mr. Loeb said he 
supposed represented some subscriptions from some friends 
of General Wood. 

An interesting sidelight on the methods used by the Wood 
campaign committee in disbursing the vast campaign funds 
to their field agents, including several Republican national 
committeemen, was brought out in Mr. Loeb's testimony. 

Upon a mere telephone request from Frank Hitchcock, the 
"political broker" of the Wood organization, Mr. Loeb put 
five cashiers' checks for $5,000 each into envelopes and mailed 
them without so much as a letter of transmittal, nor did he 
receive any acknowledgment from any of the recipients of 
these checks. 

Asked if this was not unusual, Mr. Loeb replied, "I don't 
think so; no." 

"Well, isn't it unusual outside of politics?" the witness was 
asked. 

"It would be; yes," said Mr. Loeb. "In a business trans- 
action I should probably write a letter, and be very careful 
to file a copy. BUT IN POLITICS, YOU KNOW, THINGS 
ARE NOT DONE THAT WAY." 

Mr. Loeb testified that one of these checks for $5,000 was 
sent to a former Republican National Committeeman for the 
District of Columbia, and another to Geo. W. Bean, Repub- 
lican National Committeeman for Florida. 

METHODS EMPLOYED IN SOUTH 

Republican campaign methods in the Southern States, 
where Republican candidates "go gunning" for delegates 
every four years, were graphically described by M. H. Karnes, 
a Republican, of Atlanta, Georgia, formerly of Ohio. He 
testified that Frank H. Hitchcock, former Postmaster Gen- 
eral, was described in the South as a "political broker," in 
the Republican party. 

"Four men representing Hitchcock in Georgia politics," 
testified Karnes, "told me the plan was to let us all go along 
and work together in aid of a delegation for Hitchcock. I 
asked one of them, Clark Greer, if Hitchcock was running 
for the presidential nomination, and he said he was not, but 
was a political broker. Greer said to me: 

" 'Mr. Hitchcock's plan is this. The delegates from Georgia* 
Alabama, Florida and the other Southern states will be in- 
Mr. Hitchcock's control and he 'will finance all the campaigns. 
They will not have to" look to anybody else for money. It will 
all come through Hitchcock, and when he gets to'the Chicago 
convention he will have in his hand around 97 votes, and he 
can get what he wants.' " 

Karnes testified that Roscoe Pickett, formerly Republican 
National Committeeman from Georgia, had received some 
money "to look after the Wood interests in Georgia," but 
that Henry Lincoln Johnson, a negro, of the rival faction. 



BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 381 

"had not received any money up to this time." It was 
shown by later testimony that Johnson subsequently received 
money from the Lowden headquarters. Karnes said he him- 
self was for Senator Harding, but was hopeful of avoiding a 
Georgia contest and wrangle. 

Continuing his expose of Republican methods among 
Southern delegations, the witness said: 

"Greer told me that his advices from New York were 
that Hitchcock was soon to take charge of a campaign and 
he felt quite sure it would be that of Leonard Wood, and 
that if he did that, that would throw together him and 
Pickett (who was handling the Wood campaign under King 
and Senator Moses in Georgia). Greer said to me: 'Before 
this happens there is a chance for you to get on the band 
wagon. You can be elected delegate from this district with- 
out much trouble, especially if Lincoln Johnson says so. 
You are closest to Lincoln Johnson, and if you will do that 
we will give you $2,000 to cover your expenses, and they 
should not be large because we will take care of practically 
all of them.' 

"That was on March last. Greer, the head of the Hitch- 
cock workers in the state, also said to me: 'Now you are 
close to Lincoln Johnson and Lincoln is for Lowden, and he 
wants to be elected national committeeman. If you will 
accept that proposition for the fifth district, we will make 
you a proposition for Lincoln. 

" 'You tell him we will throw no opposition in his -way of 
being national committeeman from Georgia, provided he will 
allow us to have the delegates for Mr. Hitchcock, and if he 
will agree upon that we will finance tin entire campaign and 
put $3,000 in any bank he designates, to be his after the State 
convention is over; to kind of carry him on until after the 
Republican Party gets in power and can give hiaa a job.' " 

Karnes testified that he would not put such a proposition 
up to Johnson as he did not want to lose his political 
xiendship. 

DESCRIBES "WILD USE OF MONEY" 

Johnson, who was elected Republican National Committee- 
man for Georgia at Chicago, on July 8, 1920, told of "A 
WILD USE OF MONEY" at the district convention in 
Dublin, Ga., where he was leading the Lowden forces and 
Clark Greer was representing General Wood. Johnson tes- 
tified that he spent "about $150" and Clark Greer spent "about 
&2,000"- at Dublin. 

He admitted that his faction spent "about $20,000," of 
which $9,000 came from the Lowden forces during the cam- 
paign for delegates in Georgia, and testified that the Wood 
organization spent "all the way from $65,000 to $80,000." 

Asked if the Wood forces were "buying delegates," the 
witness replied: "OH, I DO NOT KNOW WHETHER IT 
WAS THE BUYING OF 'A DELEGATE OR NOT. IT 
WAS JUST HANDING OUT THE MONEY TO THE 
DIFFERENT BOYS AROUND." 

Speaking of the expenditure of money at the Dublin con- 
tention by Clark Greer, Johnson said: 

"He spent it around, down over a little hall, over the drug 
ftore; he called all the boys in and excluded all the rest of 



382 BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 

us, saying he had personal conversations to have with them; 
and then he went up to the court house — the public court 
house — (where the convention was held), and when the prop- 
osition was made by a delegate by the name of McRay, he 
made a motion to instruct the delegates to vote at Chicago 
for General Wood." 

This motion was opposed by Johnson and a motion to 
lay McRay's motion on the table was carried. 

"When the motion was laid on the table, Mr. Greer lo^st 
his head, and he just went around like a wild man hollering 
to delegates, and he said: 

'I have given you money, and I have paid you your money 
here, and you have let Link Johnson come here and carry 
you astray,' and all that kind of thing; and he asked for the 
return of the money. 

"The boys came to me and I said, 'Why, just keep what 
you have got. I shall take all this matter before the Grand 
Jury and see if there is any law in Georgia against corrupt 
practices — the corrupt practices act, and all that business. 
Then Mr. Greer got frightened about the matter, so MY 
FRIENDS WERE LEFT WITH THE MONEY, and I was 
glad to have it that way.' " 

"He paid them before they voted?" the witness was asked. 

"Oh, yes, sir," replied Johnson. "It was before taking, 
Senator." 

$2,500 CHECKS SENT TO MISSOURI 

Inquiring into Republican campaign methods in Missouri, 
the Senate investigating committee developed several re- 
markable incidents. It discovered that one of the Republican 
leaders of the state expended moliey furnished by both the 
Harding and Lowden treasuries, while two other politicians 
each accepted a check for $2,500 from the Lowden head- 
quarters, although they said they protested there was no 
way in which to spend the money. THESE TWO POLI- 
TICIANS, WITH LOWDEN MONEY VIRTUALLY 
FORCED UPON THEM, WERE DELEGATES TO THE 
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

First came the testimony of W. L. Cole, of Union, Mis- 
souri, chairman of the Republican state committee. Cole 
said he was approached by Daugherty, campaign .manager 
for Harding, who wanted to know what Senator Harding's 
chances were in the state. Cole said he informed him that 
Harding had little chance in Missouri, "as it looked as if 
everything was set up for Governor Lowden." 

The Harding manager, he testified, then asked him xo sur- 
vey the situation to develop whether Harding could be 
made Missouri's second choice. Cole testified that he was 
busy and did not want to undertake the scout work. 

"Mr. Daugherty asked me to find out that sentiment and 
said 'we will pay you for your time employed to do that and 
your actual expenses,' " continued Cole. "And I said, 'Mr. 
Daugherty, I will undertake it and will render a bill to you 
for the amount of my expenses and the time.' Daugherty 
replied he did not want to do it that way, as there would be 
so many bills coming in when the thing was over he would 
not know where he stood. ^ 

"He said they wanted to pay as they went along and he 
would hand me a check then. He immediately took his 



BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 383 

',heck book and wrote me a check for $1,250. I said 'I will 
ake this check on one condition. When I have, done this 
vork I will render a statement of my expenses and time 
employed, and if there is any left will return it to you.' 
^nd he said, 'YES, AND IF YOU NEED MORE, LET ME 
£NOW.' That was the end of the conversation." 

Cole testified that he expended about $525 to $550 of this 
;um for traveling expenses in behalf of Harding. Asked 
vhat he intended to do with the balance of about $700, Cole* 
laid he intended to use part of it as his compensation and 
eturn the balance. 

HAD MONEY OF TWO CANDIDATES 

He was then referred to previous testimony of E. L. Morse, 
me of the Republican "bosses" of Missouri, who had told 
:he committee that $500 of Lowden money had been sent 
:o Mr. Cole. The witness was asked to explain why he had 
>oth Harding and Lowden money. 

Cole said he^did not know the $500 given him by Morse 
*as Lowden money, but assumed it was from Morse's own 
>ocket for use in the Third district Congressional campaign, 
vhere there was a special election to be held. Morse, he 
aid, wanted him to aid in the Third district campaign and 
>ut through a motion in the state committee that Cole 
hould handle the campaign. 
"The meeting adjourned and Mr. Morse handed me his 
heck for $500, telling me to deposit it and use it in that 
ampaign," said Cole. "It was Morse's personal check and 
here was not a word said about it being Lowden's cam- 
»aign fund. There was never a word said about it being 
-.owden's money and I never thought it was until I saw a 
tatement in the newspaper a day or two ago that it was 
ILt. Lowden's money." 

Cole testified that not a cent of this $500 from Lowden's 
reasury was expended by him for Lowden, but it all went 
tito the Congressional campaign in the Third district. 

Reverting to the $1,250 supplied by the Harding manager, 
he committee asked Cole if he was accustomed to charge 
or his political services. He replied, "Not ordinarily; I 
ave been giving my time without any pay for two or three 
ears, all of it." 

"This time you took pay to . find out the sentiment for 
arding — that is the only time you ever did that?" he was 
sked. 
"It is the only time, outside of a few times when I have 
lade speeches and received pay. I have received reraunera- 
on for making speeches two or three^ times; I do not know 
rhether it was a state or county committee." 
Mr. Morse had previously testified to receiving $32,000 of- 
,owden money for use in Missouri, of which sum he gave 
500 to state chairman Cole. . He said he did not know that 
ole had received $1,250 to sound out sentiment for Harding, 
nd "supposed at the time he was for Lowden." 
"Was it a surprise to you to know that he had received 
toney from the Harding men?" asked Chairman Kenyon. 
"Yes; 1 was surprised. I understand he explained it by 
aying he was the second choice," responded Morse. At this 
incture Senator Reed observed: 

"Well, he got twice as much money from the second 
aoice " 



384 BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 

Then came the testimony of Robert E. Moore and Nat 
Goldstein, of St. Louis, both delegates to the Chicago con- 
vention, of the receipt by them of checks for $2,500 from 
Treasurer Emmerson, of the Lowden campaign committee. 
This money came, they testified, through J. L. Babler, Repub- 
lican National Committeeman from Missouri, who told them 
to "GO AHEAD AND TAKE IT," WHEN THEY PRO- 
TESTED THERE WAS NO PURPOSE FOR WHICH 
.THE MONEY COULD BE EXPENDED. 

Testimony developed that there was no expense connected 
with the selection of delegates in St. Louis, the procedure 
being simply to call the Republicans together in some hall 
or schoolhouse and make the selections as agreed upon by 
the party chiefs. 

"I told both Mr. Emmerson and Mr. Babler that there was 
no occasion to use any money, and I did not need any 
money," testified Moore. We talked about different things, 
particularly about Governor Lowden. The next thing I 
heard of money was when Babler phoned me to come to his 
office and he handed me a check for $2,500, which he said 
Emmerson had sent me. I told him again, as I had told 
Emmerson, that there was no use for any money. ... I said 
*I do not want any $2,500, Jake/ and he said, 'Go ahead. It 
is all right. Use it in the fall; use it when you want it.' 
That was Mr. Babler's statement." 

Moore testified that he still had the $2,500. He admitted 
he was a delegate and expected to sit in the Chicago con- 
vention. Asked what he intended to do with the $2,500, ht 
answered: ^ 

"I intended at the time that if Mr. Lowden were nomi- 
nated it would be fair to go ahead and use the money in 
the election. In the event he was not nominated I intended 
to return it." 

Moore added that his present intention was to return the 
Lowden money forthwith, without waiting for the nomina- 
tion. 

Asked when he had reached that decision, he repljed: 

"Since all the unpleasant publicity I have received on ac 
count of it." 

The witness said he had never received any money from 
Babler before for election use. Pressed as to how the 
Lowden mone3' could be used after his nomination, Moore 
said it might be employed in registration work, but he ad- 
mitted the cost of registration in his ward had never ex- 
ceeded more than $300 or $400. 

The testimony of Nat Goldstein, recipient of the other 
check for $2,500, was along somewhat similar lines. He, too, 
had told Babler and the Lowden treasurer that not a dollar 
would be required, but Babler said, "We will get seme money 
even if you do not need it." Goldstein likewise said he i 
tended to return the money if Lowden were not nominate 

Goldstein was asked why he had denied to a newspape: 
reporter that he had received $2,500 of Lowden money. He 
admitted the denial, and said: 

"It was just because I knew I had made a mistake. In 
the first place, I really thought, I knew, that it was not in- 
tended for my district for Governor Lowden. It could not 



BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 385 

have been because there was no excus« for spending a dollar 
in that district." 

RETURNED THE MONEY AT CHICAGO 

Testifying before the committee at Chicago, on July 7, 1920, 
Goldstein said that he turned the money over to E. L. Morse 
in the form of a check on the day before the Republican con- 
vention nominated Senator Harding. This check, dated June 
11, 1920, Liberty Bank of St. Louis, payable to Louis L. Em- 
merson, $2,500, signed "Nat Goldstein," and countersigned on 
the back, "Louis L. Emmerson," showing that it reached 
Governor Lowden's manager, was set out in the record. It 
was handed back to Goldstein to keep as a souvenir of the 
Missouri campaign. 

At a subsequent appearance before the committee, Moore 
also exhibited a check on the Mississippi Valley Trust Co.» 
dated June 11, 1920, payable to Louis L. Emmerson, for 
$2,500, signed R. E. Moore, bearing the name of Louis L. 
Emmerson on the back, to show that he had returned the 
Lowden money that had been "forced" upon him. Senator 
Reed called attention »to the fact that the check did not go 
through the St. Louis clearing house until June 29th, and 
Moore explaimed that "it was evidently delayed in transit." 

"What did Mr. Emmerson say when you said, 'Take back 
your gold?' " Senator Reed inquired. 

"I did not talk to him," said Moore. "I did not hear from 
him." To this Senator Reed replied, "All right." Where- 
upon Moore said, "That is not enough to mean much in my 
young life. I am still young and ambitious, but I do not want 
to have any more trouble." 

PAID $31,000 TO LOWDEN WORKERS 

According to a statement submitted at the Chicago hear- 
ing by E. L Morse, about $31,000 was paid out by him to 
Lowden workers in the Missouri campaign. BECAUSE OF 
THE "UNPLEASANT PUBLICITY" GIVEN TO THE 
LAVISH USE OF LOWDEN MONEY IN MISSOURI 
MANY PROMINENT REPUBLICAN POLITICIANS OF 
THAT STATE DENIED THAT THEY KNEW IT WAS 
LOWDEN MONEY THAT THEY WERE GIVEN TO 
ROUND UP DELEGATES. But Morse testified that he 
"made no concealment to anybody" that the money had been 
"contributed by Mr. Lowden for the Lowden campaign bene- 
fit" and when he gave money to men it was for the purpose 
of getting the district conventions to elect delegates who 
would be favorable to Governor Lowden. 

Jacob L. Babler, who also testified at Chicago concerning 
the rush of Missouri Republican politicians to return the 
Lowden money after the expose, attempted to acquit them of 
knowledge that he was handing out Lowden money, despite 
the fact that it was well known that he was working for 
Governor Lowden. Among those that Babler endeavored to 
shield was E. E. Mcjimsey, Republican candidate for Gov- 
ernor of Missouri, to whom Babler had given $1,000 tc get 
Mcjimsey to have his friends in the seventh Missouri district 
to elect delegates friendly to Lowden. 

Among the Republican politicians in Missouri who joined 
the mad scramble to get rid of the Lowden money was 
Roscoe Patterson, of Springfield, Mo., who was a candidate 
for Congress. After Babler had testified that he had given 



336 



BUYING THE PRESIDENCY 



Patterson $1,000 to get delegates friendly to Lowden, Patter- 
son returned the money to Babler. E. L. Brown, a delegate 
from Missouri to the Chicago convention, returned $1,000 
given him by Babler to "elect two uninstructed delegates that 
would be opposed to the nomination of General Wood and be 
friendly to our organization" from the first Missouri district, 
because he learned that it was Lowden money after the ex- 
pose. 

Asked how Brown voted in the Chicago convention, Babler 
said that he did not know, "but I imagine he voted for Gov- 
ernor Lowden." 

A resume of the Senate investigation up to the time it 
practically wound up its inquiry into the pre-convention ex- 
penses of all candidates, with hearings to be continued later 
in the year shows unprecedented totals spent by G. O. P. 
candidates for the nomination. There was no scarcity of 
funds, propaganda, paid speakers and scouts. On the other 
hand, the figures themselves attest that Democratic candi- 
dates were extremely modest in their expenditures and in 
no state was there a Democratic "slush fund." 



G. O. P. HONOR ROLL 



Wisconsin has every day since the adjournment of 
the "Convention recorded itself on the cash register at 
Headquarters with stubstantial sums.- — (The "Official 
Bulletin" of the Republican Treasurer.) BOYS, GET 
THE MONEY! 



LEAGUE'S POWER RESTS 

ON ECONOMIC BOYCOTT 



TF any member of that League, or any nation not a 
member^ refuses to submit the question at issue 
either to arbitration or discussion by the council, there 
ensues automatically by the engagement of this cov- 
enant an absolute economic boycott. . . . 

I -want you to realize that this war was won not only 
by the armies of the world. It was won by economic 
means as well. Without the economic means the war 
would have been much longer continued. What hap- 
pened was that Germany was shut off from the eco- 
nomic resources of the rest of the globe and she could 
not stand it. 

A nation that is boycotted is a nation that is in sight 
of surrender. 

Apply this economic, peaceful, silent, deadly remedy 
and there will be no need for force. It is a terrible 
remedy. It does not cost a life outside the nation boy- 
cotted, but it brings a pressure upon that nation 
which, in my judgment, no modern nation could resist. 
From PRESIDENT WILSON'S address at Indianapo- 
lis, Ind., September 4, 1919. 



OBSTRUCTIONIST VOTES OF 
G. O. P. LEADERS IN CONGRESS 

Both Preparedness and War Programs Ham- 
pered by Candidate Harding and Other 
Republican Chiefs in House and Senate 

fHE Republican candidate for President and other Repub- 
hcan leaders in the present Congress stand convicted by 
their own records of having hampered the administration 
botn in tne passage of preparedness legislation and in the 
prosecution of the War. Here are the facts: 

SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Republican can- 

Un?££ r * ll ld6nt V ° tCd against the bil1 to cr eate the 
United States Shipping Board; against the amendment to the 

SnoLm^T™ biU ° f - 917 maldng an a PP^priation of 
$11,000 000 for the construction of a plant for the manufac- 
ture of armor-piate at one-half the cost exacted by steel 
manufacturers, the amendment being adopted in the face of 
strong opposition by the Republican minority; against the 
measure authorizing Governmental control of the telephone 
and telegraph systems; against the bill to create the War 
of m" C ° rporatlon; a * ainst the Preparedness Revenue bill 

SENATOR LODGE, Republican Floor Leader voted 
S'pLt P I Cpare / ness Rev ? nue Bill of 1917, and the Armor 
5£^j(S^ t0 ** ** Val Appropriation Bill of 

bilfcfettTn°e\ C e U , R J IS ' ^^^ ^ ^ ^™* *» 
bill creating the Shipping Beard, the Adamson Bill stand- 
ardizing the eight-hour working day for railway employees 

™Llv7fT 8 CrlP f ng . ° f thC r ° adS in the Period" mm" 
.diately after our entry into the war. Armor Plate Amend 
ment and Preparedness Revenue Bill' Amend- 

REPRESENTATIVE GILLETT, Speaker of the Hcuc- 

Bm Armor ^^ *%**"** ^ measte^ams n ' 
-nd [ votS ?vn£ \u Amend . ment > Preparedness Revenue Bill 
-nd voted FOR the motion to recommit the Agriculture' 
Stimulation Bill of 1917 to the Committe on Agrfcuiture a 
move calculated to kill the measure ^"culture, a 

REPRESENTATIVE MONDSLL, Majority Floor 
Leader, stands on record as against the Shippin F Board I B°?l 

^evTnue^n fnTf^' ^^ ^ ^^ 
Station Bur" *? "— "W of the Agricultural . 

REPRESENTATIVE KNUTSON, Republican WhJ„ 

GERMAN^-T ? ES ° LUTION D -CLAR P ING C WA^O& 
vjfcRMANY, the Espionage measure and for th- recomm-i 
ment of the Agricultural Stimulation Bill recomrr ^- 

'fn^ ePUbHC t nS Wh ° n ° W are commi *tee chairmen figured as 
follows m hampering tactics adopted by the RepubHcans: 

SENATE 

Borah, Idaho: Against tabling Gore Resolution (warning 
Americans off. high seas), Shipping Board Bill, Adamson Baf 



337 



388 REPUBLICAN OBSTRUCTION 

Federal Control of Telephone and Telegraph, Espionage Act, 
Preparedness Revenue Bill, War Revenue Bill of 1917. For 
Townsend substitute for Federal Rail Control Resolution, 
designed to block the administration measure. 

Brandegee, Connecticut: Against Shipping Board Bill, 
Adamson Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, Wire Control, Pre- * 
paredness Revenue Bill. 

Colt, Rhode Island: Against Adamson Bill, Armor Plate 
Amendment, Preparedness Revenue Bill. 

Cummins, Iowa: Against tabling Gore Resolution, Ship- 
ping Board Bill, Adamson Bill, Preparedness Revenue Bill. 
For Townsend substitute. 

Dillingham, Vermont: Against Shipping Board Bill, Adam- 
son Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, Preparedness Revenue 
Bill. For Townsend substitute. 

Fall, New Mexico: Against tabling Gore Resolution, Pre- 
paredness Revenue Bill. 

Fernald, Maine: Against Wire Control, Preparedness Rev- 
enue Bill. 

France, Maryland: Against Wire Control, Espionage Act. 
For the Townsend substitute. 

Frelinghuysen, New Jersey: Against Wire Control. For 
Townsend substitute. 

Gronna, North Dakota: AGAINST RESOLUTION DE- 
CLARING WAR ON GERMANY, tabling Gore Resolution, 
Shipping Board Bill, Adamson Bill, Espionage Act, War 
Revenue Bill. For Townsend substitute. 

Hale, Maine: Against Wire Control. 

Johnson, California: For Townsend substitute. 

Jones, Washington: Against tabling Gore Resolution, 
Shipping Board Bill, Adamson Bill, Armor Plate Amend- 
ment, Preparedness Revenue Bill. For Townsend substitute. 

Kellogg, Minnesota: Against Wire Control. 

Kenyon, Iowa: Against Adamson Bill, Preparedness Rev- 
enue Bill. For Townsend substitute. 

La Follette, Wisconsin: AGAINST RESOLUTION DE- 
CLARING WAR ON GERMANY, tabling Gore Resolution,, 
both revenue bills of 1917, and Espionage Act. 

McCumber, North Dakota: Against tabling Gore Resolu- 
tion, Adamson Bill, Wire Control, Preparedness Revenue 
Bill. 

McLean, Connecticut: Against Shipping Board Bill, Adam- 
son Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, Preparedness Revenue 
Bill. 

Nelson, Minnesota: Against Shipping Board Bill, Adam- 
son Bill. 

New, Indiana: Against Wire Control. 

Norris, Nebraska: AGAINST RESOLUTION DECLAR- 
ING WAR ON GERMANY, tabling Gore Resolution, Adam- 
son Bill, both revenue bills of 1917. For Townsend substi- 
tute. 

Page, Vermont: Against Armor Plate Amendment, Prepar- 
edness Revenue Act. 

Penrose, Pennsylvania: Against Shipping Board Bill, 
Adamson Bill, Preparedness Revenue Bill, Armor Plate 
Amendment, Wire Control. 

Poindexter, Washington: Against Preparedness Revenue 
BUI. 

Sherman, Illinois: Against tabling Gore Resolution, Ship- 
ping Board Bill, Adamson Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, 
Espionage Act, Wire Control, Preparedness Revenue BilL 



REPUBLICAN OBSTRUCTION 389 

Smoot, Utah: Against Adamson Bill, Armor Plate Amend- 
ment, Wire Control, Preparedness Revenue Bill and Shipping 
Board Bill. For Townsend substitute. 

Sutherland, West Virginia: Against Armor Plate Amend- 
ment. 

Sterling, South Dakota: Against Shipping Board Bill, 
Adamson Bill. 

Townsend, Michigan: Against Armor Plate Amendment, 
Preparedness Revenue Bill. 

Wadsworth, New York: Against Shipping Board Bill, 
Adamson Bill, Wire Control, Preparedness Revenue Bill, 
Armor Plate Amendment. 

Warren, Wyoming: Against Shipping Board Bill, Adam- 
son Bill, Wire Control, Preparedness Revenue Bill. 

Watson, Indiana: Against Wire Control, Preparedness Rev- 
enue Bill. 

HOUSE 

Ireland, Illinois: Against Espionage Act, War Revenue 
Bill, 1917. For return to Committee on Agriculture of Food 
Stimulation Measure. 

Haugen, Iowa: AGAINST RESOLUTION DECLARING 
WAR ON GERMANY, against tabling McLemore Resolution 
(warning Americans off high seas), Shipping Board Bill, 
Espionage Act, Preparedness Revenue Bill, Rail Control. For 
recommitment Food Stimulation Measure. 

Smith, Idaho: Against Shipping Board Bill, Armor Plate 
Amendment, Espionage Act, Preparedness Revenue Bill. For 
Cooper Amendment to Armed Neutrality Bill (designed to 
prevent arming of American ships transporting war supplies). 

Good, Iowa: Against tabling McLemore Resolution, Ship- 
ping Board Bill, Espionage Act, both revenue bills, 1917. 
For Cooper Amendment, recommitment Food Stimulation 
Bill. 

Edmonds, Pennsylvania: Against Shipping Bill, Armor 
Plate Amendment, Espionage Act, both revenue bills, 1917. 
For recommitment Food Stimulation Bill. 

Vestal, Indiana: Against Espionage Act. For recommit- 
ment Food Stimulation Bill. 

Mapes, Michigan: Against Shipping Board Bill. 

Fess, Ohio: Against Shipping Board Bill, Adamson Bill, 
Armor Plate Amendment, Preparedness Revenue Bill. 

Williams, Illinois: Against tabling McLemore Resolution, 
Shipping Board Bill, Preparedness Revenue Bill. For Cooper 
Amendment. 

Kreider, Pennsylvania: Against Shipping Board Bill, 
Armor Plate Amendment, Adamson Bill, both revenue bills, 
1917. For Cooper Amendment. 

White, Maine: Against Espionage Act. 

Zihlman, Maryland: Against Espionage Act, War Revenue 
Bill, 1917. 

Dale, Vermont: Against Shipping Board Bill, Adamson 
Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, both revenue bills, 1917. 

Graham, Illinois: Against War Revenue Bill of 1917. 

Hersey, Maine: Against Espionage Act, War Revenue Bill, 
1917. 

Rodenberg, Illinois: AGAINST RESOLUTION DE- 
CLARING WAR ON GERMANY, tabling McLemore Reso- 
lution, Shipping Board Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, both 
revenue bills, 1917. For Cooper Amendment. , 



390 REPUBLICAN OBSTRUCTION 

Porter, Pennsylvania: Against Shipping B^ard Bill, Armor 
Plate Amendment, Preparedness Revenue Bill. For Cooper 
Amendment. 

Johnson, Washington: Against Shipping Board Bill, Espio- 
nage Act, Preparedness Revenue Bill. For Cooper Amend- 
ment. 

Bland, Indiana: For recommitment Food Stimulation Bill. 

Towner, Iowa: Against tabling McLemore Resolution, 
Shipping Board Bill, Preparedness Revenue Bill. For Cooper 
Amendment, recommitment Food Stimulation Bill. 

Esch, Wisconsin: AGAINST RESOLUTION DECLAR- 
ING WAR ON GERMANY, tabling McLemore Resolution, 
Preparedness Revenue Bill. For Cooper Amendment. 

Fuller, Illinois: AGAINST RESOLUTION DECLARING 
WAR ON GERMANY, tabling McLemore Resolution, both 
revenue bills, 1917. For Cooper Amendment. 

Kinkaid, Nebraska: AGAINST RESOLUTION- DE- 
CLARING WAR ON GERMANY, tabling McLemore 
Resolution, Shipping Board Bill, Espionage Act, Prepared- 
ness Revenue Bill. For Cooper Amendment. 

Volstead, Minnesota: Against tabling McLemore Resolu- 
tion, Shipping Board Bill, Preparedness Revenue Bill. For 
recommitment Food Stimulation bill. 

Smith, Michigan: Against Armor Plate Amendment, Pre- 
paredness Revenue Bill. 

Gould, New York: Against Adamson Bill, Armor Plate 
Amendment, both revenue bills, 1917. For recommitment 
Food Stimulation Bill. 

Greene, Massachusetts; Against Shipping Board Bill, 
Armor Plate Amendment, both revenue bills, 1917. 

Elston, California: Against Shipping Board Bill, Prepared- 
ness Revenue Bill. 

Kalin, California: Against tabling McLemore Resolution, 
Shipping Board Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, Espionage 
Act, Preparedness Revenue Bill. 

Garland, Pennsylvania: Against tabling McLemore Reso- 
lution, Shipping Board Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, Espi- 
onage Act, both revenue bills, 1917. 

Butler, Pennsylvania: Against tabling McLemore Resolu- 
tion, Shipping Board Bill, Adamson Bill, Armor Plate 
Amendment, Preparedness Revenue Bill. 

Nolan, California: Against Espionage Act. 

Sells, Tennessee: Against Shipping Board Bill, Adamson 
Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, both revenue bills, 1917. For 
recommitment Food Stimulation Bill. 

Steenerson, Minnesota: Against tabling McLemore Reso- 
lution, Shipping Board Bill. For recommitment Food Stimu- 
lation Bill. 

Kiess, Pennsylvania: Against Shipping Board Bill, Armor 
Plate Amendment, Preparedness Revenue Bill. 

Langley, Kentucky: Against tabling McLemore Resolu- 
tion, Espionage Act, both revenue bills, 1917. For Cooper 
Amendment, recommitment Food Stimulation Bill. 

Sinnott, Oregon: Against Shipping Board Bill, Espionage 
Act, Preparedness Revenue Bill. For Cooper Amendment. 

Wheeler, Illinois: AGAINST RESOLUTION DECLAR- 
ING WAR ON GERMANY, tabling McLemore Resolution, 
Shipping Board Bill, Espionage Act, both revenue bills, 1917. 
For Cooper Amendment, recommitment jFoocl Stimulation 
Bill. 



Republican obstruction 391 

Lehlbach, New Jersey: Against Shipping Board Bill, 
Adamson Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, Preparedness Reve- 
nue Bill. 

Little, Kansas: AGAINST RESOLUTION DECLARING 
WAR ON GERMANY, Espionage Act. For recommitment 
Food Stimulation Bill. 

Kennedy, Iowa: Agaist tabling McLemcre Resolution, 
Shipping Board Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, Espionage 
Act, Preparedness Revenue Bill. 

Dunn, New York: Against Shipping Board Bill, Armor 
Plate Amendment, both revenue bills, 1917. For recommit- 
ment Food Stimulation Bill. 

Curry, California: Against Shipping Board Bill, Espionage 
Act, Preparedness Revenue Bill. For Cooper Amendment, 
recommitment Food Stimulation Bill. 

Campbell, Kansas: Against tabling McLemore Resolution, 
Shipping Board Act, Armor Plate Amendment, Espionage 
Act. For Cooper Amendment and recommitment of Food 
Stimulation Bill. 

Focht, Pennsylvania: Against tabling McLemore Resolu- 
tion, Shipping Board Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, Espio- 
nage Act, both revenue bills, 1917. For Cooper Amendment, 
recommitment Food Stimulation Bill. 

Fordney, Michigan: Against Shipping Board Bill, Adam- 
son Bill, Armor Plate Amendment, Wire Control, Prepared- 
ness Revenue Bill. 

Mann, Illinois: Against tabling McLemore Resolution, 
Shipping Board Bill, Adamson Bill, Armor Plate Amend- 
ment, Espionage Act, both revenue bills, 1917. 



G. O. P. CONGRESS INCOMPETENT, SAYS 
GOMPERS 



"The present Congress may be indicted fairly as a 
Congress of incompetence on the cost of living issue. 
It may be indicted §s a Congress which has been neg- 
ligent of duty and thoughtless of the welfare of the 
people. * * * There must be an overturn in 
Congress. There must be sent to Congress men who 
understand and can be trusted. The record of be- 
trayal must for the sake of the nation's welfare give 
place to a record of constructive progress." — SAM- 
UEL GOMPERS, president of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor, in the "American Federationist" for 
June, 1920. 



Allow me to express through the "Official Bulletin" 
of the Treasury Office my gratitude for the enthusiasm 
shown by all associated with your office in raising our 
national campaign funds for 1920. — (Senator Har- 
ding's letter to Republican Treasurer Upham.) 



LABOR'S CHOICE 



In the report of the platform committee of the 
American Federation of Labor Non-Partisan Political 
Campaign Committee on the records of Governor 
Cox and Senator Harding the three members reached 
the following conclusions, to which they signed their 
names : 

"There can be but one conclusion 
based upon a careful and impartial 
survey of the actions and declarations 
of the candidates. Governor Cox has 
shown himself possessed of a fuller 
understanding of the needs of the 
working people, a readier response to 
their needs and to their proposals, and 
a broader statesmanship in his public 
discussions of the problems of the in- 
dustrial world. 

"In addition to his superior under- 
standing, Governor Cox is the candi- 
date on a platform which Labor has 
declared 'marks a measure of progress 
not found in the Republican platf orm > 
and the planks of which 'more nearly 
approximate the desired declaration of 
human rights than do the planks found 
in the Republican platform/ 

"Not only in the specific utterances 
relating directly to questions held para- 
mount by Labor is the comparison 
favorable to Governor Cox. His pro- 
gressive and constructive viewpoint 
holds throughout his declaration of 
public questions. * **•***» 

SAMUEL GOMPERS 
MATTHEW WOLL 
F*ANK MORRISON 



392 




DEMOCRATS HAVE KEPT 

THE FAITH WITH LABOR 

Pledges of Liberty and Opportunity Written 

Into The Party's Record of Performance 

with Utmost Fidelity 



LABOR BELIEVES IN GOV. COX 



L A ^ OR has confidence in James M. Cox 
because the laboring people feel that h*> 
UNDERSTANDS THEIR NEEDS AND IS IN 
HEARTY SYMPATHY WITH THE PRO 
GRESSIVE ASPIRATIONS OF THOSE 
c£l°.J ARN THE3R BREAD BY THE 
SWEAT OF THEIR BROWS. As governor 
ne accomplished more in the interest of the 
laboring people of Ohio and is held in higher 
esteem by them than any other governor in 
the state s history.— T. J. DONNELLY, Sec- 
retary, Ohio State Federation of Labor 



X«E Democratic Administration has fulfilled the la- 

forxnT TT s!ah °° ? ,ed ^ es of the Democratic pl£ 
T?i' ,- The record 1S w "tten in deeds. It is a reroTvJ 
o fidelity to promise bringing into American poS 
Ine the moral bond of obligation that has always char 
actenzed American private life. 

Step by step the Democratic Party, entrusted with 
power by a forward-looking people, has built a Will 
ive record the constant direction of which Thai been 
toward the future, bringing greater opportunity to all 

PLATFORM PLEDGES SACRED 
The platform written by the Democratic Party in 

Ik" V fC CK A° M a p l edse as sacred «* the pledges of 
which the Democratic record is the fulfillment 

resl^non ^ 01 " for . 1 » bor . Ration in that platform 

£bor ™2 J ft S n mC mtegnt ? }*** gave to American 
labor under the Democratic Administration the liberal- 



394 DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 

ing provisions of the Seaman's Act and the great guar- 
antees of the Clayton Act. 

It is the belief of the Democratic Party that the 
well-being of America lies in constructive effort, that 
the road to greatness is the road to the future. 

The Democratic Party is the party of progress — 
the party which pledges anew to the working people 
of America and to all of our citizenship the fullest 
measure of justice and the widest development of 
opportunity that statesmanship can achieve. 

PERFECTION OF DEMOCRACY 

The Democratic Party believes — and its record is 
the proof — that the voluntary cooperation of free 
people toward a common end is the perfection of 
democracy. This is the spirit and the purpose of its 
platform, the ideal that has animated all Democratic 
history. 

The Democratic Party by its record and by its 
pledge for the future recognizes the fellow citizenship 
of Labor in the whole fabric of our national life. 

There will be no hesitation in the tide of progress, 
there will be no slowing of the march under a con- 
tinuation of Democratic administration. The work- 
ing people of America — of whom we speak properly 
as Labor — interpret well the conscience and the 
thought of our nation when they declare that the day 
of industrial autocracy has passed. Democratic per- 
formance and Democratic pledges have written that 
belief into a great political creed — and upon what is 
written the party stands true. 

INDUSTRIAL CHAINS UNLOCKED 

The Democratic Party wrested political .supremacy 
from the Republican Party and taught government 
how to write the word "Freedom" into labor legisla- 
tion, how to unlock industrial chains, how to put into 
law the desires closest to the hearts and hearths of the 
masses of the American people. 

The Democratic Party has built a great record of 
legislation, bringing Liberty and Opportunity into the 
lives of millions. In simple truth it may be said that 
men are free who were bound, men live who would 
have died, men are happy who were in despair, men 
toil to useful purpose and in health wfeo would have 
been broken and worn, but for the things Democracy 
has done. Life is better, hope is brighter, the human 
mind is freer and clearer. f 

The Democratic Party has come far on the road. 
There has been no wavering and no turning. And 
the pledge is given that there shall be none. 



LABOR EMANCIPATED 

BY DEMOCRATIC LAWS 



Party's Record in Promoting Welfare of Toil- 
ers Wonderful Tribute to Its Efficiency 



LABOR'S RIGHTS RECOGNIZED 



'"P HE work of the Democratic Party in promoting the 

welfare of the wage-earners of the country may 
be illustrated by these notable accomplishments: 

Department of Labor organized. 

Drastic child-labor law enacted. 

Use of injunction in labor disputes circum- 
scribed. 

Punishment for alleged contempt of court re- 
stricted. 

Machinery for adjustment of labor disputes 
created. 

Safeguards for workers provided. 

Better laws to protect seamen. 

Children's Bureau established. 



POURING sixteen years of uninterrupted control of Con- 
*~^ gress and the Presidency, the Republicans utterly failed 
to grant labor its just due, and it was not until the Demo- 
crats organized the House in the 62d Congress in 1911 that 
consideration was given immediately to measures which 
would expand the zone of opportunity for the toilers and 
improve conditions under which the laboring man and woman 
worked and lived. The first fruits of the Democratic victory 
of 1910 was the selection of Champ Clark of Missouri as 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

THE BENEFICIAL EFFECTS OF THIS PEACEFUL 
REVOLUTION WERE EPOCHAL. Members of the House 
of Representatives who were peculiarly qualified by ex- 
perience and ability, were placed upon those legislative com- 
mittees where their services would most benefit the great 
mass of the people. That the people of the United States 
approved the record of the Democratic House, was evidenced 
by the fact that two years later, in 1913, for the first time in 
sixteen years, the Democratic Party found itself in control of 
the Presidency and both houses of Congress. 

JUSTICE FOR TOILERS 

The Democratic control of government and the sym- 
pathetic leadership of Woodrow Wilson have made effective 
progressive achievements which have constituted practically 
a completed program of economic justice for those who toil; 
and DURING THIS ADMINISTRATION, LAWS AF- 
FECTING THE TERMS AND CONDITIONS OF 
EMPLOYMENT HAVE BEEN * RE -WRITTEN TO 
ACCORD WITH THE HIGHEST DICTATES OF 

395 



396 DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 

MODERN CONSCIENCE AND ADVANCING CIVIL- 
IZATION. . 

LABOR'S NEW BILL OF RIGHTS IS SAFE UNDER 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. What would 
happen to them if a change is made to another and an 
entirely opposite administration, placing the enforcement of 
the new laws and the conduct of the Government's new 
administrative labor machinery in the hands of those who 
have fought practically every one of the advances made in 
labor's behalf, may well be left to the imagination. 

OUTSTANDING ACHIEVEMENTS 

The outstanding achievements along the line of this prog- 
ress are, as a matter of fact* so many as to preclude an 
adequate description of all or of each, but among the mast 
notable are these: 

1st — Organization of a Department of Labor with a 
Cabinet Officer, at its head. 

2nd — Amendment of the anti-trust laws relative to 
organizations of laborers and farmers on the principle 
that the labor of a human being is not a commodity or 
article of commerce and should not be legally placed in 
the same category with dumb or inanimate things. 

3rd — Passage of the Child Labor Law excluding from 
interstate commerce articles made by the labor of 
children. 

4th — The initial steps to prevent the abuse of the right 
of injunction in labor disputes by our Federal Courts. 

5th— Restricting punishment for alleged contempt of 
court, and providing a trial by jury in all such cases 
when the alleged act has not occurred within the imme- 
diate presence of the court. 

6th — Specifically defining the things that labor may do 
in furtherance of a labor dispute. 

7th — Prohibiting the funds appropriated for prosecu- 
tion of violations of the Anti-Trust laws from being used 
to prosecute laborers' and farmers' organizations for 
activities in furtherance of their legitimate functions. 

8th — The enactment of the Seamen's Law giving 
sailors the right to cease their employment when their 
vessel is in a safe port if the wages and working condi- 
tions are unsatisfactory to them. 

9th — The establishment of an eight-hour law for 
women and child workers in the District of Columbia. 

10th — An eight-hour law for employees engaged in 
operations under the Alaskan Coal Land Act. 

11th — Construction of the Alaska Railroad by the Gov- 
ernment instead of through contractors. 

12th — The Agricultural Extension Act and appropria- 
tions thereunder, providing vocational education for 
farmers and residents in rural communities. 

13th — Masters, mates and pilots on vessels guaranteed 
the right to quit when conditions are not satisfactory 
to them. 

14th — New safety stations and ten new experiment 
stations provided for the Bureau of Mines to enable it to 
extend its work of labor safety. 

15th— Federal boiler inspection extended so as to apply 
to locomotive engines and tenders. 



DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 397 

16th — Imposition of an income tax in conformity 
with the provisions of. the recently adopted Constitu- 
tional amendment placing the burden of taxation in just 
proportion upon the shoulders of all who should justly 
bear it 

17th— The establishment of a minimum fine for the 
enforcement of the hours ol service act of 1907, apply- 
ing to railway employees, which had become practically 
inoperative because the law provided a maximum but no 
minimum fine for those who were convicted of its viola- 
tion. 

OTHER IMPORTANT LEGISLATION 

Other important legislation highly beneficial to labor is 
as follows: 

Sixty-Second Congress (Democratic House, Republican Senate 
with Progressive Majority) 

"Gag" rule abolished. Rights of hearing, petition and 
association restored to post office and other civil service 
employees. 

United States constitutional amendment providing for pop- 
ular election of Senators passed. 

General eight-hour bill on contracts for public work 
enacted. 

Eight hours in the contracts Of fortification bill provided. 

Eight hours in the contracts of naval bill provided. 

Eight hours for letter carriers and clerks in post offices 
made mandatory. 

Extension of Federal Compensation for Injuries Act to 
Bureau of Mines employees. 

Children's Bureau established. 

Industrial Relations Commission provided. 

Second-class postage rates assured for trade union and 
fraternal publications. 

Eight-hour law of 1892 amended by extending it to dredge- 
men. 

Anti-trust proviso passed Congress exempting organiza- 
tions of labor from prosecution under Sherman law, but was 
vetoed by President Taft. 

Anti-phosphorus match bill passed. 



REPUBLICANS WOULD ENSLAVE 

LABOR, SAYS SAMUEL GOMPERS 



^HE Republican Party, in its platform dec- 
larations and through the political char- 
acter of the candidates nominated, has taken its 
position as an unqualified defender of the ene- 
mies of Labor. It has declared for the enslave- 
ment of the workers and for an open field to 
profiteers and to those who seek to suppress the 
aspirations of the great masses of our people. — 
SAMUEL GOMPERS, in "American Federa- 
tionist," July, 1920. 



398 ' DEMOCRACY AND LABOR " " 

Physical valuation law for railroads and express companies 
passed. 

Increased appropriations obtained for rescue work in 
Bureau of Mines. 

Parcels post law passed. 

Federal investigation ordered of the industrial conditions 
prevailing in the iron and steel industry, also a Congressional 
investigation ordered of the United States Steel Corporation. 

Law passed establishing" the three-watch system in the 
merchant marine for masters, mates and pilots. 

Public construction in government navy yards of naval 
vessels and colliers secured. 

Federal investigation of textile strike at Lawrence, Mass. 

Congressional investigation of the Taylor "stop-watch" 
system. 

Sixty-Third Congress (Democratic House and Senate) 

Organizations of Labor and Farmers taken from the pur- 
view of the Anti-trust Act. 

Limitation of the use, and prevention of the abuse, of the 
writ of injunction in labor disputes. 

Legislation defining and restricting punishment for al- 
leged contempts of injunction writs and providing jury trial 
in contempt cases. m 

Department of Justice prohibited from using Anti-trust 
appropriation funds to prosecute labor and farmers' organi- 
zations under the Anti-trust Act. First session. 

Department of Justice prohibited from using Anti-trust 
appropriation funds to prosecute labor and farmers' organi- 
zations under the Anti-trust Act. Second session. 

Department of Justice prohibited from using Anti-trust 
appropriation funds to prosecute labor and farmers' organi- 
zations under the Anti-trust Act. Third session. 

Passage of Seamen's law, abolishing involuntary servitude, 
providing better treatment of seamen and improving life- 
saving provisions on vessels at sea. 

Old conciliation, mediation and arbitration act repealed. 
New law enacted with permanent officials appointed to ad- 
minister it in behalf of railroad employees engaged in oper- 
ating, service. 

Public construction of battleships, transports and other 
vessels in United States navy yards extended. Repairs to 
vessels of the Navy to be made in governmental instead of 
private yards. Steadier work assured to employees of govern- 
ment navy yards. 

Industrial Education provided with appropriations for 
farmers and rural residents under the Agricultural Extension 
Act. 

Taylor System, stop-watch and speeding-up. methods in 
United States arsenals prohibited. 

Licensed officers, such as masters, mates, and pilots, guar- 
anteed right to quit, and protected when reporting defects of 
their vessels to government 'inspectors. 

Bureau of Mines Act extended and strengthened. Ten new 
experiment stations and seven new safety stations provided. 

Senatorial investigation of industrial dispute in coal fields 
of West Virginia, whereby peace was restored. 

Compensation for Injuries Act extended to post office 
employees. 



DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 399 

Locomotive boiler inspection act extended to cover loco- 
motive engines and tenders. 

Leave of absence with pay to employees of Government 
Frinting Office extended^from 25 to 30 days per year. 

Special Congressional investigation of industrial disputes 
in the Colorado coa»l fields and the Michigan copper region. 

An additional appropriation of $139,000 for the work of 
the Children's Bureau. 

More adequate appropriations for the Department of 
Labor to carry on its work. 

Immigration bill providing for the literacy test, passed by 
Congress and vetoed by the President. 

Sixty-Fourth Congress (Democratic House and Senate) 

Passage of the child labor bill prohibiting the transporta- 
tion of articles made by children under 14 along the highways 
of interstate commerce. Children between 14 and 16 must 
not work over eight hours in any day or over six days a 
week, nor between 7 p. m. and 6 a. m. (Declared unconstitu- 
tional by U. S. Supreme Court — vote 5 to 4 — October 1, 1917.) 

Passage of bill prohibiting the use of the stop-watch or 
other offensive time-measuring devices in government navy 
yards, naval stations, gun factories and other government 
producing establishments for the purpose of speeding up 
workers beyond human endurance. 

Department of Justice prohibited from using Anti-trust en- 
forcement appropriations to prosecute labor and farmers' or- 
ganizations. 

Farm loan law. 

Law containing minimum and maximum fines for enforce- 
ment of railroad employees' sixteen-hour act. 

Comprehensive federal employees' compensation-for-in- 
juries law. 

Thirty days' leave of absence secured for employees in 
navy yards, naval stations, gun factories and arsenals. 

An increase of 8% per cent, in wages secured for 24,333 
navy yard employees. 

Secured additional appropriations for the Bureau of Mines. 

Secured an increase in wages for machinists, boilermakers 
and other metal mechanics on the Panama Canal Zone. 

New appropriations of $6,000,000 for the purpose of equip- 
ping government navy yards in six cities. 

Appropriation of $20,000,000 to construct and equip power 
houses for production of nitrates for munitions, fertilizers 
and other useful products. 

Appropriation of $11,000,000 to establish a government 
armor plate plant. 

United States Shipping Board established to encourage, 
develop and create a merchant marine and naval reserve. 

Enactment of new organic law for Porto Rico, granting 
citizenship rights to the people of that island. The act also 
contains many essential humanitarian features. 



The names and amounts subscribed by donors 
should not be made public locally. — (From the "Offi- 
cial Bulletin," Treasurer's Office, Republican National 
Committee.) 



400 



DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 



Federal eight-hour law, applicable to contractors doing 
work for the United States Government, greatly strength- 
ened, particularly in reference to the basic wage for an 
eight-hour standard day and minimum overtime rates for 
employees of such government contractors. 

Incorporation of provisions in all of the appropriation 
bills, excepting that for the Post Office Department, by which 
wages and salaries of Federal employees were increased; 5 
per cent, to those receiving from $1,800 a year to $1,200 per 
year, and 10 per cent for those receiving less than $1,200 
per year. 

Re-enactment of the Tavenner amendment forbidding offi- 
cials to use the stop-watch or other offensive time measuring 
devices in government producing establishments. The pay- 
ment of bonus or premiums for excessive production is also 
prohibited. This amendment was incorporated in the four 
large appropriation bills for the Army, the Navy, the Fortifi- 
cations and the Sundry Civil measures. 

Passage of the Vocational Trade Training law. 

Sixty-Fifth Congress (Democratic House and Senate) 

Re-enactment of the original proviso in the Sundry Civil 
Appropriation Act, known as the Hughes amendment, pro- 
hibiting the Department of Justice from using funds provided 
in the appropriation for prosecuting the members of labor 
and farmers' organizations in their efforts to increase wages, 
reduce hours or improve working conditions as violations 
of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. This proviso is an addi- 
tional safeguard and is in hanmony with the labor provisions 
of the Clayton law. 

Passage of Food Control law. 

Passage of Food Survey law. 

Enactment of legislation amending the Judicial Code en- 
abling longshoremen and other maritime workers to obtain 
compensation for injuries under the state compensation laws, 
better known as the Longshoremen's Compensation law. 

Amendment to Urgent Deficiency bill providing appropria- 
tions for the Department of Labor to enable it to render 
better service in its Public Employment Service Bureau. 

Enactment of liberal, comprehensive Compensation for 
Injuries law for the benefit of enlisted soldiers and sailors, 



EMPLOYERS INDEBTED TO GOV. COX 



'THE business and employing interests of 
Ohio have been under continuing obliga- 
tions to Governor Cox during his three ad- 
ministrations. No governor has accomplished 
so much in maintaining harmonious and 
equitable relations between employers and 
employees, retaining at the same time the 
confidence and respect of both. — W. S. 
THOMAS, President, The Thomas Mfg. Co.; 
Member Ohio Manufacturers* Association, 
Springfield, Ohio. 



' '. ' DEMOCRACY AND LABOR - 401 

and their dependents, better known as the War Risk Insur- 
ance law. 

Enactment of War Risk Insurance law for the relief of 
seamen employed in the merchant marine. 

Allowing dependents to receive pay while absent abroad 
in military and naval service. 

Providing for reimbursement to officers and seamen for 
property lost. 

Providing six months' gratuity to dependents of deceased 
sailors in the navy. 

Providing for housing and lands for shipyard and muni- 
tion workers. 

Housing for war workers. 

Civil rights law for sailors and soldiers while in military 
service. 

Daylight saving law. 

Government taking over the railroads and giving just com- 
pensation to their owners. 

Sabotage law, preventing destruction of war material and 
punishment for same. 

Transportation of shipyard employees — amending the 
Emergency Shipping Funds provision of the Urgent Defi- 
ciency Appropriation Act empowering the President to take 
oven such transportation lines as necessary to accommodate 
the workers. 

Amending the Naturalization laws providing that aliens in 
the military and naval service be granted compensatory con- 
sideration under the Naturalization laws. 

Granting furloughs to enlisted men to engage in industrial 
activities. 

Amending War Risk Insurance Act granting insurance to 
others than those to be insured. 

Amending War Risk Insurance law, Section 13, regarding 
regulation of compensation of claim agents. 

Extending the use of the special fund and authorizing 
acceptance of gifts under the Rehabilitation of Disabled 
Soldiers' Act. 

Commission to fix minimum wage for women and minors 
in the District of Columbia. 

To readmit to United States after discharge from foreign 
service aliens in cobelligerent friendly armies. 

Transportation including sleeping-car accommodation to 
war workers of the United States Government no longer 
needtd. 

For the manufacture of cotton fabrics at the Atlanta, Ga., 
penitentiary to supply the requirements of War and Navy 
Departments for tents, etc. 

To enable the President to carry out the price guarantee 
for the 1918 and 1919 crops of wheat. 

Revenue Act, approved February 24, 1919, providing a 10 
per cent, tax on income of concerns employing child labor. 

Legislative, Executive and Judicial Appropriation Law 
carried $184,000 to enforce the child labor provision in the 
Revenue law. 



Our readers are requested not to make this publica- 
tion public. — (From the "Official Bulletin, Treas- 
urer's Office, Republican National Committee.) 



402 . DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 

Government grants $240 temporary increase in compensa- 
tion to all employees. 

Bonus of $60 is given to soldiers, sailors and marines at 
the time of their discharge. 

Allowing persons of Army, Navy and Marine Corps, in the 
present war, to retain uniforms, also to receive 5 cents per 
mile for railroad fare home. 

Increase in compensation for postal employees. 

Provision for commission to reclassify salaries of the 
government employees. 

Provision for commission to investigate the salaries of 
postmasters and employees of the postal service with a view 
to the reclassification and readjustment of same. 

Appropriation of $200,000,000 to aid the states in the con- 
struction of rural post roads. 

V 

DEMOCRATIC PLEDGES KEPT 

* 

An essential chapter in the story of the redemption of 
Democratic pledges to labor was conspicuously written when 
the Department of Labor was created and William B. Wilson, 
a trade unionist, was named by President Wilson as first 
Secretary of^Labor. The organic act establishing the De- 
partment of Labor broadly defines its duties in section one, 
wherein it is expressly declared that "the purpose of the 
Department of Labor shall be to foster, promote and develop 
the welfare of the wage earners of the United States, to 
improve their working conditions and advance their oppor- 
tunities for profitable employment." Suggestions and pro- 
posals for such a department had been urged continuously 
since the Civil War, but it was not until March 4, 1913, that 
the department was actually created and the separation 
made from the Department of Commerce and Labor, and 
the hopes and aspirations of the workers for a Department 
of Labor realized. The new department took over the Bureau 
of Labor Statistics, Bureau of Immigration, Naturalization 
Bureau and the Children's Bureau, all of which governmental 
agencies had formerly been a part of the Department of 
Commerce and Labor. In addition to these functions, an 
important duty devolving upon the Secretary of Labor rests 
upon that part of the Organic Act, which provides that the 
Secretary of Labor shall have the power to act as a medi- 
ator and to appoint Commissioners of Conciliation in labor 
disputes whenever in his judgment the interests of industrial 
peace require it to be done. Under this authority, the 
Secretary of Labor, beginning in a small way, by virtue of 
meagre appropriations granted, HAS BUILT UP STEAD- 
ILY YEAR BY YEAR ONE OF THE. MOST HELPFUL 
AND EFFECTIVE AGENCIES FOR THE PROMOTION 
OF INDUSTRIAL PEACE THAT EXISTS TO-DAY IN 
ANY COUNTRY IN THE WORLD. THOUGH HAM- 
PERED VERY CONSIDERABLY BY INSUFFICIENT 
APPROPRIATIONS, THE DIVISION OF CONCILIA- 
TION HAS ESTABLISHED A RECORD OF GREAT 
AND LASTING BENEFIT TO EMPLOYERS AND 
EMPLOYEES. 

Since the inception of this division on March 4, 1913, up 
to May 1st of the present year, the Division of Conciliation 
of the Department of Labor has been requested to utilize its 
good offices in more than 4,000 industrial disputes, involving 
directly more than 3,000,000 workmen, and indirectly over 



DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 404 

,500,000 workmen. Of the number of cases presented for 
onciliation, the Commissioners of Conciliation of the De- 
partment of Labor adjusted, or assisted local and state agen- 
cies in adjusting, 3,407 cases; referred nearly 300 cases to the 
National War Labor Board, and had on the 1st of May a few 
more than 100 cases pending, failing only to adjust during 
:hat4ime exactly 335 cases. This does not include the very 
mportant services of the commissioners in settling hundreds 
>f industrial disputes that might have resulted in strikes or 
ockouts, nor does this statement contain any records of the 
^operative assistance rendered to the War and Navy De- 
>artments, the Fuel Administration, the Shipping Board, the 
Railroad Administration, and other boards and agencies dur- 
ng the time our country was actively engaged in the war. 
The cases brought to the attention of the Department of 
^abor early in its organization showed that over 70 per cent. 
>f them were strikes, while during the past three years there 
las been a gratifying change until now, of the cases pre- 
sented for mediation, -less than 30 per cent, have reached the 
tage of a strike or lockout. 

UNITED STATES EMPLOYMENT SERVICE 

Prior to October 15, 1917, the United States Employment 
Service had been conducted as a part of the Division of 
nformation in the Bureau of Immigration and under the 
upervision of the Chief of that Bureau. The authority for 
his service was derived from the statutory powers of the 
division of Information supplemented by the broader powers 
>f the department itself with reference to the interests of 
rage earners and the advancement of their opportunities for 
>rofitable employment. In the act making appropriations 
to supply urgent deficiencies in appropriations for the fiscal 
'ear ending June 30, 1918," and prior fiscal years, on account 
>f war expenses, and for other purposes, Congress provided 
or an appropriation of $250,000 to "enable the Secretary of 
«abor during the present emergency, in addition to existing 
acilities, to furnish such information and to render such as- 



SPIRIT OF THE ADMINISTRATION 



TN my experience with United States Congresses dur- 
ing two score years I have not seen anything like 
the fine spirit toward labor, toward the rights and wel- 
fare of all the people, pervading all the branches of 
the Wilson administration. Labor has been recognized 
neither in the spirit of deference on the one hand, nor 
of patronage on the other. 

But the spirit of recognition has been the right one: 
that labor should be made part of the National Coun- 
cils; that its patriotism should be conceded, and that 
its knowledge of its own needs should give it para- 
mount voice in legislation directly and peculiarly af- 
fecting its own rights. 

This fundamental right spirit has guided the Wil- 
son administration to wise and righteous labor leg- 
islation.— SAMUEL GOMPERS, President American 
Federation of Labor. 



404 DEMOCRACY AND LABOR - - 

sistance in the employment of wage earners throughout the 
United States as may be deemed necessary in the prosecution 
of the war." 

One of the first things undertaken after the organization 
of the Employment Service was to establish offices in the 
several States. Fifteen or twenty men possessing govern- 
ment experience and some acquaintance with employment 
business were selected and detailed to the various States for 
the purpose of expanding the existing offices and organizing 
additional ones wherever necessary. This work was accom- 
plished with such dispatch that in a short time there were in 
existence more than 400 employment offices throughout the 
entire United States. 

Hand in hand with this undertaking was the organization 
of the United States into thirteen employment districts and 
the selection and appointment of superintendents of those 
districts, as well as the appointment of a Federal director in 
each State. 

In addition to its regular work in these districts during 
three successive seasons, beginning with, that of 1914, the 
Department of Labor helped in finding harvesters for the 
great wheat belt, which extends from Texas through Okla- 
homa, Kansas, Nebraska, North and South Dakota to the 
Canadian border. For the harvest of 1917 it cooperated with 
the Department of Agriculture under a memorandum of un- 
derstanding made between the two departments on April 24, 
1917. With local authorities, railway officials, and other pub- 
lic and private interests these departments worked in the 
fields of Texas, Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska, Missouri, 
Iowa, Minnesota, Montana and the Dakotas. Splendid re- 
sults followed, not a bushel of grain being lost for lack of 
harvesters. Nor did the cooperation end with American har- 
vests. By agreement with the Canadian Government the 
two departments extended their service across the Canadian 
line in aid of harvesting the wheat crops of Manitoba and 
Saskatchewan, in return for which Canada helped the United 
States to obtain extra workers for the potato crop and 
lumbering operations in Aroostook County, Me. 

A brief summary of the work of this service shows that 
the number of placements for the fiscal year, July 1, 1918, 
to June 30, 1919, was 4,253,843, while the number of requisi 
tions from employers for help was over 10,000,000. 

The organization reached its highest point about February 
15, 1919, at which time there were 4,079 salaried employees, 
to which may be added 3,073 appointees at a nominal com- 
pensation of $1 per annum. The latter- class included chair- 
men of Community Labor Boards, industrial advisers to 
draft boards, managers of Bureaus for Returning Soldiers, 
Sailors and Marines, farm labor agents, and others who were 
actively co-operating with the Employment Service. 

The allotment for the work at that time was over $5,000,- 
000. This was cut by Congress in 1920 to $400,000, and for 



Our job from now until Senator Harding's election 
involves just a few of the simplest principles of sales- 
manship. — (From the "Official Bulletin," Treasurer'! 
Office, Republican National Committee.) 



DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 405 

the present fiscal year to $225,000, making it necessary to 
discontinue practically all the employment offices in the coun- 
try. An administrative, or clearing house, in Washington, by 
which cooperation is maintained with the States, is still in 
existence. 

WAR LABOR ADMINISTRATION 

That the administration was at all times watchful of the 
interests of essential factors in determining military victories 
is especially shown in its realization of the fact that history 
has demonstrated that the most valorous troops are helpless 
without adequate supplies of war materials. It therefore 
became one of the first concerns at the outbreak of hostilities 
to keep in motion the wheels of our industrial machinery. 
Battles are now fought not only between men, but between 
the farms, factories, workshops and mines of the contending 
nations. The greatest essential, therefore, was the adoption 
of a centralized labor administration and a consistent labor 
policy. 

At the beginning of the war, the Department of Labor 
consisted of the four bureaus mentioned and the Division of 
Conciliation. Shortly thereafter there were thirteen separate 
bureaus and services, and in addition there were two Boards, 
— one the National War Labor Board, a court of last resort 
with regard to labor disputes, and the other the War Labor 
Policies Board, an agency to harmonize the relations of the 
Department of Labor with other production departments. In N 
addition to the agencies created by the Secretary of Labor 
for handling tremendous problems connected with procuring 
a maximum production to supply our military and domestic 
needs, of which agencies the National War Labor Board, 
and the War Labor Policies Board were examples, authority 
was granted by the War Labor Administration, on request 
of the Secretary of Labor, to create additional war-time ser- 
vices, among them the Nation-wide Employment Service, the 
Labor Adjustment Service, which included the Division of 
Conciliation, and the women in Industry Service, which 
is still functioning. So effective has this last-mentioned 
service proven that Congress has made it a permanent 
bureau of the Department of Labor. The Inspection and In- 
vestigation Service; the Training and Dilution Service; the 
Information and Education Service; the Working Condi- 
tions Service, were also created; and binder the Department 
was established in addition a bureau of Industrial Housing 
and Transportation to meet the housing needs of the times. 

SO SUCCESSFULLY WAS THIS ENTIRE LABOR 
PROBLEM HANDLED THAT THE UNITED STATES 
OF AMERICA EMERGED FROM THE WAR IN BET- 
TER CONDITION THAN DID ANY OF THE OTHER 
COUNTRIES ENGAGED IN THE CONFLICT. IT IS 
A SOURCE OF EXTREME GRATIFICATION THAT 
DURING THE PERIOD OF THE WAR THERE WAS 
NOT A NATION-WIDE STRIKE IN ANY INDUSTRY. 
And due credit is here given the patriotic employers and to 
the loyal patriotism of the workers who endeavored to do 
their utmost to supply the needs of our armies on the battle 
fields of Europe and in the training camps of this country. 

The just rights of labor under this Administration have been 
safeguarded and at the same time the employers of this country 
have been benefited, in that contented and satisfied workers 



406 



DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 



make for efficiency and increased production. With a record 
of this kind to rely upon as the demonstrated pledge of the 
sincerity of its purpose — with the American working man more 
steadily employed, with better wages and conditions than ever 
before, and with no lowering of standards even during the stress 
of war times, and with pledges in the platform which give a 
guarantee of future progressive legislation, surely the Demo- 
cratic Party is entitled to a vote of confidence from the wage 
workers and farmers of the United States, organized and un- 
organized. 



Every state director, every city director can do like 
Kelly did — get the right man to see the right people.— 
(From the "Official Bulletin," Treasurer's Office, Re- 
publican National Committee.) 

THIS BULLETIN IS OFFICIAL. — (From the 
"Official Bulletin," Treasurer's Office, Republican Na- 
tional Committee.) 



LABOR NOT A COMMODITY 



REFERRING to the sixth section of the Clayton Anti- 
Trust Law, the section in which the obvious is 
stated, namely, THAT A MAN'S LABOR IS NOT A 
COMMODITY BUT A PART OF HIS LIFE, AND 
THAT, THEREFORE, , THE COURTS MUST NOT 
TREAT IT AS IF IT WERE A COMMCOITY, BUT 
MUST TREAT IT AS IF IT WERE A PART OF HIS 
LIFE. I am sorry that there were any judges in the 
United States who had to be told that. It is so obvious 
that it seems to me as if that section of the Clayton Act 
were a return to the primer of human liberty; but if 
the judges have to have the primer opened before 
them, I am willing to open it. 

If any part of the UnitedNStates, through habit, 
through ancient prejudice, through long addiction to 
technical ideas, insists upon living in an age which 
everybody else with his eyes open knows has gone by, 
why, then we have got to sound some great note that 
will wake them up, but wake them up always to the 
same thing, with which we would thrill as well as others; 
that it is take as well as give; that the other man has as* 
much right as we have; that we are not to seek for an 
advantage but for an equality; that though we have 
been put upon, we do not desire to see any other man 
put upon, or any other class, but that we should all 
have as our highest ideal merely to bask in that only 
nourishing sun that has ever shone upon the human 
heart, the sun of justice and of truth and of humanity. 
—PRESIDENT WILSON/ at the dedication of the 
A. F. of L. Building, Washington, July 4, 19 16. 



LABOR'S IDEALS SOUND 

AND JUST, SAYS WILSON 

Democratic President Counsels Removal of 

Grievances to End Unrest — Return to 

Old Conditions Unthinkable — "Labor 

Must Not Be Longer Treated 

As a Commodity ,, 



(Extracts frdm President Wilsons Message to Congress, Dec. 2, 

1919.) • - 

TYJ O one who has observed the march of events in the 
last year can fail to note the absolute need of a definite 
program to bring about an improvement in the conditions 
of labor. There can be no settled conditions leading to 
increased production and a reduction in the cost of living 
if labor and capital are to be antagonists instead of partners. 
Sound thinking and an honest desire to serve the interests 
of the whole nation, as distinguished from the interests of 
a class, must be applied to the solution of this great and 
pressing problem. The failure of other nations to consider 
this matter in a vigorous way has produced bitterness and 
jealousies and antagonisms, the food of radicalism. THE 
ONLY WAY TO KEEP MEN FROM AGITATING 
AGAINST GRIEVANCES IS TO REMOVE THE 
GRIEVANCES. An unwillingness even to discuss these 
matters produces only dissatisfaction and gives comfort to 
the extreme elements in our country which endeavor to stir 
up disturbances in order to provoke Governments to embark 
upon a course of retaliation and repression. 

The seed of revolution is repression. The remedy of 
these things must not be negative in character. It must 
be constructive. It must comprehend the general interest. 
The real antidote for the unrest which manifests itself is 
not suppression, but a deep consideration of the wrongs that 
beset our national life and the application of a remedy. 

Congress has already shown its willingness to deal with 
these industrial wrongs Jby establishing the eight-hour day 
as the standard in every field of labor. It has sought to find 
a way to prevent child labor. It has served the^ whole 
country by leading the way in developing the means of 
preserving and safeguarding lives and health in dangerous 
industries. It must now help in the difficult task of finding 
a method that will bring about a genuine democratization 
of industry, based on the* full recognition of the right of 
those who work, in whatever rank, to participate in some 
organic way in every decision which directly affects their 
welfare. 

, MUST PUT OUR HOUSE IN ORDER 

The great unrest throughout the world, out of which has 
emerged a demand for an immediate consideration of the 
difficulties between capital and labor, bids us put our house 
in order. FRANKLY, THERE CAN BE NO PERMA- 
NENT AND LASTING SETTLEMENTS BETWEEN 

407 



408 DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 

CAPITAL AND LABOR WHICH DO NOT RECOG- 
NIZE THE FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTS FOR WHICH 
LABOR HAS BEEN STRUGGLING THROUGH THE 
YEARS. 

The whole world gave its recognition and indorsement 
to these fundamental purposes' in the League of Nations. 
The statesmen gathered at Versailles recognized the fact 
that world stability could not be had by reverting to indus- 
trial standards and conditions against which the average 
workman of the world had revolted. It is, therefore, the 
task of the statesman of this new day of change and re- 
adjustment to recognize world conditions, and to seek to 
bring about, through legislation, conditions that will mean 
the ending of age-long antagonisms between capital and 
labor and that will, hopefully, lead to the building up of a 
comradeship which will result not only in greater content- 
ment among the mass of workmen, but also bring about a 
greater production and a greater prosperity to business itself. 

TO ANALYZE THE PARTICULARS IN THE DE- 
MANDS OF LABOR IS TO ADMIT THE JUSTICE 
OF THEIR COMPLAINT IN MANY MATTERS THAT 
LIE AT THEIR BASIS. The workman demands an ade- 
quate wage, sufficient to permit him to live in comfort, 
unhampered by the fear of poverty and want in his old 
age. He demands the right to live and the right to 1 work 
amidst sanitary surroundings, both in home and workshop, 
surroundings that develop and do not retard his own health 
and well-being; and the right to provide for his children's 
wants in the matter of health and education. In other words, 
it is his desire to make the conditions of his life and the 
lives of those dear to him tolerable and easy to bear. 

The establishment of the principles regarding labor laid 
down in the covenant of the League of Nations offers us 
the way to industrial peace and conciliation. No other road 
lies open to us. Not to pursue this one is longer to invite 
enmities, bitterness and antagonisms which in the end only 
lead to industrial and social disaster. 

FOR GREAT PRODUCING ENTITY 

The unwilling workman is not a profitable servant. An 
employee whose industrial life is hedged about by hard and 
unjust conditions, which he did not create and over which 
he has no control, lacks that fine spirit of enthusiasm and 
volunteer effort which are the necessary ingredients of a 
great producing entity. 

Let us be frank about this solemn matter. The evidences 
of world-wide unrest which manifest themselves in violence 
throughout the world bid us to pause and consider the 
means to be found to STOP THE SPREAD OF THIS 
CONTAGIOUS THING BEFORE IT SAPS THE VERY 
VITALITY OF THE NATION ITSELF. Do we gain 
strength by withholding the. remedy? Or is it not the busi- 
ness of statesmen to treat these manifestations of unrest 
which meet us on every hand as evidences of an economic 
disorder and to apply constructive remedies wherever neces-^ 
sary, being sure that in the application of the remedy we 
touch not the vital tissues of 6ur industrial and economic 
life? There can be no recession of the tide of unrest until 
constructive instrumentalities are set up to stem that tide. 

Governments must recognize the rights of men collectively 



DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 409 

to bargain for humane objects which have at their base the 
■nutual protection and welfare of those engaged in all indus- 
tries. LABOR MUST NOT BE LONGER TREATED 
AS A COMMODITY. It must be regarded as the activity 
sf human beings, possessed of deep yearnings and desires. 

The business man gives his best thought to the repair 
and replenishment of his machinery, so that its usefulness 
will not be impaired and its power to produce may always 
be at its height and kept in full vigor and motion. No less 
regard ought to be paid to the human machine, which, after 
all, propels the machinery of the world and is the dynamic 
force that lies back of all industry and progress. 

RETURN TO THE OLD STANDARDS OF WAGE 
AND INDUSTRY IN EMPLOYMENT IS UNTHINK- 
ABLE. The terrible tragedy of war which has just ended 
and which has brought the world to the verge of chaos and 
disaster, would be in vain if there should ensue a return to 
the conditions of the past. 

Europe itself, whence has come the unrest which now 
holds the world at bay, is an example of standpatism in 
these vital human matters which America might well accept 
as an example not to be followed but studiously to be 
avoided. Europe made labor the differential, and the price 
of it all is enmity and antagonism and prostrated industry. 
The right of labor to live in peace and comfort must be 
recognized by Governments, and America should be the 
first to lay the foundation stones upon which industrial 
peace shall be built. 

Labor is not only entitled to an adequate wage, but capital 
should receive a reasonable return upon its investment and 
is entitled to protection at the hands of the Government in 
every emergency. NO GOVERNMENT WORTHY OF 
THE NAME CAN "PLAY" THE ELEMENTS AGAINST 
EACH OTHER, FOR THERE IS A MUTUALITY OF 
INTEREST BETWEEN THEM WHICH THE GOV- 
ERNMENT MUST SEEK TO EXPRESS AND TO 
SAFEGUARD AT ALL COST. 

RIGHT TO STRIKE INVIOLATE 

The right of individuals to strike is inviolate and ought 
not to be interfered with by any process of government, 
but there is a predominant right and that is the right of 
the Government to protect all of its people and to assert 
its power and majesty against the challenge of any class. 
The Government, when it asserts that right, seeks not to 
antagonize a class, but simply to defend the right of the 
whole people as against the irreparable harm and injury 
that might be done by the attempt of any class to usurp 
a power that only government itself has a right to exercise 
£S a protection to all. 

In the matter of international disputes which have led 
to war, statesmen have sought to set up as a remedy arbitra- 
tion for war. Does this not point the way for the settle- 
ment of a tribunal, fair and just alike to all, which will settle 
industrial disputes which in the past have led to war and 
disaster? 

America, witnessing the evil consequences which have 
followed out of such disputes between the contending forces, 
must not admit itself impotent to deal with these metiers 
by means of peaceful processes. Surely there must be some 



41 6 DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 

method of bringing together in a council of peace an< 
amity these two great interests, out of which will come 
happier day of peace and cooperation, a day that will mak 
tor more comfort and happiness in living and a more tol 
erable condition among all classes of men. Certainly humai 
intelligence can devise some acceptable tribunal for adjust 
mg the differences between capital and labor. • 

This is the hour of test and trial for America. By he: 
prowess and strength, and the indomitable courage of he 
soldiers, she demonstrated her power to vindicate on foreigi 
battlefields her conception of liberty and justice. Let no 
her influence as a mediator between capital and labor b< 
weakened and her own failure to .settle matters of purelj 
domestic concern be proclaimed to the world. 

There are those in this country v/ho threaten direct actior 
to force their will upon a majority. Russia to-day, with its 
blood and terror, is a painful object lesson of the power o: 
minorities. It makes little difference what minority it is 
whether capital or labor, or any other classes; no sort oJ 
privilege will be permitted to dominate this country. 

We are a partnership, or nothing is worth while. We are . 
democracy where the majority are the masters, or all the hopej 
and purposes of the men who founded this government have 
been defeated and forgotten. 

In America there is but one way by which great reforms 
can be accomplished and the relief sought by classes can 
be obtained, and that is through the orderly processes of 
representative government. Those who would propose any 
other ^ methods of reform are enemies of this country. 
America will not be daunted by threats nor lose her com- 
posure or calmness in these distressing times. We can 
afford, in the midst of this day of passion and unrest, to 
be self-contained and sure. 

The instrument of all reform in America is the straight 
road of justice to all classes and conditions of men. Men 
have but to follow this road to realize the full fruition of 
their objects and purposes. Let those beware who would 
fake the shorter road of disorder and revolution. The right 
road is the road of justice and orderly process. 



G. O. P. PROMISE AND PERFORMANCE 

Will H. Hays, Chairman Re- Samuel Gompers, President 

publican National Committee, American' Federation of Labor, 

in 1918: ,„ 1920 : 

"We will establish policies "The present Congress has 

which once again will bind done little except to apply 

up the wounds of war, which the brakes and say 'no' to 

will renew our prosperity, one constructive proposal 

which will administer the after another. It has failed 

affairs of this government to bring the nation back to a 

with the greatest economy peace basis in respect to the 

on a sound business basis, repeal of legislation calculated 

and which will enlarge our only for the period of actual 

strength at heme and war and unbearably oppres- 

Abroad." s ive at any other time. The 

present Congress has failed, 

^ with completeness and aban- 
don." 



GOMPERS BARES G. O. P. 

RECORD OF FAILURE 

Present Congress Has "Failed with Complete- 

ness and Abandon," Declares President 

of American Federation of Labor 



(From Article by Samuel Gompers, President of the American 
federation of Labor, "A Congress of Negation;' in "Amer- 
ican Federationist," Official Magazine of the American Fed- 
eration of Labor for May, 1920.) 

America must get rid of its veto Congress and elect an 

action Congress. 

The "NO" Congress must give place to a "YES" Congress 
The present Congress has done little except to apply the 

brakes and say "NO" to one constructive proposal after 

another. 

It has failed us on the peace treaty. 

It has failed us in reconstruction. 

It has failed us in the high cost of living. 

It has failed us in an intelligent comprehension of every 
great question affecting the lives and the welfare of our people 

It has failed to bring the nation back to a peace basis in re- 
spect to the repeal of legislation calculated only for the period 
o, actual war and unbearably oppressive at any other time. 

The present Congress has failed. It has failed with com- 
pleteness and abandon. 

Not only have the sins of the present Congress been sins 
of omission but t^ey have likewise been sins of commission. 
Inere has been a failure to do the right things and almost 
an eagerness to do wrong things. 

HAS PHILOSOPHY OF COERCION 

The War seems to have bred in the mind of Congress a 
deep-rooted philosophy of coercion. It has clung with 
desperation to the restrictive and coercive measures which 
were necessary during the war, and has sought to add to 
them, though the necessities of war no longer obtain. The 
most shining example of this is in the adoption of the 
railroad bill. 

There must be a Congress which will turn its face to the 
task confronting the American citizenship in the true spirit 
of American institutions. A constant genius for accom- 
plishment must replace an ill-considered mania for restric- 
tion and coercion. 

America has things to do. It is confronted by enormous 
•bligations requiring positive action. This action has been 
delayed too long. 

America has need for great efforts in the solution of her 
own domestic problems and she 'has need for the utmost 
intelligence, forbearance and good will in dealing with her 
relations to the rest of the world. 

The blind and bigoted action of Congress in refusing to 
deal intelligently with the peace treaty has made it im- 

411 



412 DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 

; ossible for the United States to manifest the proper concern 
in these affairs. THE SITUATION IN WHICH THE 
COUNTRY FINDS ITSELF TO-DAY IS INTOLER- 
ABLE AND MUST BE CHANGED. 

At periods all too frequent the United States has brought 
itself on the verge of war with Mexico. 

Falsehood, vilification, studied misrepresentation — these 
are the weapons constantly in use by those who, to serve 
their own ends, would precipitate war between these two 
American republics. It is no longer possible to feel with 
certainty that high government officials have not been 
made the tools and pawns of those who seek intervention, 
the latest term for which is "Cubanization." 

MAKES RECORD OF FAILURE 

At home, across our borders and over the seas, Congress 
has made for itself a record of failure, a record of stubborn 
opposition to that which is good, that which expresses the 
spirit and idealism of the country, about which the world 
learned during the war and which built throughout the 
world for this nation such a feeling of trust and admiration 
as no nation ever before enjoyed. 

It seems difficult for Congress to understand, out the 
things which most intimately concern the multitudes are 
such commonplace things as prices of commodities, rental 
of homes, wages received, conditions of employment, the 
right to speak freely, to write freely, and to move freely 
from place to place. 

One of the intolerable and hated things that was crushed 
in Germany with the exit of the Kaiser and the downfall 
of his regime was the "verboten" idea in government. "For- 
bidden," "thou shalt not," those were watchwords and ac- 
cursed words in the old Germany. 

DEMOCRACY MUST MEAN EQUALITY OF OP- 
PORTUNITY. It must mean the greatest possible liberty 
and freedom. It must mean the sovereignty of the masses. 
It must mean absence of domination by a select ruling 
class or caste or clique. The people must rule for the people. 

HOSTILITY IN CONGRESS 

Congress had done much in recent months to indicate 
hostility to these principles. These principles fired in the 
souls of men the devotion and the passions which sustained 
them in the ordeal and the sacrifice by which this nation 
was established. Out of them came that divine spark of 
idealism and devotion which is America and without which 
America cannot be. 

Powerful forces in the United States are seeking to wound 
and cripple democracy. They do not want equality of 
opportunity. They are not only willing but anxious to 
spend huge sums to destroy any possibility of equality o£ 
opportunity. They want an unfair advantage. An equal 
chance is not enough for them. They want an unfair advan- 
tage in the industry of the nation, in the legislatures of the 
nation and in the courts of the nation. 

The Congress now in session has closed its ears to 
the great hymnal of sacrifice and service with which 
the nation's millions plunged into the war to save hu- 
manity from destruction. 



DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 413 

They have forgotten the strains of the great and magnifi- 
cent chorus of American voices which cried throughout the 
land, "Take me for service." They have lost the feel of 
the great pulse beat of America. They have ceased to com- 
mune with the great soul of our Republic. They under- 
stand no longer the unassuming nobility of character, the 
heroic eagerness to give and give and give, even unto life 
itself, for the good of the great human family. 

LEGISLATORS IN SULLEN MOOD 

Repress, repress, repress! From whence comes this sullen 
mood of legislators, this brutal attitude of great wealth? 
It comes from the deep-rooted desire of those who possess 
great power to keep that power and to surrender nothing 
to those who toil and give service to the world. 

The labor movement of America speaks for progress. 

Where the effort is made in industry to crowd men and 
women backward and downward, we will resist and resist 
and resist, for it is better to resist and lose than never to 
have resisted. 

Where the effort is made in the halls of Congress and 
legislatures, we will resist and resist and resist. 

We will resist with all our power the reelection of those who 
have been false to the trust which humanity placed in them. 

We will resist with all our strength those who have 
accepted the suffrages of men and women who day by day 
give service to the country through the toil and thought of 
their hands and brains and who have then cast aside the 
obligation, to court favor at the hand of greed. 

UNWORTHY OF AMERICA 

We will resist with equal vigor those who have, without 
thought and without price, turned their minds in legislative 



MAGNA CHARTA OF LABOR IN TREATY 



HTHIS Treaty contains among other things a 
Magna Charts of Labor — a thing unheard 
of until this interesting year of grace. There is 
a whole section of the treaty devoted to ar- 
rangements by which the interests of those who 
labor with their hands all over the world, 
whether they be men or women or children, 
are sought to be safeguarded. ... It fore- 
casts the day, which ought to have come long 
ago, when statesmen will realize that no nation 
is fortunate which is not happy, and that no 
nation can be happy whose people are not con- 
tented ; contented in their lives and fortunate in 
the circumstances of their lives. — From PRESI- 
DENT WILSON'S Address at Columbus, Ohio, 
September 4, 1919. 



414 DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 

c W e n r t k u r ie n s t0 no* e d C ead nne!S * *"**** a " d the "«*«*• <* 

fTh! S l W l WiI i reS J St aS unw ° r *y of America/as unworthy 

oL ne^ds and h o n n e WOmanh0 ° d ° f ° Ur C ° unt ^ as *■>" * 
our needs and hopes and aspirations and as incaoahl^ nf 

responding to the thought of our ume. inca Pgle of 

This struggle is a struggle of America to register a great 
determination not to be misrepresented. g 

CONGRESS OF INCOMPETENCE 

iFr 7ani r li C ! e P Sa fr lG T pers ' t<Lab0 ^ Potest Against a 
Rampant Tragedy/' ,» "American Federationist" Official 
Magazine of the American Federation of Labor, June 1920 ) 

as^Contr^ (1 * e P ublican > C ™Z"*s may be indicted fairly 
I L„Z g ^ °* incom Petence on the cost of living issue. 
It may be indicted as a congress which has been negligen 
of duty and thoughtless of the welfare of the people 

On August 8, 1919, President Wilson appeared before the 
Congress of the United States and delivered a message deal! 

PRESmENT^MAn; ^^ Up ° n that occasion THE 
CoS^lf A f D \. SPECIFIC SUGGESTIONS TO 
CONGRESS, all of which Congress listened to with real 
or assumed respect, but to none of which Congress paid 
any attention thereafter. The President's recommendations 
at tnat time may be summarized as follows: 

Extension of the life of the Lever Food Control act 
to the date of the ratification of the Treaty of Peace 

Extension of the scope of the Lever act to include 
fuel, food and clothing. 

Amendment of the Lever act to provide penalities for 
profiteering. 

Enactment of a law limiting the period during which 
goods may be held in cold storage; also a law requiring 
that goods be marked with the prices at which they were 
placed in cold storage. 

Enactment of a law requiring that all goods destined 
tor interstate commerce be marked with the price at 
which they left the hands of the producer. 

Enactment of a law to license and regulate corpora- 
tions engaged in interstate commerce in order to prevent 
profiteering. 

Enactment of a law to control security issues to pre- 
vent speculation. 

Seven measures were suggested by the President, but 
Congress gave no heed. Of course Congress might argue 
that these measures had no merit, but if Congress were 
inclined to argue to that effect and if it were sincere, it 
would have produced measures of its own making as sub- 
stitutes. This it has not done. It has done nothing ' 



COLLECTIVE BARGAINING HELPFUL 

"Collective bargaining through the means of representa- 
tives selected by the employer and employee respectively, will 

rS£.rS S r ?^t r .c th o n harmfuI *° the * eneraI interest."— From 
4/\M£.S M. LUXS Speech of Acceptance, August 7, 1920. 




DEMOCRACY CREATES 

PROSPERITY ON FARMS 

Department of Agriculture Contributes Large- 
ly to American Victory in World War 

Record of Beneficial Legislation and 
Administration Unprecedented 

JT has been the practice for a great many years to say 
pretty things about farming and the farmer. Almost 
every public man and certainly every political party has flat- 
tered the farmer. But too many of them never gave him 
anything more substantial than pretty phrases. UNDER A 
DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION, HOWEVER THE 
FARMER HAS BEEN GETTING SOMETHING BE- 
SIDES COMPLIMENTS FROM THE FEDERAL GOV- 
ERNMENT. NEW OPPORTUNITIES HAVE BEEN 
OFFERED HIM, AND OUT OF THEM HE IS ACHIEV- 
ING PROSPERITY. * V 
The Egyptian cotton industry in the Southwest is a notable 
example. The industry has been made from whole cloth 
within the past few years. The variety of cotton known as 
American Egyptian was created by the Department of Agri- 
culture as the result of the most careful and extensive plant- 
breeding experiment on record. A particularly fine, long- 
staple cotton, was introduced to a people who knew nothing 
about cotton culture, but they successfully cultivated 90,000 
acres of it last year, producing a product worth $20,000,000 
and estimates are that they planted 250,000 acres this vear' 
VARIOUS OTHER INDUSTRIES HAVE BEEN 
CREATED FOR PARTICULAR SECTIONS AND TO 
MEET SPECIAL NEEDS, AND AGRICULTURE HAS 
BEEN GREATLY STIMULATED. 

Many destructive pests and diseases have been kept from 
the American farmer's fields and feeding pens. Foot-and- 
mouth disease, one of the deadliest of animal scourges ap- 
peared in the United States in 1915, but the scourge* was 
driven out and many millions of dollars saved to the far- 
mers and consumers by the Department of Agriculture. The 
pink bollworm, most deadly enemy of cotton, has succeeded 
in getting ashore at several places along the Gulf and the 
Rio Grande. But for the organization that the Department 
of Agriculture was able to throw into the fight for eradica- 

™, A *^ D ° llar wheat makes »* a v *ry profitable occupation. 

-SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record; 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 

415 



416 AGRICULTURE 

tion, this pest would now be firmly established and the entire 
cotton industry doomed to heavy loss. The fight has proved 
the pest can be eradicated. 

LARGE BENEFITS FOR CONSUMERS 

One of the most destructive animal diseases now in the 
United States is tuberculosis of cattle. Its annual toll is 
between $40,000,000 and $50,000,000. Three or four years ago 
the Department began a definite campaign for its eradica- 
tion, with the result that means of- combating it have been 
found. The scientific problem is solved. The amount of 
tuberculosis will be reduced year by year and regions that 
are now free of it will be kept free. Within the past twelve 
months the Department of Agriculture inaugurated the first 
campaign ever undertaken in any large country for simulta- 



WHAT DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION 

AND DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS HAVE 

DONE FOR FARMERS 



T^ OSTERED the Egyptian cotton industry in the 
Southwest, producing $20,000,000 of new 
wealth in 1919. 

Drove out of the country the scourge of foot-and- 
mouth disease, saving millions of dollars. 

Began active campaign to eradicate tuberculosis in 
cattle, which has taken a yearly toll of from $40,000,- 
000 to $50,000,000. 

Developed sources of potash and nitrate supplies 
at home. 

Fassed the Cooperative Agricultural Act, making 
available to every farmer on his farms the services 
of competent instructors in practical and scientific 
agriculture. 

Passed the United States Grain Standards Act and 
improved the marketing of grain, with greater uni- 
formity of grading, through the Bureau of Markets. 

Passed the United States Warehouse Act, under 
which receipts on farm products are as good as money 
in hand. 

Passed the Federal Aid Road Act, for cooperation 
between national and State governments, with $600,- 
000,000 highway program in progress. 

Passed the Federal Farm Loan Act, providing a 
strong financial prop for all agricultural interests. 

Passed the Federal Reserve Act, with a provision 
authorizing national hanks to lend money on farm 
mortgages with maturity period of six months. 

Passed the Food Production Act, expanding the 
scope of the Department of Agriculture's activities 
during the war, with .many benefits to the farmers. 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



AGRICULTURE 417 

tieous improvement of all classes of live stock by the use 
of pure-bred sires. 

MANY ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE DEPARTMENT 
OF AGRICULTURE ARE OF THE GREATEST 
BENEFIT TO THE WHOLE PEOPLE. In 1914 the 
United States was dependent upon Germany for its dyes. 
Largely as the result of the research work of the Bureau of 
Chemistry in the Department of Agriculture, a great Ameri- 
can dye industry, which in time will relieve us of dependence 
upon foreign sources for our dye stuffs, has been developed. 

Before the war Germany also supplied the United States 
with practically all the potash used. The Department of 
Agriculture has been instrumental in developing sources of 
a potash supply at home and this country will not be com- 
pelled to depend entirely upon another nation for this essen- 
tial of food production. Similar progress has been made in 
the development of a nitrate industry. 

Summing up, more has been accomplished in aid of 
American agriculture during the past seven years than 
in all the previous history of the government. The 
greater part of all the legislation now on the statute 
books which has for its purpose the improvement and 
development of agriculture has been enacted within 
the past seven years. • 

Outstanding things that have been done since March of 
1913 include: 

DIRECT EDUCATION IN FIELDS 

PERHAPS THE GREATEST SINGLE CONTRIBU- 
TION TO AGRICULTURE ANYWHERE IN THE 
WORLD WAS THE PASSAGE OF THE COOPERA- 
TIVE AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION ACT OF MAY 8, 
1914. IT IS THE GREATEST MOVEMENT EVER 
ATTEMPTED IN DIRECT POPULAR EDUCATION. 

The effect of it is that nearly every farmer in the United 
States has a competent teacher of practical and scientific 
agriculture who will come to his field and show him how 
to plant his corn, how to cultivate it, how to harvest it, how 
to store it, how to market it, or how to conduct any other 
operation that is required on the modern farm. And that 
is only half of it. The other half is that every farm woman 
in the United States has a competent teacher of home eco- 
nomics who will come to her kitchen and teach her all that 
science and experimentation has revealed of how to select 
foods, how to cook them, how to serve them, how to can 
the products of the garden and the orchard, how to make 
and care for the family clothing, how to look after members 
of the family when they are sick, and all of the problems 
that enter into the conduct of the farm home. 

The administration of the Extension Act is entrusted to 
the United States Department of Agriculture, and its pro- 
visions are carried out in cooperation with the agricultural 
colleges in the various States. This great service involves 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
— SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



413 AGRICULTURE ' ' ' " ' 

demonstration work among boys and cirls and assignment 
of specialists in the various branches of agriculture and 
home economics to supplement the activities of the exten- 
sion agents. 

THE ORGANIZATION EFFECTED UNDER THIS 
SYSTEM, DESIGNED AS A PEACE MEASURE FOR 
ALL TIME, PROVED TO BE ONE OF THE MOST 
EFFECTIVE PIECES OF WAR MACHINERY IN THE 
ENTIRE GOVERNMENT. When it became apparent 
that the food crops of the United States would be a 
vital factor in winning the war, this combination of 
Federal and State Demonstration officers and specialists, 
county agents, home demonstration agents, boys' and girls' 
club agents, farm bureau and other local organizations 
affiliated with the work, was recognized as an invaluable 
means for the nation-wide stimulation of production. 
It reaches from the seat of the government to the indivi- 
dual farms and farm homes. It was able to carry direct 
to the people, who could use the knowledge, practical demon- 
strations of the best methods of increasing production and 
of securing the most economical utilization of the products 
of the farm. With remarkable promptness and unanimity 
these agencies addressed themselves to the vital problem. 
There was already available a large accumulation of scien- 
tific information, #the result of the investigations and ex- 
periments of the department and of the State experiment 
stations. 

MOBILIZED FOR WINNING WAR 

The results are known to all. THE FARMERS OF 
THE NATION, ENCOURAGED AND ASSISTED BY 
THESE AGENCIES, PRODUCED IN 1917, IN THE 
FACE OF TREMENDOUS DIFFICULTIES, A VOL- 
UME OF FOOD CROPS GREATER EVEN THAN THE 
MOST OPTIMISTIC HAD THOUGHT POSSIBLE. 
The acreage in principal crops was increased that year by 
22,000,000 acres, and in 1918, in spite of a still greater 
shortage of labor and machinery and fertilizer, there was 
planted 5,600,000 acres more than in 1917, supplying the 
armies of this country and the Allies the sustenance withont 
which the war would have been lost. 

The Federal war program, as far as agriculture was con- 
cerned, was based in large measure on the reports that came 
through this organization to Washington. Plans were made 
and put into effect for quickening even the smallest rural 
communities into productive action. Much was done, also, 
in the cities. Home demonstration agents were located in 
the cities and gave instruction to large numbers of people 
in the best methods of conserving and utilizing the food 
supply. They aided, also, in bringing city and country people 
into more sympathetic and helpful relations. Home gardens 
were multiplied in country and town; the surplus of perish- 
able crops was canned, dried, preserved; sources of farm labor 
were found and directed to the fields ; and, in numerous ways, 
tremendous resources which otherwise would have lain idle 
were mobilized for winning the war. 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



AGRICULTURE ' 419 

Now the organization again is moving forward toward the, 
permanent peace-time operations for which it was created. 
Three out of every four farmers in the United States are 
reached by its activities. . The proportion of farm women 
reached is smaller, but is increasing. Through the boys' and 
girls' club work the youth of the country is being trained in 
better agriculture and in home making. Farm men and women 
are being brought together in county farm bureaus, county 
farm councils, community clubs, and similar organizations 
to do for themselves many things which improve agriculture, 
home life, and community activities. 

MARKETING METHODS IMPROVED 

The Cotton Futures Act was passed August 18, 1914. It 
is administered by the Department of Agriculture through the 
Bureau of Markets. It has made possible an effective super- 
vision of the futures exchanges and it has placed cotton 
trading on a sounder basis than ever before. Uncler it the 
Department of Agriculture has established standards for 
nine grades of cotton deliverable on future contracts and 
trading in old-style future contracts has been prohibited. 

The United States Grain Standards Act and the United 
States Warehouse Act were written into the agricultural 
appropriation act of 1917. Both are administered by the De- 
partment of Agriculture through the Bureau of Markets. 
The first has improved the marketing of grain and brought 
about greater uniformity of grading. The country is divided 
into 35 Federal grain supervision districts, so special con- 
sideration can be given to the peculiar needs of every section. 
During the war a great deal of assistance was rendered the 
Food Administration Grain Corporation and various branches 
of the War Department in grain inspection, transportation 
and grading. 

The Warehouse Act authorizes the Department of Agri- 
culture to license bonded warehouses which handle certain 
agricultural products. It makes possible the issuance of re- 
liable and easily negotiable warehouse receipts, promotes bet- 
ter storing of farm products, and encourages standardization 
of storages and of marketing processes. Receipts issued by 
a licensed warehouse ccmpany on standard farm products 
are as good as money in hand. Warehousemen, insurance 
men, bankers and representative banking companies are co- 
operating in the execution of the act. 

DEVELOPING ADEQUATE ROAD SYSTEMS 

The Federal Aid Road Act was approved on July 11, 1916, 
and amended on February 28, 1919. It provides for co- 
operation between the Federal Government and the States 
in the construction of roads. This, law, administered by the 
Department of Agriculture through the Bureau of Public 
Roads, has resulted not only in the establishment of an 
efficient national agency for the promotion of good roads, 
but also in the establishment of more effective highway 
machinery in every State. Actual construction operations, 
which were held up during the war, are now proceeding vig- 

* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupjiit^i, 
— SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session, 



420 AGRICULTURE 

orously and there is available for road expenditures this year, 
under the terms of the act, both from Federal and State 
sources, approximately $600,000,000. The highway program 
for 1920 is far greater than the road-building accomplish- 
ment in any previous year in the history of the Nation. 

There are two other pieces of legislation which, although 
they do not connect officially with the Department of Agri- 
culture, must be mentioned. One is the Federal Farm Loan 
Act, approved July 17, 1916. Without the assistance of the 
Farm Loan banks, many thousands of farmers would have 
been unable to avail themselves in full measure of the aid 
the Department has brought to them. The other is a pro- 
vision in the Federal Reserve Act, approved December 23, 
1913, authorizing national banks to lend money on faim 
mortgages and recognizing the peculiar needs of the farmer 
by giving his paper a maturity period of six months. These 
two provisions have done much to supplement the efforts 
of the Department to strengthen and to develop the agricul- 
ture of the Nation. 

These outstanding acts in-the Federal legislation of the past 
few years, designed to meet permanent agricultural needs, 
operated also as powerful aids to the program of emergency 
legislation which the nation adopted as a result- of it partici- 
pation in the world war. But there was special emergency 
legislation in the administration of which the Department of 
Agriculture rendered a service which cannot be estimated in 
termc of money — the Food Production Act and the Food 
Control Act. 

HELPED FEED WORLD AT WAR 

The Food Production Act of August 10, 1917, was desig- 
nated "an act to provide further for the national security 
and defense by stimulating agriculture and facilitating the 
distribution of agricultural products." That law imposed 
upon the Department of Agriculture new duties of great im- 
portance, and also enabled it to broaden and develop its 
established and basic activities. It made possible the ex- 
pansion of its efforts to stimulate live-stock production and 
the conservation and utilization of meat, poultry, dairy and 
other animal products; to prevent, control or eradicate in- 
sects and plant diseases injurious to agriculture; to develop 
the extension service to cover all producing sections of the 
country; to make surveys of the food supplies of the United 
States; to gather and disseminate information concerning 
farm products; to enlarge the market news service; to pre- 
vent waste of food in storage and transit and held for sale; 
to assist in the distribution of perishable products; and to 
investigate and certify to shippers the condition of fruits and 
vegetables and other food products received at important 
markets. Furthermore, the act authorized the purchase of 
seed in large quantities and its sale to farmers at cost. A 
very large part of the corn of the 1917 crop was soft and 
not suitable for seed. Other sections lacked essential seeds. 
But for the work of the Department in making seeds avail- 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
— SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



AGRICULTURE _. 421 

able to farmers in these regions, many cf them would net 
have found the seed with which to plant their fields. 

Under the Food Control Act of August 10, 1917, the De- 
partment of Agriculture, with an appropriation of $10,000,- 
G00 as a revolving fund, in 1918 distributed to farmers, for 
cash at cost, approximately 75,000 tons of nitrate of soda, 
an important fertiliser ingredient, which the farmer, operat- 
ing for himself, would not have been able to obtain. This 
performance was repeated in 1919. 

The Department cf Agriculture also placed under license 
and supervision the ammonia industry, the fertilizer industry, 
the farm equipment industry, and the stockyards industry, all 
having to do with prime essentials for the maintenance of 
the nation in a state of war. 

DEPARTMENTAL SYSTEM IMPROVED 

Within the Department a reorganization has been effected 
along lines recommended to the Congress by the Secretary 
of Agriculture in 1914. In some instances, lines of work 
were taken from one bureau and placed in another. Farm- 
demonstration work, a part of the Bureau of Plant Industry, 
was transferred to the States Relations Service. The Office 
cf Farm Management, also a part of the Bureau of Plant In- 
dustry, though it deals primarily with the business and eco- 
nomic phases of farming, was attached to the Office of the 
Secretary, independent of any bureau but in position to co- 
operate with all of them. It has now been expanded until 
it is ready to become the Bureau of Farm Management and 
Farm Economics. 

The Bureau of Markets, now one of the largest and most 
important branches of *he Department, was created in 1913 
as the Office of Markets and Rural Organization to aid in 
the marketing of farm products, rural finance and rural or- 
ganizations. By 1917 it had grown to such proportions that 
it was designated the Bureau of Markets. It confers bene- 
fits directly upon the consumer as well as upon the pro- 
ducer. It has fixed uniform standard containers for fruits and 
vegetables, facilitating marketing, preventing loss in transit 
and furnishing a safeguard against fraudulent practices. It 
has fostered marketing by parcel post and motor truck. It 
has given aid in the marketing of dairy products and in 
creating a demand for thern. It has helped in the establish- 
ment of public markets. It has given aid in the develop- 
ment of rural credit associations, cooperative creameries, 
fruit and vegetable growers' associations, grain elevators and 
the like. It issues market news reports covering all the more 
important crops. It conducts a food products inspection ser- 
vice, and expedites the movement of these products. It ad- 
ministers the Cotton Futures Act, the Grain Standards Act, 
the Warehouse Act, and the Standard Container Act. 

MUCH DIRECT WAR WORK DONE 

The part played by the Department of Agriculture directly 
in winning the war was vital. Its effort along food produc- 
tion lines cf course was most important, but the story does 
not stop here. It goes to every branch of the fighting forces 
and to every nook of the supporting organizations. It is 

* * * Dollar rvheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



422 AGRICULTURE ' ' ' " "> 

difficult to touch the Army anywhere that the practical work 
of one bureau or another of the department was not felt. 
EVERY SOLDIER, WHEN HE TOOK UP HIS MESS 
KIT, WHEN HE PUT ON HIS SHOES TO MARCH 
THROUGH MUD AND SLUSP}; WHEN HE RAN INTO 
A GAS POCKET AND CAME OUT SAFE; WHER- 
EVER HE TURNED AND WHATEVER HE DID, HE 
REAPED SOME BENEFIT OF THE ACTIVITIES OF 
THE DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. 

For it inspected practically every piece of meat that went 
to the Army and Navy. It had men in its laboratories in 
Washington testing shoe leathers and methods of water- 
proofing them, and it had other men out through the hills 
and hollows and broad plains of the country instructing far- 
mers how to take the hide off a dead cow so that it would 
make the best shoes for soldiers. Ail the way between, 
through every process and at every turn, it watched out for 
the soldiers' shoes. It looked to the waterproofing of his 
tent. It evolved baling papers to keep his food sweet and 
his powder dry as it came over seas. It used volunteers 
who gave their bodies as feeding grounds for lice in order to 
find protection against them for the soldier. 

It sent its experts to the trenches in France, to the camps 
at home, and to the storage houses on both sides of the 
ocean to save the soldier from rat-borne filth and plague. 
Its plant scouts had found, in far corners of the earth, sup- 
plies of the best materials for gas masks. ONCE, WHEN 
THE GERMANS BEGAN SHOOTING A NEW AND 
UNKNOWN DEADLY GAS, IT HAPPENED THAT 
SOME ORGANIC CHEMISTS IN THE DEPARTMENT 
OF AGRICULTURE HAD MADE THAT GAS SYN- 
THETICALLY 48 HOURS BEFORE* THE GERMANS 
BEGAN THE USE OF IT, AND MEANS WERE FOUND, 
THEREBY, FOR SAVING THE SOLDIERS FROM IT. 
Cotton experts of the Department made the substitute for 
linen «wings that kept the allied airplanes in the sky after 
the Germans had bottled up the bulk of the world's supply 
of flax. 

Back in the early days of the war, there was urgent need 
of quantity production of various things that had to be made 
out of thoroughly seasoned wood—such as airplane propel- 
lers, gun stocks, parts of the ships that were to carry she 
Army to France and supply it when it got there. Under old 
methods, 1923 would have come and gone before some of 
the woods required in 1917 could have been sufficiently 
seasoned. Forestry experts of the Department of Agricul- 
ture, however, developed methods by which THE SEASON- 
ING PROCESSES THAT WOULD HAVE REQUIRED 
YEARS WERE COMPLETED IN AS MANY WEEKS. 
They found substitutes for many woods that could not be 
had in sufficient quantities. They went to France, regiments 
strong, and sawed the timber necessary for the expeditiona/y 
forces. They did scores of things to make the wood work 
of war complete and prompt. 

It cooperated with every department and with every agency 
that had to do directly with the prosecution of the war. 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



DEMOCRATIC FARM LOAN 

SYSTEM PROVEN SUCCESS 



American Farmer Emancipated From Greed 
of Money Lender and Thousands of Ten- 
ants Enabled to Become Land Owners 



BENEFITS GAINED BY FARMERS UNDER 
DEMOCRATIC LOAN SYSTEM 



/^kNE hundred and twenty-Eve thousand and three 
loans, totaling $346,618,041, made in three-year 
existence of system. 

Loans made on a basis of 5 }£ per cent., without 
commission. 

Debt amortized at end of 34 years, without neces- 
sity for renewal or danger of foreclosure. 

Placed landless men on their own land, about 20 
per cent, of the borrowers having been tenants. 

Enabled farm borrower to obtain money at lower 
interest than can gredt corporations. 

Lowered, stabilized and made more uniform inter- 
est rates on farm loans generally. 

Rescued the small farmer from the mercy of the 
loan shark and the credit pawnbroker. 



HP HE platform of the Republican Party for 1916 contained 
A this reference to the Farm Loan Act, the work of the 
Democratic administration: 

"We favor an effective system of rural credits as opposed 
to the ineffective law proposed by the present Democratic 
administration," 

The Republican campaign handbook for 1916 also contained 
the following statement: 

"The fee that may be exacted is no smaller than would be 
or is exacted by any well-organized private company. . . . 
The costs of examining titles and recovering debts will not 
be reduced, while the system cannot operate in Texas nor in 
other states whose laws do not meet the requirements fixed 
by the Federal Fafm Loan Board. The Act has not attempted 
to solve basic troubles. ... Nor is it serviceable to tenants." 

QUALIFIED AS G. O. P. ORACLE 

This quotation is from the pen of Myron T. Herrick, whose 
bitter antagonism to the passage of the Farm Loan Act in 
its present form well qualifies him to speak the Republican 
mind upon rural credits. These official utterances of the Re- 
publican party in 1916 must force any open-minded person 
to the definite conclusion that that organization at the time 

* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, Fir3t Session. 

423 






424 AGRICULTURE 

thought itself unalterably opposed to the present Farm Loan 
Act, which is the result of the best thought in the country 
with regard to agricultural credits. This positive opposition 
to the Farm Loan Act and the ill-omened prophecies of the 
Republican party and its leaders as to the effectiveness of the 
law are made ridiculous in the light of the operations of the 
Farm Loan system during the three years of its existence. It 
may be valuable to inquire whether the system is fulfilling 
in its actual operation the purpose of its enactment, namely: 

'"To provide capital for agricultural development, to create 
standard forms of investment based upon farm mortgages, 
and to equalize rates of interest upon farm loans," etc. 

Has the Farm Loan Act as a matter of fact responded 
effectively to these fundamental needs of agriculture? Have 
the operations of the Farm Loan system served to reduce 
interest rates, commission charges and other costs of pro- 
curing funds for the use of the American farmer? Has it 
been of any use to the man seeking investment in farm lands? 
Plas it furnished the capital so long needed for the develop- 
ment of agriculture, and the home surroundings of the far- 
mer, or has it been, as charged by the spokesman of the Re- 
publican party in 1916, "ineffective" and "without service to 
tenants"? 

The briefest outl-ne of the operations of the Farm Loan 
system convincingly justifies the expectations of the Demo- 
cratic administration responsible for the enactment of the law. 

Prior to March 27, 1917, when the first loan was made un- 
der the Farm Loan Act, the farmer who desired money either 
for the purchase cf land or for such improvements in farm 
practices as would enable him to get a just return upon his 
investment of capital, labor and brain, either was compelled 
to pay outrageously high rates of interest and commissions, 
with renewal charges, or" in the case of small loans, he was 
compelled to go without such money because money-loaning 
organizations refused absolutely to make small loans. The 
interest rate at that time averaged 7^2 per cent, for the entire 
country, and varied from 5 per cent, in the New England 
States to 9 and 10 per cent, in some of the Southern and 
Rocky Mountain States, to which was added a commission 
varying from 1 to 3 per cent., according to the demand for 
such credits. NO INDUSTRY OF ANY CHARACTER, 
MUCH THE MORE A BASIC INDUSTRY, EVER SUR- 
VIVED UNDER SUCH A HANDICAP. The small farmer, 
in whose behalf this legislation was enacted, was constantly 
at the mercy of the loan shark and the credit pawnbroker. 

BASIC INDUSTRY HEAVILY BURDENED 

Agriculture, under the order of things, was a servile pro- 
fession for a majority of those who engaged in it. Agricul- 
ture, which furnishes two of the essential needs of th ; human 
family, food and clothing, was forced to pay more for its 
capital than any other industry of the country. Not only 
were the charges against farmers for money excessively ex- 
orbitant, but there was never any assurance to a farm, mort- 
gagor of a renewal of the loan at the end of its period, and 



* * * Dollar wlrieat makes it a very profitable occupation. 

SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 

p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



AGRICULTURE 425 

many a valuable estate has passed into the hands of mort- 
gagees at the end of the mortgage period because of a refusal 
to renew, and even if renewals were made a commission was 
demanded for this transaction, thus again adding to the bur- 
dens of our basic industry. 

What is the situation since the Farm Loan system began 
operations—this system described by the Republican spokes- 
man as "ineffective" and worthless? MORE THAN 125,000 
AMERICAN FARMERS, ORGANIZED INTO APPROX- 
IMATELY 4000 FARM LOAN ASSOCIATIONS, ARE 
NOW BORROWING THROUGH THIS SYSTEM AP- 



SUPER-GOVERNMENT BY INJUNCTION 



Senator Harding in his speech of August 28th proposes 
that the Hague Tribunal be made "the effective instrument 
of enduring peace" by "putting teeth into it" and making 
its decrees "enforceable." 

That the International Court of Justice provided for in 
the Versailles Peace Treaty and the League of Nations will be 
a great instrument for international right and justice is not 
doubted by anyone. But it will be a court, and a court only, 
functioning under and as one department of the League of 
Nations. 

What Senator Harding proposes is to make the court the 
governing body, the supreme if not the sole controlling de- 
partment of the organization. 

COURTS RULE BY INJUNCTION 

This means super-government by injunction. Courts have 
only one method of governing and that is by injunction, 
either mandatory or prohibitive injunction. It would be a 
court, not a. council, with power to call upon the nations 
under its jurisdiction to enforce its decrees. It would have 
the power to enjoin the United States from action in Mexico 
and it might decree that the legal title to some of our border 
territory is in Mexico and we must return it. 

The idea*of empowering a body of lawyers elevated to the 
international bench to decide what the United States and 
the other members of the League should do, with power to 
enforce its decrees, will not find favor in America. It is gov- 
ernment by injunction magnified and sublimated. 

Statesmen may have their faults and may make their 
errors, but a body of statesmen, even though they be -politi- 
cians, representing various classes and professions, are wiser 
guides and safer rulers than a body of lawyers however 
eminent they may be. And 'the decisions they arrive at, while 
probably not so exactly logical and technically accurate, 
come nearer American ideas of justice and right and duty 
than those of a purely legal body. 

The fundamental American idea of courts is that they are 
constituted and organized to decide questions of law, not 
governmental questions, not even political questions. > 

Courts are governed by precedents. Germany could have 
given many precedents for her invasion of Belgium. Courts 
administer the law; a League of Nations must administer 
justice, even if it involves violation of precedent and viola- 
tion of all technical rules. 

God save the world from government by injunction. 



426 



AGRICULTURE 



PROXIMATELY $345,000,000, and this in a period of three 
years. This is an accomplishment in the extension of agri- 
cultural credit unparalleled, even unapproached, in the history 
of agricultural credits. The following table will show the 
number and total amount of loans made in each state from 
the organization of the sys-.m to April 30, 1920: 



District and State 



DISTRICT No. 1 
Maine 

New Hampshire 

Vermont 

Massachusetts 
Rhode Island . . 
Connecticut 
New York .... 
New Jersey .... 

DISTRICT No. 2 

Pennsylvania . . 

Virginia 

V/est Virginia . 

Maryland 

Delaware 



DISTRICT No. 3 

North Carolina 
South Carolina 

Georgia 

Florida 

DISTRICT No. 4 

Tennessee 

Kentucky 

Indiana 

Ohio 



DISTRICT No. 

Alabama 
Louisiana 

Mississippi . . 

DISTRICT No. 

Illinois 

Missouri 
Arkansas 



DISTRICT No. 7 

North! Dakota . 
Minnesota .... 

Wisconsin 

Michigan 



DISTRICT No. 8 

Iowa 

Nebraska 

South Dakota .. 
Wyoming 

DISTRICT No. 9 

Kansas 

Oklahoma 

Colorado 

New Mexico . . . 

DISTRICT No 
Texas 

DISTRICT 

California 
Utah . . . 
Nevada 
Arizona . 



10 



No. 11 



DISTRICT N 

Idaho 

Montana . . 

Oregon 

Washington 

Total... 



12 



Loans 
Made 


Total 
Loaned 


758 
194 
394 

726 
59 

484 

1,717 
206 


$1,883,450 

421,900 

1, 31 0.450 

1,807,205 

U8.750 
1,487.300 
5 £36,340 
1,006,100 


3 232 
2 542 

'7C4 

277 

14 


3,873 4?0 

7,967,350 

1,378,050 

978,100 

35,500 


29^3 
2.'.0i 
1.419 
1,742 


5.440,450 
6,081,110 
3,959,635 
3,099,520 


2,709 
1.8E9 
3.136 

767 


7,239.200 ' 
5,473. *0 
11,003,500 
2,650,400 


4 247 
3.183 
7,484 


7.700,470 

5,360,865 

10,851,420 


2 178 
3,239 
5,929 


9.207,905 
9,711,910 
9,522,710 


6,4 3 8 
4,174 
2.253 
3,360 


20,940.900 

14,125;400 

5,794,009 

6,246,300 


3 217 

3.150 

1,856 

543 


22,925.930 

14226,690 

7,756,350 

1,283,300 


3.688 
3.061 
2,894 
2,146 


13,569,600 
6.492,000 
5,751,600 
3,418,800 


13,223 


39,069,126 


3.371 

1,860 

48 

275 


11,266,900 

5,509,009 

189,700 

730,800 


3,242 
4,470 
3607 
5,306 


10,014,495 
10,968,190 
10,784.930 
11,650,320 


125,003 


1 $346,616,041 



AGRICULTURE 427 

But if the number of farmers to whom loans have been 
made and the aggregate amount loaned are surprisingly large, 
the terms of the loans are even more surprising in their liber- 
ality to the borrowing farmer. These loans were made on a 
basis of S l / 2 per cent, interest, without commissions, and with 
1 per cent, added as annual payment upon the principal, and 
run for a period of about 34 years, when the debt is amor- 
tized. There are no renewals to deal with. There is no dan- 
ger of foreclosure because the law itself provides against 
this so long as the borrower meets his interest and amor- 
tization payments. 

CONDITIONS WHOLLY CHANGED 

It is easy to understand why a farmer under the old system, 
with its heavy charges and its uncertainty of renewals, should 
have hesitated to place a mortgage upon his farm for the pur- 
pose of securing money in sufficient quantity to enable him 
to accomplish those things necessary to bring about the 
highest yield of profit from the soil, or to make the home 
surroundings most convenient and comfortable, but WITH 
A LOAN BEARING ONLY 5% PER CENT. INTEREST, 
WITH 1 PER CENT. ADDED FOR AMORTIZATION, 
MAKING $65 ANNUALLY UPON A $1,000 LOAN, AND 
WHICH IS PROTECTED AGAINST FORECLOSURE, 
THE FARMER CAN AFFORD TO GO INTO DEBT 
FOR THE INAUGURATION OF SYSTEMS OF DRAIN- 
AGE, THE BUILDING OF SILOS, THE INSTALL- 
MENT IN THE HOME OF RUNNING WATER AND- 
ARTIFICIAL LIGHTS— CONVENIENCES SO NECES- 
SARY TO THE FARM WOMAN. He can afford to buy 
thorough-bred livestock and improved labor-saving farm 
machinery. He can now afford, under such a system, to go 
into debt to educate his children and to add to the home 
those essentials of social pleasures. 

That the predictions pf the Democratic sponsors of the 
Farm Loan system, to the effect that it would bring together 
the land and the landless man, were well-founded prophecies 
will abundantly appear by an examination of the facts. Dur- 
ing the month of October, 1919, the Federal Land Banks 



HOW DEMOCRATS HELPED FARMERS 



'T'O-DAY, when practically everything is higher in 
price, the farmer is able, as a result of the passage 
of the Federal Farm Loan Act, to borrow money at 
5% per cent, interest rate, without commission and 
without necessity of having to renew his loan every 
few years, with its accompanying uncertainties and 
costs. Through the working of this law, one of the 
chief handicaps of agriculture has been removed. — 
From a speech by REPRESENTATIVE W. L. NELSON, 
of Missouri,, in the House, May, 1920. 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



428 AGRICULTURE / ' • I 

kept accurate account of the number of farm tenants or land- 
less men who borrowed through the system to become land 
owners and actual farmers. The total number of loans made 
that month was 3,330 and of this number 699, or about one 
loan in five, were made to farm tenants. The average for the 
entire country was 15.8 per cent, and by Land Bank Districts 
as follows: 

Bank Per cent. 

Springfield, Mass. .- 16.6 

Baltimore, Md ". 13.0 

Columbia, S. C 12.4 

Louisville, Ky 14.3 

New Orleans, La 11.4 

St. Louis, Mo 24.7 

St. Paul, Minn 31.5 

Omaha, Nebr .' 12.9 

Wichita, Kans ; 7.8 

Houston, Tex 16.0 

Berkeley, Cal 11.4 

Spokane, Wash. 17.1 

The Columbia Federal Land Bank, which kept statistics 
of this character covering a period of three months, develops 
that approximately 30 per cent., both of numbers of bor- 
rowers and of amounts loaned, were made to those who were 
without land. These facts warrant the belief that as the sys- 
tem grows in volume of business done, and as the character 
and terms of the first mortgage required under the system 
become better known to investors who have no fear of 
second mortgages, these PERCENTAGES OF LOANS TO 
THE TENANT FARMER WILL GRADUALLY GROW, 
and nothing is so important to the stability of cur institu- 
tions and to the promotion of order than the nurturing of 
any agency whose tendencies and .operations result in the 
conversion of a landless farmer into a land-owning, home- 
owning farmer. 

The Republican campaign handbook for 1916 assured the 
country that the Federal Farm Loan system "will assuredly 
lead to higher interest rates, etc." Facts are more impres- 
sive than prophecies and equally more true. Interest rates 
en farm loans for the past three years have been more 
nearly uniform, at 5^ and 6 per cent., than they have ever 
been before in cur history. INSTEAD OF LEADING TO 
HIGHER INTEREST RATES, THE SYSTEM HAS 
LOWERED THEM, STABILIZED THEM, AND MADE 
THEM MORE NEARLY UNIFORM THROUGHOUT 
THE UNITED STATES THAN HAS EVER BEFORE 
BEEN THE CASE. Never before has there been a time 
when farmers could buy money more cheaply than the 
highest class industrials were able to buy it, and yet that 
is what is now actually happening. THE FARM-BOR- 
ROWER UNDER THIS DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM 13 
ENABLED TO BUY HIS MONEY AT Sy 2 PER CENT., 
WHILE GREAT CORPORATIONS, WHOSE STABIL- 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
jp. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



AGRICULTURE 429 

ITY IS UNQUESTIONED, SUCH AS THE PENNSYL- 
VANIA RAILROAD, FOR EXAMPLE, ARE HAVING 
TO PAY AS HIGH AS 7 PER CENT. FOR THEIR 
MONEY, and when it was thought by the enemies of the 
system that they had halted its operations, temporarily at 
least, interest rates on farm mortgages in practically every 
section of the country immediately rose from 1 to 4 per cent. 

SUCCESS OF SYSTEM PROVED 

But, if all other attempts should fail to convince the pub- 
lic that the Farm Loan system has proved to be a most 
remarkable success, there is fortunately in existence a charac- 
ter of proof which must remove all doubt. The chief com- 
petitor of the Farm Loan system is the Farm Mortgage 
Bankers' Association of America. If the farmer has not yet 
realized, or if the people generally have not yet come to 
understand that this Democratic system of farm credits is 
rapidly emancipating the American farmer from the grip 
and greed of the money lender, then the following startling 
exposure of the work of the Farm Mortgage Bankers' Asso- 
ciation of Araerica to break down the Farm Loan system 
may have that effect. We quote from Page 7887 of the Con- 
gressional Record of May 19, 1920, the following excerpts 
found in the remarks of Senator Harriscn of Mississippi: 

"This is a startling revelation of the work of the mortgage 
companies against the farm-land banks and against this legis- 
lation and the decision by the court. This bulletin says: 

May 12, 1920. 

Gentlemen: We inclose herein Special Bulletin No. 66, issued 
by the Farm Mortgage Bankers' Association of America. This 
is only one of a series of bulletins which are issued from time 
to time, sometimes three and four times a month, to the mem- 
bers of the association, and shows the way "the 'wind is blowing 
each time. 

You will note the remarks in regard to the Supreme Court 
in the matter of passing on the constitutionality of the tax- 
exemption feature of the land bank bonds. 

"The bulletin further says: 

Most of us believe that the Supreme Court did not care to 
render their decision, which I interpret to be unfavorable to the 
land banks but favorable to us, until after the next election. 
At any rate, the Farm Mortgage Bankers' Association, I think, 
is directly responsible for the Federal land bank and the joint- 
stock land bank not being in operation to-day and not being 
able to operate until some time next year. 

"Claiming credit for the delay of the Supreme Court in 
rendering a decision, which will affect them either for good 
or bad, which will tie up these millions of loans to the far- 
mers of the country by the Farm Loan Board. It says: 

At any rate the Farm Mortgage Bankers' Association, I think, 
is directly responsible for the Federal land bank and the joint 
stock land bank not being in operation to-day and not being 
able to operate until some time next year. 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
^SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



430 AGRICULTURE *•..,. 

"They know that when the farm-land banks lend money 
on long term, low rates of interest it hurts their business, 
and, of course, they are hoping for delay in the decision and 
are against this legislation. The bulletin reads further: 

I am wondering if this fact alone is not worth considerable 
more to you than the small fee which we charge for member- 
ship in the association. And, as a matter of fact, don't you 
think that the association is entitled to support, both financial 
and moral, in their work for the betterment of farm-mortgage 
dealers? If you agree with me, will you kindly fill out the in- 
closed application and send it to me with your check for $25 
which will pay your fee until September 1 ? The check should 
be made payable to £. D. Chassell, secretary and treasurer; but 
send it to me. 

Respectfully yours, 

W. M. HECKLER, 
Chairman Membership Committee. 

FARMER KNOWS ACT'S RESULTS 

We are content that the American farmer should decide 
as between the treatment accorded him by the Federal Farm 
Loan system, with its 5 l / 2 per cent, interest rate, its amorti- 
zation feature of repayment of principal, its lack of renewals 
and commissions, with the Farm Mortgage Bankers' Asso- 
ciation of America, to whom before the inauguration of the 
Farm Loan system the farmer had to go for his credit, and 
yet, this is a system which the Republican party platform, 
speaking the last word of Republican principle in 1916, said: 

"We favor an effective system of rural credits as opposed 
to the ineffective law proposed by the present Democratic 
administration." 

The Farm Loan Act is not a perfect piece of legislation. 
Imperfections are human, but if any attempt is to be made 
in the future to perfect the Farm Loan system, such attempts 
should be made by the party which really, genuinely believes 
in the efficiency, effectiveness and righteousness of principle 
of the present Farm Loan system. - 



G. O. P. STRIKES STAGG1 

BLOW TO U. S. AGRICULTURE 



THE Republican Congress which adjourned June 5, 1920, 
•*- struck a staggering blow at the agricultural interests of 
the country by making almost calamitous reductions in the 
appropriations for the Department of Agriculture. The 
agricultural appropriation bill for the fiscal year beginning 
July 1, 1920, carries approximately $6,000,000 less than the 
est mates made by the Department as to its needs and $2,185,- 
000 less than the amount provided for the use of the depart- 
ment during the last fiscal year. 

Important projects and activities which must be curtailed 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session, 



AGRICULTURE 431 

or altogether discontinued to bring the expenditures within 
the limits set by Congress include: 

Field work for the eradication of hog cholera must be 
reduced by two thirds and mu3t be completely abandoned in 
several states. The efforts of the department in this direc- 
tion have resulted in a saving to farmers of $10,000,000 an- 
nually in the last few years. 

The department is obliged to withdraw from financial sup- 
port of cooperative cow-testing association work in Ohio, 
Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, Pennsylvania, West 
Virginia, Rhode Island, Connecticut and New Jersey. 

Cooperative work toward improving the quality and in- 
creasing the use of dairy products will have to be abandoned 
in Iowa, Kansas, Mississippi and Louisiana. 

DAIRY DEMONSTRATION WORK HIT 

The department will have to discontinue its cooperation in 
the employment of dairy specialists engaged in demonstration 
work in Nevada and Wyoming. The plan to extend that work 
next year into Arizona, New Mexico and Colorado cannot be 
carried out. 

Demonstration work designed to aid in the establishment 
of general live stock industries in territory freed from cattle 
ticks must be abandoned in the states of North Carolina, 
South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, 
Louisiana, Arkansas, Oklahoma and Texas. 

Dairy specialists must be dispensed with in North Caro- 
lina, South Carolina, Mississippi, Arkansas and Oklahoma. 

The insurance fund o£ $1,000,000 to eradicate foot-and- 
mouth disease, if it should appear in this country, is practi- 
cally wiped out. 

Many field stations engaged in cereal improvement work 
will have to be closed. This includes all the stations in 
North Carolina and Tennessee, and those at Amarillo, Tex.; 
Archer, Wyo.; Highmore, S. Dak?; Brookings, S. Dak.; 
Nephi, Utah; Burns, Ore., and Lind, Wash. Stations at 
Williston, N. Dak., and Newell, S. Dak., already have been 
discontinued because increased costs could not be met with 
the money available. 

Work toward preventing cereal diseases must be discon- 
tinued at the stations at Ithaca, N. Y.; Lansing, Mich.; Au- 
burn, Ala.; Tucson, Ariz., and Corvallis, Ore., and must be 
greatly reduced at the stations at Berkeley, Calif.; Milford, 
Conn.; Bloomington, 111.; LaFayette, Ind.; Ames, Iowa; Man- 
hattan, Kan.; Crowley, La.; St. Paul, Minn.; New Brunswick, 
N. J.; Fargo, N. Dak.; Kershey, Pa.; Knoxville, Tenn.; Ar- 
lington, Va.; Pullman, Wash., and Madison, "Wis. 

Stations at which problems in irrigation agriculture arc 
studied will have to be abandoned at San Antonio, Tex.; 
Umatilla, Ore., and Newlands, Nev. * 

The staff engaged in the enforcement of the Food and 
Drugs Act must be reduced. 

FORESTRY WORK RESTRICTED 

The investigational work at three out of the four forest 
experiment stations on the western forests must be discon- 
tinued. 

* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation. 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 



432 AGRICULTURE ' 

Only one or two men can be retained for field investiga- 
tions in forestry in the whole eastern portion of the country. 

Much work having to do with maintaining and reproducing 
the forests in the East and South, where the problem of 
future timber supplies is most acute, will have to be aban- 
doned. Nothing whatever can be done along that line in the 
Lake states^ or the Northeast. Urgent problems connected 
with the rapidly waning supply of hardwoods in the Cen- 
tral states and the Appalachians cannot be given proper 
attention. 

The color laboratory which, in the past few years, has 
aided in the establishment of an American dye industry, must 
greatly reduce its work. 

Work toward preventing spoilage during shipment of 
poultry, eggs and fish must be curtailed in several directions. 

The services of crop reporting specialists on cotton, to- 
bacco and rice will have to be dispensed with. 

Special estimates on the commercial production of fruits 
and truck crops must be "discontinued. 

The fund for eradicating the pink bollworm, the most 
destructive enemy of cotton, has been considerably reduced. 

It will be necessary to discontinue all work to develop 
direct marketing of farm products by parcel post, express 
and otherwise. 

The Pacific Coast, the Intermountain region, the South 
and Southwest must, in large measure, be deprived of the 
benefits of the market news services. 

The news service rendered the public from most of the 
large market centers, especially Boston, New York, Phila- 
delphia, Pittsburgh, Chicago, Omaha and Minneapolis, must 
be so curtailed that widespread dissemination of information 
regarding market demands, supplies and prices will be im- 
possible. 

Grain-supervision offices at Cleveland and Salt Lake Cit^ 
have been closed and the force of the Boston office will be 
reduced. Standards for milled rice, already planned, cannot 
be promulgated because of a lack of funds for their effective 
enforcement. 

Cooperative work in the development of drug crops will be 
abandoned. 

The project to develop a home supply of camphor, which 
important product is now controlled by Japanese monopoly, 
will have to be reduced by 75 per cent. 

Cooperative work in the control of contagious abortion of 
cattle will have to be abandoned in New York and Texas. 

Investigations of animal tuberculosis, anthrax and various 
other diseases, as well as studies of stock poisoning by plants, 
will be greatly reduced. 

Among the other lines of activity which will have to be 
materially Curtailed include investigations of the culture and 
improvement of forage crops, soil-survey work, elimination of 
sweet-potato weevil, studies of live-stock production in the 
cotton and sugar-cane districts, field experiments in con- 
struction and maintenance of roads, farm-irrigation investi- 
gations and studies in farm drainage. 



* * * Dollar wheat makes it a very profitable occupation, 
—SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING, Congressional Record, 
p. 5269, Sixty-fifth Congress, First Session. 




TENNESSEE GIVES BALLOT 

TO THE WOMEN OF AMERICA 



Democratic State the 36th to Ratify Susan 

B. Anthony Amendment, Thus Making 

First Payment on Democracy's 

"Promissory Note" 



QN Wednesday, August 18th, the Democratic State 
of Tennessee fulfilled a pledge made by the 
Democratic National Convention in San Francisco 
scarcely six weeks before, That Democratic State, the 
36th to ratify the Susan B. Anthony amendment to 
the Constitution, became the elective means of en- 
franchising the women of the United States. The first 
payment on the Democratic "promissory note," as 
Governor Cox has called the Democratic platform, 
has been made. 

The Democratic platform unequivocally pledged 
itself to ratification. The convention sent strong mes- 
sages to the Democratic States of Louisiana and Ten- 
nessee urging the immediate calling of a legislative 
session for ratification. 

The Republican National Convention in Chicago 
contented itself with "earnestly hoping" that the en- 
franchisement of the women of the United States 
might be completed in time for election. 

In response to the party wish, the Democratic Gov- 
ernor of the Democratic State of Tennessee convened 
the legislature for the purpose of ratification. 

REPUBLICAN GOVERNORS DO NOTHING 

Two Republican Governors of Republican States, 
Holcomb of Connecticut, and Clement of Vermont, 
have insistently refused to convene the Republican 
legislatures of their states for ratification. 

The Democratic candidate for President ^ of the 
United States, after the calling of the extra session by 
Governor Roberts of Tennessee, urged upon the Dem- 
ocrats of that state the duty of completing the enfran- 
chisement of women before the election. He even 
held himself in readiness to go in person to Tenn- 

433 



434 DEMOCRACY AND WOM'EN •••«•■« • 

essee if, in the judgment of the proponents of suf- 
frage, that step were desirable. 

Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, 
also sent a strong message urging ratification on the 
Democrats of Tennessee. 

SENATOR HARDING'S COURSE 

In the meantime, Senator Harding displayed his 
usual v/eather-cock characteristics in regard to suffrage, 
On July 23d he sent a telegram to the Republicans of 
the Tennessee Legislature in which he "earnestly 
hoped" that they "acting upon solemn conviction" 
could "see their way clear to give their support to this 
amendment." However, under the date of August 
16th he practically nullified this "earnest hope" when, 
in an interview he predicted another Tilden-Hayes 
controversy in case of the passage of the amendment 
by the Tennessee Legislature. His letter to Judge G. 
L. Tillman, one of the anti-ratification leaders, was 
read at the open hearing of the committees to which 
the ratification resolution had been referred by both 
branches of the legislature, as argument against rat- 
ification. His wobbling stand injected strength into 
the Republican "antis" of the Tennessee Legislature. 

Senator Harding's varying positions in regard to 
ratification in Tennessee bears out his record as Sena- 
tor in regard to suffrage. His record is characterized 
in the records of the National Woman's Party as 
"varied, evasive and non-commital." 



HARDING OPPOSED SUFFRAGE 

AS A NECESSARY WAR MEASURE 



"I think every senator on this floor has had it drummed into 
his ear again and again that the Republic, to he consistent and 
to make a genuine fight for democracy, must make this grant 
of suffrage in order to make us effective in war. Why, sena- 
tors, I seek effectiveness in war with just as much earnestness 
as does any other man on this floor. I have made the ultimate 
statement; BUT I AM WEARY OF DRAGGING IN EVERY 
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC REFORM THAT WAS EVER 
DREAMED OF IN THE NAME OF WAR." — From remarks by 
SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING on floor of United States 
Senate, July 31, 1918. See Congressional Record, page 9064. 



"We had hoped that a man of undoubted courage, vision and 
executive ability would be chosen, but we have instead Warren 
Gamaliel Harding, one of the Senate group which controlled 
the convention. It woiuld be hypocritical for the 'Tribune' to 
pretend that it is satisfied with the result,"— New York Tribune 
(Rep.), June 1 3th. 



EQUAL RANK FOR WOMEN 

IN DEMOCRATIC COUNCILS 



TN 1916, when the campaign took form, the Democratic Na- 
tional Committee created a Woman's Bureau and put Mrs. 
George Bass of Chicago in charge. 

At the same time the Republican campaign man- 
agers put Mr. James A. Garfield at the head of their 
woman's division. 

After the election, when it became evident that the loyalty 
of the voting women of the West had returned President 
Wilson to the White House, the Woman's Bureau was made 
a permanent part of the Democratic National Committee and 
given offices in the Washington headquarters. 

That there might be no doubt in the minds of the women 
of the nation of the desire of the Democratic party to take 
them into a real partnership, a resolution was adopted by 
the National Committee in January, 1918, creating an Asso- 
ciate Committee, with a committeewoman appointed from 
each state in the Union. Nearly all the states responded very 
cordially to this appeal, and women took their position on the 
National Committee with evident pride and appreciation, be- 
ginning work in organization in each of their states. 

ON EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 

At a meeting of the National Executive Committee in At- 
lantic City in the Fall of 1919, it was decided to double that 
committee also, and a number of the leading women of the 
nation were appointed and have done good service as a part 
of the Executive Committee. 

Nor is this all. The National Committee has adopted and 
recommends to state organizations a plan which doubles the 
membership of all committees, making women co-equal part- 
ners, with the same rights and privileges as the men who 
now compose those committees, and urges all Democratic 
legislatures to so amend their laws as to provide for the 
election of committeewomen, wherever the party committees 
are a matter of statute enactment. 

COMMITTEEWOMAN FOR EACH STATE 

When the National Convention this year, freely and with 
practical unanimity, adopted a recommendation doubling the 
National Committee, and providing for the election of state 
committeewomen forthwith, it placed its stamp of approval 
upon the course of the National Committee, and each local 
organization, state, city and county, should govern itself ac- 
cordingly. The women of the nation have every reason for 
gratitude to a party which has left nothing undone to show 
its appreciation of their past services, and its desire to give 
them every opportunity for the fullest possible voice in its 
future policies, 

435 



DEMOCRATIC PARTY REAL 
FRIEND OF WOMAN'S CAUSE 



National Convention, Candidate and Platform 
Accord Women Equal Rights While Re- 
publicans Characteristically Hedge 
and Make Reservations 



A T the Republican National Convention in Chicago, in June, 
■**■ TWENTY-SEVEN WOMEN SAT AS DELEGATES, 
AND A SLIGHTLY LARGER NUMBER AS ALTER- 
NATES. They were a small sprinkling in the dense mass of 
men. Their presence was almost undistinguishable, their 
influence proved almost negligible. 

At the Democratic National Convention in San Fran- 
cisco, NEARLY FOUR HUNDRED WOMEN WERE 
OFFICIALLY CONNECTED WITH THE CONDUCT 
AND THE DELIBERATIONS OF THE PARTY. There 
were ninety-six women delegates and two hundred and 
two alternates; many of the fifty national committeewomen 
were present; state chairmen were also there in considerable 
numbers, and there were officers and committee chairmen of 
the Woman's Bureau of the National Democratic Committee 
and the women members of the Executive Committee. On 
that, the most important body in the party organization, 
women had equal representation with men, seventeen of 
each serving. 

Thus on the floor of the Democratic National Convention 
.women were noticeably present; they were prominent upon 
the officers' platform. FOR THE FIRST TIME IN THE 
HISTORY OF THE COUNTRY A WOMAN PRESIDED 
OVER A SESSION OF ONE OF THE GREAT PARTIES' 
NATIONAL CONVENTIONS, WHEN MRS. GEORGE 
BASS, HEAD OF THE WOMAN'S BUREAU, RE- 
CEIVED THE GAVEL FROM SENATOR ROBINSON 
OF ARKANSAS, THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN, AND 
FOR AN HOUR TOOK HIS PLACE. 

Every newspaper in the country has commented upon the 
conspicuous part which women played at San Francisco. 
Even Republican newspapers could not, as news purveyors, 
fail to make the contrast between the spirit, the cooperation, 
the cheer and hopefulness injected into the proceedings at 
San Francisco by the large and active participation of 
women, with the gloom and discouragement of the Repub- 
lican women at Chicago. 

At the Republican convention the women, desiring recog- 
nition and the opportunity to work in a full and responsible 
fashion in the party of their choice, held a caucus to formu- 
late their claims for admission into full powers. Their prob- 
lem for a long time was whether to ask for "equal" or for 
"adequate" representation upon the Republican Executive 
Committee. They finally answered the question by voting 
"adequate" the more tactful word! But even after that dis- 
play of patience and of gratitude for small favors, the Repub- 
lican convention adjourned without having availed itself of 
the merely permissive resolution to increase the membership 

436 



DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 437 

of its Executive Committee by the addition of an "adequate" 
number of women members. 

The hospitable spirit toward women shown by the Demo- 
cratic party in 1920, in such glaring contrast to the grudging 
reluctance of the Republicans to accord them anything more 
than the ancient opportunity for unrecognized service, was 
not a sudden, unexpected manifestation of convention good 
nature and hospitality. IT WAS THE EXPRESSION OF 
A SPIRIT WHICH HAS BEEN GROWING STEADILY, 
NORMALLY, IN THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY SINCE 
THE LAST NATIONAL ELECTION, WHEN THE VOT- 
ING WOMEN OF THE COUNTRY FLOCKED IN 
SUCH DECISIVE NUMBERS TO THE DEMOCRATIC 
BANNER. 

CAUSING REPUBLICAN ANXIETY 

The growth of this spirit of welcome for the new voters 
has for nearly two years been causing the Republican party 
anxiety, even though it has not be*n able to arouse the Re- 
publican party's emulation. When between the armistice in 
November, 1918, and the calling of the convention in 1920, 
the work of organizing the Democratic women of the nation, 
interrupted by the war in 1917, was resumed, the Republicans 
began to worry. They complained bitterly when a Demo- 
cratic national comitteewoman was appointed for each state 
by the Democratic national committeeman of each state. 
Beccming intensely agitated over the inviolability of the 
forms of Democratic party procedure, the chairman of the 
Republican National Committee took it upon himself to 
point out that the committeewomeii should be elected, not 
appointed. He gloomily warned the Democrats that action 
of the National Democratic Committee might be held illegal, 
if any Democrat saw fit to question it, because of the 
presence in that committee of appointed— not elected — com- 
mitteewomen. But no members of the Democratic party DID 
question the legality of any action of the National Demo- 
cratic Committee due to the presence of committeewomen; 
that committee functioned, in spite of Republican apprehen- 
sions. The Republicans scolded, resenting the welcome which 
their Democratic rivals gave the newly enfranchised women, 
worrying over it, but unwilling themselves to adopt the same 
liberal policy toward the new voters of their own political 
faith. 

ON SAME FOOTING AS MEN 

One of the first acts of the Democratic National Committee 
at the San Francisco convention was to pass a resolution 
providing for the election of national committeeworrien from 
ail the states by the same method as that of national commit- 
teemen. Most of the states elected their new committee- 
women during the convention. WOMEN ARE NOW, 
THEREFORE, IN LAW AS WELL AS IN FACT, BY 
RIGHT AS WELL AS BY COURTESY, DULY ESTAB- 
LISHED AS THE EQUALS OF MEN IN THE ORGANI- 
ZATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. The Execu- 
tive Committee has seventeen women and seventeen men, and 
for every national committeeman in the National Democratic 
Committee there is a national committeewoman. 

So much for women's place in the Democratic organiza- 
tion. "'•What was the attitude of the Democratic convention 
toward those issues which may justly be regarded as the 
women's issues, and what that of the Republican convention? 



438 DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 

Does the same contrast again appear, or did the Republicans, 
having failed to accord women an equal vote in the party 
councils, atone for this by writing into the platform those 
things for which the women strove?. The answer to this 
latter question is an emphatic "NO." 

What may be called "A Woman's Platform" was pre- 
sented to each convention by the League of Women Voters. 
That platform embodied the desires of the liberal-minded 
women of the United States. It urged each party to declare 
in its platform, as a matter of party principle, its belief in 
certain reforms relating to women and children. The planks 
of the platform are familiar enough to all persons acquainted 
with the aims of the women who have striven so many years 
for suffrage. It demanded equal pay for equal work, the 
abolition of the worse forms of child labor, the^fstablishment 
of a school age limit which would insure a fair amount of 
education to all the young people of the country, the mainte- 
nance of "carry-on" schools for the use of children who were 
obliged to leave school before the age of eighteen, a minimum 
wage for working women, the continuation and the develop- 
ment of the Women in Industry Bureau established during 
the war, a system of cooperation between the Federal gov- 
ernment and the states in maternity and infancy care accord- 
ing to the best standards yet developed, the creation of a 
Federal Department of Education, its head to be a member 
of the Cabinet, the application to women of the Federal Civil 
Service laws — these and similar measures were urged upon 
the platform makers of both parties. 

DEMOCRATS ADOPT WOMAN'S PLATFORM 

One-half of the planks formulated by the League of 
Women Voters found their way into the Republican platform. 

The makers of the Democratic platform, however, 
included in their declaration of Democratic principles 
every measure for which the women strove with the 
single exception of that one calling for the Federal De- 
partment of Education. 

The head of the League of Women Voters, in an interview 
in San Francisco after the adoption of the Democratic plat- 
form, made the foregoing contrast. 

ONCE AGAIN, DISTINCTLY, UNMISTAKABLY, 
THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY PROVED ITSELF THE 
PARTY HOSPITABLE TO WOMEN—HOSPITABLE 
THIS TIME TO THEIR IDEAS AND AMBITIONS. 

Here are the suffrage planks of the Democratic and Repub- 
lican planforms: 

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN 
We endorse the proposed We welcome women into 
19th Amendment of the Con- full participation in the affairs 
stitution of the United States of government and the activi- ■ 
granting equal suffrage to ties of the Republican party. 
women. We congratulate the We earnestly hope that Re- 
legislatures of the 35 States publican legislatures in states 
which have already ratified which have not yet acted on 
said Amendment and we urge the Suffrage Amendment will 
the Democratic Governors ratify the amendment, to the 
and legislatures of Tennes- end that all of the women of 
see, North Carolina and Flor- the ty.tion of voting age may 



DEMOCRACY AMD WOMEN 439 

ida and such States as have participate in the election of 
not yet ratified the Federal 1920 which is so important to 
Suffrage Amendment to unite the welfare of the country, 
in an effort to complete the 
process of ratification and 
secure the 36th State in time 
for all \the women of the 
United States to participate 
in the Fall election. We com- 
mend the effective advocacy 
of the measure by President 
Wilson. 

The two planks do not differ greatly. The Democratic 
convention sent from the convention hall a message to the 
Democratic states of Louisiana and Tennessee a strong reso- 
lution urging ratification. But both Vermont and Connecti- 
cut, two of the Republican states which have not yet ratified, 
have, through their governors, declined to take the first steps 
toward ratification, although no race question befogs the 
issue with them as with the Southern states mentioned. Their 
governors flatly refused to call the necessary extra session 
of the legislatures. The governor of Tennessee, in response 
to the voice of the convention, called an extra session of the 
legislature which ratified the amendment and thus enfran- 
chised women. 

RECORDS OF CANDIDATES 

The records of the two candidates, James M. Cox and 
Warren G. Harding, are interesting reading for women suf- 
fragists. That of Senator Harding is characterized by the 
National Woman's party as "varied, evasive and non-com- 
mittal" until the Fall of 1918, when, on October 1, he took 
his first step for suffrage by pairing in favor of the 19th 
amendment. DURING THE FOUR PRECEDING YEARS 
HE HAD FAILED TO COME OUT ON THE SIDE 
OF THE WOMEN. In June, 1915, he said that he 
would rather that the party to which he belonged should 
make a declaration than to assume the leadership or 
to take an individual position on the question. In Jan- 
uary, 1916, he did not see how he "could vote for suf- 
frage and against prohibition." In June, 1915, when he made 
the key-note speech at the Republican National Convention in 
Chicago, he declined, in spite of strong appeals by all the 
suffragists, to mention the matter of suffrage in it. In No- 
vember, 1915, he was still "inclined to leave the solution of 
the question" to his party. In April, 1917, when President 
Wilson was urging the passage of the Federal suffrage 
imendment as a war measure, Senator Harding declared him- 
self in favor of the amendment, "but not as a war measure." 
In August, 1917, he said publicly that he "could not do any- 
thing to support the amendment," though, at that time, he 
declared that he sympathized with those working for it. In 
February, 1918, he said that he "deprecated the too rapid 
advance of democracy," and consequently "would hold back 
on woman suffrage." But on June 4, 1919, he voted for 
the amendment. 

COX OUTSPOKEN FOR RATIFICATION 

IN STRIKING CONTRAST IS THE RECORD OF THE 
DEMOCRATIC LEADER ON THE SUFFRAGE QUES- 
TION. Although Governor Cox, who has three times been 
governor of his state, had left Congress before the suffrage 



440 DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 

question began to be acute in 1913, and was consequently 
«™ J ; e r!L C ? a vote for the amendment, HIS INFLUENCE 
¥?Ar V ^P TO GAIN FOR SUFFRAGE THE SENATO- 
S^Z?7 ES OF HIS STATE. IN 1916, AT THE 
?SK5? CRATIC CONVENTION IN ST. LOUIS HE 
ANNOUNCED HIMSELF IN FAVOR OF THE FED- 
r T S^ T ? UFFRAGE AMENDMENT, AND THERE HAS 
«™ R ™?™ EN ANY EVAS ION OR WITHDRAWAL 
FROM THIS DECLARATION. During the period of rati- 
ncation whenever deputations called upon him, he assured 
them of his support of the amendment when the resolution 
came up in the Ohio legislature. When the governor of 
Minnesota telegraphed to him asking his position on the 
ratification in Ohio, he replied: "The Ohio legislature, now 
m recess, will convene June 16th. It is my opinion that the 
legislature will ratify." The Ohio legislature DID ratify on 
June 16th, being the fourth state on the suffrage roll. 

On the day after his nomination he telegraphed the chair- 
man of the Democratic State Central Committee of Louisiana 
m regard to the passage of the ratification of the suffrage 
amendment: "It is the duty the legislature of Louisiana owes 
to the Democratic party to ratify at once." Although Louisiana 
saw fit to disregard both the messages from the convention 
and from the convention's presidential candidate, and al- 
though it failed to ratify the suffrage amendment, THERE 
IS NO SHADOW OF DOUBT AS TO WHERE GOV- 
ERNOR COX STANDS AND HAS STOOD ON THE 
SUFFRAGE QUESTION. 

Which party has given a greater honor to women by giving 
them the greater opportunity for party responsibility and 
party service? Which one has most liberally written into 
its declaration of principles the desires of the liberal women 
of America? Which candidate has shown himself the more 
staunchly on their side? To which party, then, must the self- 
respecting women of the nation, who believe in themselves 
and in the beneficial influence which they must exert in pub- 
lic affairs, pledge their allegiance? 

It was a great Democrat who made a great statement in 
regard to women's place in public life. IT V/AS THE 
ONLY PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, WHO 
WHILE PRESIDENT, EVER EXERTED HIMSELF IN 
BEHALF OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE, WOODROW WIL- 
SON, WHO SAID: 

"Our safety as well as our comprehension of 
matters that touch society to the quick will depend 
upon the direct and authoritative participation of 
women in our counsels. We shall need their 
moral sense to preserve what is right and fine and 
worthy in our system of life as well as to discover 
just what it is that ought to be purified and re- 
formed. Without their counsellings we shall be 
only half wise." 

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, IN HARMONY WITH 
THE IDEAL OF ITS GREAT LEADER, HAS DE- 
CLARED THAT FOR IT HENCEFORTH WOMEN ARE 
FULLY RECOGNIZED AS CITIZENS, AS PARTICI- i 
PANTS IN ITS COUNSELS, ITS ACTIVITIES AND 
ITS DESTINIES. 



DEMOCRATS OPENED DOOR 
OF OPPORTUNITY TO WOMEN 



Many Appointed to Positions of Great Re- 
sponsibility in Government Work by 
President and Cabinet Members 



W^HEN the Government began to write "equal pay for 
* equal work" into its war contracts, thus eliminating 
the ancient discrimination that made it possible to exploit 
the labor of women and children, it but exemplified the new 
standard which the Democratic administration has estab- 
lished for all governmental policies relating to women. It 
has opened many high positions hitherto closed to them and 
through its example has brought about a national point of 
view from which equality of opportunity appears imperative 
even to the least progressive. 

Since 1912, under Democratic leadership, the ideals 
of true democracy which exacts justice for all have been 
applied in the most practical manner and thus women 
have received the consideration that has brought out 
their best possibilities for public service. 

If the Democratic party had nothing further to boast in 
its relation to the women of the country than its prompt ac- 
ceptance of them as full party members, that would be no 
small boast. It is a great achievement for any body of men 
to throw overboard the "ladies' auxiliary" tradition of women 
and to set out to create the partnership tradition. But the 
Democratic party has done more than this. WITHOUT 
ANY BLOWING OF TRUMPETS, WITHOUT ANY 
PROFUSION OF PHRASES, BUT AS A MERE MAT- 
TER-OF-COURSE, THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRA- 
TION HAS RECOGNIZED THE EXECUTIVE AND 
THE INDUSTRIAL ABILITY OF WOMEN, AND HAS 
BOTH GIVEN THEM OPPORTUNITY TO EXERCISE 
IT, AND AFFORDED THEM PROTECTION IN ITS 
EXERCISE. 

A Democratic President has recognized capacity without 
regard to sex, and has appointed many women to Federal 
positions of importance. 

DECLARATION OF 1916 

The Democratic platform of 1916 contained a clear state- 
ment regarding Government employment that was destined 
to affect tens of thousands not concerned when the planks 
were accepted. The declaration for a "living wage for all 
employees; a working day not to exceed eight hours; with 
one day of rest in seven; the adoption of safety appliances 
and the establishment of thoroughly sanitary conditions of 
labor; adequate compensation for industrial accidents; the 
standards of the 'Uniform Child Labor Law' wherever 
minors are employed; such provisions for decency, comfort 
and health in the employment of women as should be ac- 
corded to the mothers of the race, and an equitable retirement 

441 



442 DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN ' ' 

law was considered radical. At the time that it was issued 
tne tide of the world war had not yet touched the United 
States, but within a few months the country was engulfed 
and then came the great test of sincerity. 

Confronted with the task of supplying and maintaining an 
immense army, THE ADMINISTRATION LIVED UP TO 
THE PROMISE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. The 
seven points designated in the platform were amplified, and 
the now famous General Order No. 13, issued by the Chief 
of Ordnance, U. S. A., as a guide for the thousands who 
took Government contracts, was rigidly enforced. Its pro- 
visions are as follows: 

GENERAL ORDER NO. 13 
Standards for Employment of Women 

1. HOURS OF LABOR.— Existing legal standards should 
be rigidly maintained, and, even where the law permits a 
9 or 10 hour day, efforts should be made to restrict the work 
of women to eight hours. 

2. PROHIBITION OF NIGHT WORK.-The employ- 
ment of women on night shifts, should be avoided as a neces- 
sary protection, morally and physically. 

3. REST PERIODS.— No women should be employed for 
a longer period than four and a half hours without a break 
for a meal, and a recess of ten minutes should be allowed 
in the middle of each working period. 

4. TIME FOR MEALS— At least 30 minutes should be 
allowed for a meal, and this time should be lengthened to 
45 minutes or an hour if the working day exceeds eight 
hours. 

5. PLACE FOR MEALS.— Meals should not be eaten in 
the work rooms. 

6. SATURDAY HALF-HOLIDAY.— The Saturday half- 
holiday should be considered an absolute essential for women 
under all conditions. 

7. SEATS.— For women who sit at their work, seats with 
backs should be provided, unless the occupation renders this 
impossible. For women who stand at work, seats should be 
available and their use permitted at regular intervals. 

8. LIFTING WEIGHTS.— No woman should be required 
to lift repeatedly more than twenty-five pounds in any single 
load. 

9. REPLACEMENT OF MEN BY WOMEN.— When it 
is necessary to employ women on work hitherto done by 

* men, care should be taken to make sure that the task is 
adapted to the strength of the women. The standards of 
wages hitherto prevailing for men in the process should not 
be lowered where women render equivalent service. The 
hours for women engaged in such processes should, of course, 
not be longer than those formerly worked by men. 

10. TENEMENT HOUSE WORK.— No work shall be 
given out to be done in rooms used for living purposes or 
directly connected with living rooms. 

Standards for Employment of Minors 

1. AGE.— No child under 14 years of age shall be em- 
ployed at any work under any conditions. 



DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 443 

2. HOURS OF LABOR.— No child between the ages of 
14 and 16 shall be employed more than 8 hours a day or 
48 hours a week, and night work is prohibited. 

3. MINORS UNDER 18.— Minors of both sexes under 18 
years of, age should have the same restrictions upon their 
hours as already outlined for women employees. 

APPLIED IN RAILROAD WORK 

Through the United States Railroad Administration the 
Government was able to put its principles into direct practice, 
and here women had their first chance to appreciate the real 
meaning of General Order No. 13. William Gibbs McAdoo, 
Secretary of the Treasury and Director-General of Railroads 
during the war, instituted many reforms and changes that 
have become permanent. According to statistics, the number 
of women now employed in the service is two and a half 
times larger than before the war. On October 1, 1919, there 
were 81,803 on the payrolls. This was a decrease of about 
.twenty-five per cent from 101,785, the highest v/artime record, 
but it shows that women proved efficient in places where 
previously they had no opportunity to compete with men. 

To provide the utmost assistance to the women who took 
positions in which their ability was more or less problematic, 
Mr. McAdoo created a Women's Service Section of the Divi- 
sion of Labor, with Miss Pauline Goldmark as manager. In 
her report Miss Goldmark summarizes special investigations 
made in the offices of car accountants, freight claims, freight 
auditors, local freight and disbursements, and points out that 
the rule of equal pay for equal work was scrupulously, fol- 
lowed, WOMEN SHARING IN ALL WAGE INCREASES 
ALLOWED TO THE VARIOUS CLASSES OF RAIL- 
ROAD EMPLOYEES. 

Since the war the eight-hour day has been increas- 
ingly put into effect in all railroad occupations In which 
women are employed. The improvement of working 
conditions has been marked. Rest rooms have been 
helpful and many provisions have been made for the 
comfort of employees. 

EVERY WORKER FROTECTED 

Every worker was protected, as far as possible, during the 
war, and a heavy penalty was exacted for any violation of 
contract. The War Labor Policies Board was created and 
its rulings set a permanent milestone in progress. After 
months of Government service the immense army of industry 
could not return to conditions that still existed among indi- 
vidual employers or corporations. It was necessary to insti- 
tute reforms and changes everywhere and workers gained 
new. hope. 

. TO THE WOMEN CAME THE GREATEST BENE- 
FITS. As one of its war emergency branches, the Depart- 
ment of Labor established the Women in Industry Service, 
July 1, 1918, which has developed into a permanent Woman's 
Bureau. This Bureau formulated standards for the employ- 
ment of women in industry, studied and charted labor laws 
affecting women in all the States, made surveys of occupa- 
tions in which women are employed, prepared for circulation 
and use throughout the country for educational purposes sets 



' 444 DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 

of exhibits contrasting desirable and undesirable conditions- 
and conducted an educational campaign for equal opportunity 
m industry freedom of choice of occupation and equal pay- 
tor work of the same or corresponding skill with work done 
by men. 

It was to be expected that the Department of Labor, which 
stands for all the most progressive ideals, should set an ex- 
ample in its appointment of women. The records show that 
since 1913, when sixteen per cent of the employees in Wash- 
ington were women, the proportion has increased to fifty- 
three per cent in 1920. Under Secretary William B. Wilson 
at least a dozen women are serving in important positions 
that command salaries of from $2,000 to $5,000 a year. These 
include: Miss Julia Lathrop, Chief of the Children's Bureau; 
Miss Mary Anderson, Chief of the Woman's Bureau; Miss 
Caroline Fleming, Assistant Chief, Children's Bureau; Mrs. 
Margaretta Neale, Assistant to the Director-General, Em- 
ployment Service; Miss Lillian M. Lewis, Chief Clerk 
Woman's Bureau; Dr. Katherine M. Herring, Assistant Chief,' 
Division of Information, Bureau of Immigration; Anna E, 
Rude, Expert on Sanitation, Children's Bureau; Emma O. 
Lundberg, Expert in Child Welfare, Children's Bureau; Ellen 
N. Matthews, Industrial Expert, Children's Bureau; Katherine 
F. Lenroot, Social Service Expert, Children's Bureau; Glenn 
Steele, Statistical Expert, Children's Bureau; Mary F. Bick- 
ford, Administrative Clerk. 

SERVICE FOR CHILDREN 

During the last seven years the Children's Bureau of 
the Department of Labor has reached out to the most 
remote villages and hamlets to aid the citizens of to- 
morrow. 

The Children's Year campaign to protect the youth of the 
land from the hazards of war carried out a remarkable pro- 
gram ^that enlisted approximately 20,000,000 adults in the 
weighing and measuring tests, and the drives to assure suit- 
able recreation and protect against premature or unsuitable 
employment. As a climax to the campaign a conference on 
child welfare was held at which European experts cooperated 
with American scientists in devising standards for child wel- 
fare. In 1919, more than 6,000,000 publications were dis- 
tributed, on request, to persons interested in conserving the 
race, and nearly 100,000 letters sent out in answer to inquiries. 
As a result of the national interest in the children of the land, 
there is now before Congress a maternity bill which offers a 
solution of the problem of how to extend Federal aid to the ; 
States in support of public medical and nursing care for I 
mothers and children. 

STATE DEPARTMENT 

The STATE DEPARTMENT is the smallest of the De- j 
partments in personnel, but jn its potential influence it holds -\ 
£he reins of peace and war. One of its comparatively recent 
<"~2veiopments is a Bureau pf Correspondence, of which Miss \ 
Margaret Hanna was made chief. Miss Hanna had for many 
years occupied a responsible post as secretary to the Second 
Assistant Secretary of State, and as such had attended all the 
principal international conferences at which the State Depart 
ment had been represented. A woman has been included 



DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 445 

also in the Department's force of law clerks, Miss Anna 
O'Neill having been promoted to that position. 

During the war a special force was added to the State 
Department of about five hundred persons. Of these 350 
were women. 

TREASURY DEPARTMENT 

One of the first Departments in which women were em- 
ployed is the Treasury. Here large numbers of women have 
been doing splendid work for years, their faithfulness to duty 
and their rare attention to detail making them valued em- 
ployees. Many have attained places of great responsibility. 

In the Women's Liberty Loan Committee, A DEMO- 
CRATIC ADMINISTRATION HONORED THE WOMEN 
OF THE NATION WITH THE LARGEST RESPONSI- 
BILITY EVER ACCORDED TO WOMEN BY ANY 
GOVERNMENT, thereby availing itself af a splendid fund 
of energy and of executive ability. Throughout the war the 
Women's Liberty Loan Committee was an independent, self- 
functioning body. Under its various state and local branches 
more than a million women were organized. Its heads sat 
in at all Treasury conferences in regard to the loans. Appro- 
priations were granted the committee upon its own budgets. 
No other organization of women working throughout the 
war had such authority. The Women's Liberty Loan Com- 
mittee, established as one of the governmental war agencies 
by the Democratic Administration, had unique responsibility, 
and its magnificent record in helping float the loans by its 
nation-wide organization is proof of the soundness of the 
Administration's psychologic judgment. 

In the Office of the Director of the Mint, Miss Mary M. 
O'Reilly, designated as Computer and Adjuster, acts as Di- 
rector in the absence of the head of the Bureau. In the 
Office of the Comptroller of the Treasury, Miss Clare Grae- 
cen has been raised from law clerk to attorney. In the 
Bureau of Internal Revenue, Miss Nila F. Allen heads a 
division. In the Bureau of Engraving and Printing are two 
woman division chiefs at salaries of $2,000 and $2,500. In 
the Division of Loans and Currency are two women assistant 
chiefs of division, who receive salaries of $2,740. Miss Mary 
L. Morgan is Assistant to the Chief of the Division of 
Appointments. 

Another notable precedent was established when Mrs. 
Estelle V. Collier, of Utah, in the spring of 1920, was ap- 
pointed as Collector of Customs at Salt Lake City. This is 
the first time in this country a woman has acted in the 
capacity of Collector of Customs. 

WAR DEPARTMENT 

In the War Department women necessarily had a more 
limited field of work than in the other departments of the 
Government since the chiefs of bureaus are for the most 
part officers in the Army. After the declaration of war with 
Germany, however, the Secretary of War issued orders that 
selections from the Civil Service Commission's registers of 
eligibles should be made without regard to sex whenever 
the services of women could be utilized. In the conduct of 
the war it was necessary to build up a large force of civilian 
employees, particularly in the District of Columbia, where 
it is estimated that more than sixty per cent of the force so 



446 DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 

employed were women. On the date of the signing of the 
armistice 20,000 women were enrolled in the service of the 
War Department in Washington. Most of these employees 
held clerical positions, but many hundreds of them were 
employed in supervisory capacities and in responsible posi- 
tions. Two of the more outstanding posts of responsibility 
assigned to women directly after the war were those of 
Confidential Clerk and Assistant to the Secretary, held by 
Miss Hannah J. Patterson, and Director of Women's Rela- 
tions to the U. S. Army, held by Mrs. J. R. Casserly. Under 
the army reorganization act which gives military rank to 
women nurses, Secretary Baker commissioned Miss Julia 
Stimson a major in the United States Army Medical Corps. 
She was decorated with the distinguished service medal for 
her work in the A. E. F. 

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE 

The greatest honor in the Department of Justice that has 
fallen to a woman is that of appointment as one of the eight 
Assistant Attorneys-General of the United States, with a 
salary of $7,500, of Mrs. Annette Abbott Adams, a native 
daughter of California. When appointed to her high posi- 
tion in the Department of Justice she was United States Dis- 
trict Attorney. * 

INTERIOR DEPARTMENT 

Women have been selected for offices of financial responsi- 
bility under the Department of the Interior. Mrs. Grace B. 
Caukin was appointed, in June, 1914, Receiver of Public 
Moneys at San Francisco. She administered affairs so suc- 
cessfully that when she resigned in the spring of 1920 another 
woman, Mrs. Anderson Reed, was chosen to succeed her. 
Mrs. Mary Wolfe Dargin was made Register of the Land 
Office, Denver, Colo.; Mrs. Julia Mary Cross, Receiver of 
Public Moneys, Douglas, Wyoming; Mrs. Lulu Hurley, Re- 
ceiver of Public Moneys at Elko, Nevada; Mrs. Minnie L. 
Bray, Register of the Land Office at Carson City, Nevada, 
and Mrs. Annie C. Rogers, Receiver of Public Moneys 
at Leadville, Colo. 'PREVIOUS TO THE PRESENT 
DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION WOMEN HAVE 
NEVER RECEIVED THESE APPOINTMENTS, all of 
which belong to the class that must be confirmed by the 
United States Senate. 

DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 

In the Department of Agriculture women have had many 
unusual chances to prove their efficiency. Here are to be 
found scientists of high attainment, college women who are 
devoting their lives to special work that promises much for 
the future. In the office of Farm Management are two Re- 
search Assistants in Agricultural Geography, Miss Bertha 
Henderson and Miss Lila Thompson. There is a Scientific 
Assistant in Cost Accounting, Miss Lillian Church. The 
Bureau of Animal Industry employs two women as Milk 
Utilization Experts and a Scientific Assistant in Animal 
Husbandry, in addition to Bacteriologists and Zoologists. 
The Bureau of Plant Industry has a woman Micologist, Mrs. 
Dora W. Patterson, who is in charge of the Office of Patho- 
logical Collections and has many assistants. The Forest 
Service has a woman microscopist in the Forest Products 



DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 447 

Laboratory, and a Land Law Examiner. There are many 
chemists and entomologists, and it is of interest that the 
Division of Publications has a special Scenario Editor who 
prepares material for the "movies." The States Relations 
Service, established in 1914, has extended its work to nearly 
every State in the Union. and employs more than one thou- 
sand women in the work of making demonstrations that aid 
in solving household problems among farm women. 

DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE 

Of all the Departments in Washington none offers a greater 
variety of opportunities to women than the Department of 
Commerce. In the Bureau of the Census fourteen women 
have carried heavy responsibilities during the recent count- 
ing of the population of the United States. Three are expert 
Chiefs of Division: Emily I. Farnum, Olive M. Riddleberger 
and Evelyn Yeomans. Six are Statistical Experts: Lucy 
Cray croft, Carolyn K. Ditto, Henrietta Kiernan, Katherine 
Emrich, Margaret A. Patch and Mollie Nance. Five have 
acted as Supervisors of Census: Margaret F. Murdock, Julie 
R. Jenney, Anna McNamara, Minnie P. Lindsay and Mrs. 
Roy E. Smith. The Bureau of Fisheries has a woman Assist- 
ant, Alice Stearns. In the Bureau of Lighthouses eight 
women are serving as Keepers. In the Coast and Geodetic 
Survey three women have important positions: Mrs. Olga C. 
Moncure, Nautical Expert; Mrs. Clara Belle Brooks, Drafts- 
man; and Sarah Beall, Computer. In the Bureau of Stand- 
ards fourteen women are employed as assistant physicists and 
thirty-one as laboratory assistants. 

INDEPENDENT BUREAUS 

In the independent bureaus and commissions of the Gov- 
ernment, women have occupied more prominent places under 
the Wilson administration than had hitherto been within the 
scope of their aspirations. Early in his administration the 
President appointed Mrs. J. Borden Harriman a member of 
the Industrial Commission established in the last days of the 
Taft Administration. On his latest Commission on Indus- 
trial Relations, which met in Washington in the autumn of 
1919, three women were appointed by him. 

As a natural recognition of the part that women played in 
war activity, the maintenance of a Woman's Bureau by the 
Committee on Public Information is significant. Through it 
close communication with women in all parts of the, United 
States was maintained and their war work was presented in 
an inspiring and suggestive manner. 

Of the permanent commissions, Mrs. Frances C. Axtell 
has for some years held the position of Chairman of the 
United States Employees Compensation Commission, while, 
ignoring all precedents, the President .selected a woman to 
fill a vacancy in the United States Civil Service Commission. 
Mrs. Helen Gardener, who received the appointment, was 
widely known as a writer before she devoted all her energies 
to suffrage work. Another recognition of women's ability to 
fill important positions is shown in the appointment of Mrs. 
Clara Sears Taylor as a member of the Rent Commission 
of the District of Columbia.. The choice of a woman as 
Judge of the Juvenile Court of the District of Columbia is 
another evidence of the desire to award to women important 
positions for which they are well fitted, and Judge Kathryn 



448 DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 

Sellers has proved her ability to deal wisely with all the 
difficult human as well as legal problems that come before 
her. 

EXAMPLE FOLLOWED IN STATES 

The example of President Wilson and of the Federal 
Administration has been followed by Democrats in state and 
municipal offices. Among the most notable examples of the 
recognition of women in the states have been two appoint- 
ments by Governor Smith of New York of women — Frances 
Perkins to the State Industrial Commission, and Mrs. 
Charles Bennett Smith to the State Civil Service Commis- 
sion. The Democratic mayor of New York City, Mayor 
Hylan, appointed a woman judge to the Court of Domestic 
Relations in the person of Mrs. Jean Norris, a lawyer of 
standing. District Attorney Sv/ann of New York City created 
the "first woman" deputy assistant in the New York District 
Attorney's office by the appointment of Miss Rose Rother- 
btrg. Dr. Royal Copeland, Health Commissioner of New 
York, has recently appointed a woman, Miss Mary A. 
Meyers, an industrial inspector in that city. 

The list might be amplified. Every local Democratic ad- 
ministration could be cited to show how general is the dis- 
position to accept women in the work of government by 
the members of the party. But even this partial and neces- 
sarily incomplete list tells the tale. NOT IN ITS PLAT- 
FORM ALONE, NOT IN ITS PROMISES AND THE 
FERVOR OF ITS ORATORY ALONE, DOES THE 
DEMOCRATIC PARTY WELCOME WOMEN. IT WEL- 
COMES THEM TO ACTUAL SERVICE AND TO 
THE REWARDS OF ACTUAL SERVICE. IT HAS 
SPOKEN IN DEEDS, AND THAT IS TO SPEAK 
WITH FINALITY. 



OPPONENTS OF LEAGUE WOULD DESTROY 
VICTORY 



IP HOSE very weak nations are situated through the 
very tract of country — between Germany and 
Persia — which Germany had meant to conquer and 
dominate, and if the nations of the world do not main- 
tain their concert to sustain the independence and free- 
dom of those peoples, Germany will yet have her will 
upon them, and we shall witness the very interesting 
spectacle of having spent millions upon millions of 
American treasure and, ■what is much more precious, 
hundreds of thousands of American lives, to do a futile 
thing, to do a thing which we will then leave to, be 
undone at the leisure of those who are masters of in- 
trigue, at the leisure of those who are masters in com- 
bining wrong influences to overcome right influences, 
of those who are masters of the very things that we 
hate and mean always to fight. — From PRESIDENT 
WILSON'S address at Indianapolis, Ind., September 4, 
1919. .' 



RIGHTS OF WOMEN WAGE 

EARNERS SAFEGUARDED 



Democratic Administration, Through Women's 

Bureau of Department of Labor, Blazes 

Trail in Promoting Welfare of 

Female Toilers 



A VERY conservative estimate of the number of women 
engaged in gainful occupations in the United States 
places the number at 12,000,000. There is practically no in- 
dustry in which women are not engaged in some processes 
at the present time. 

Many problems of women's employment come, therefore, 
to the Women's Bureau of the Department of Labor for 
special attention. How to utilize -this woman-power to the 
best advantage to the nation but still guard against exploita- 
tion became such an important question that it led to the 
CREATION OF THE WOMEN'S BUREAU IN THE 
DEPARTMENT OF LABOR, IN JULY, 1918. 

The Women's Bureau is charged with the responsibility 
of developing policies and standards which shall promote 
the welfare of wage-earning women, improve their working 
conditions, increase their efficiency and advance their oppor- 
tunities for profitable employment. The Bureau investigates 
and reports upon all matters pertaining to the welfare of 
women in industry and publishes the results of these 
investigations. 

STANDARDS OF EMPLOYMENT 

Realizing the need for a definite statement of standards 
which should be met in establishments where women were 
employed, one of the first tasks undertaken by the Women's 
Bureau was the formulation and publication of a statement 
of such standards. Some of the fundamentals which are 
recommended in the standards are equal pay for equal work 
for men and women, a living wage, and a wage rate which 
will cover the cost of living for dependents and not merely 
for the individual, the eight-hour day and Saturday half 
holiday, provisions for comfort and sanitation in the fac- 
tory, the prohibition of the employment of women on proc- 
esses which have been demonstrated to be more injurious 
to women than to men, intelligent systems of employment 
management with women in executive positions to handle 
problems affecting women, and provision for representatives 
of the workers to share in the control of conditions of their 
employment. 

These standards have been accepted and indorsed by many 
organizations interested in industrial conditions as they 
affect women, and are in very wide use. 

Although the result to be obtained, as evidenced by the 
almost universal use of the standards, is the same in many 
communities, the conditions which need special attention 
vary in each locality, and many different appeals have been 
made to the Women's Bureau for the solution of some par- 

449 



DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN 

ticular problem or for help in accomplishing some dennltf 
purpose. 

CIVIL SERVICE RULE CHANGED 

A group of women which has received special attention 
from the Women's Bureau is the very large group employed 
by the Federal Government. Women have long taken an 
important share in the conduct of the work of the Federal 
Departments, but many positions were not open to them 
owing to the stipulations made in Civil Service examinations 
for these positions. To find out the extent and character 
of the positions from which women were excluded the 
Women's Bureau made a study of all examinations and ap- 
pointments made during a period of several months by the 
Civil Service Commission. When the report was issued 
showing that 60 per cent of the examinations given during 
that period were open only to men, although in many cases 
women were as well qualified to fill the positions, the Civil 
Service Commission immediately issued a ruling declaring 
that all positions should be open to both men and women, 
leaving it to the discretion . of the appointing officer to 
specify the sex desired. 

Negro women in industry have also been a subject of spe- 
cial interest to the Women's Bureau, as these women are 
working under many conditions which handicap not only 
themselves, but also other groups who are employed with, 
or in competition with them. The increasing importance 
of the negro in industrial groups makes it important that a 
definite and satisfactory policy for their employment shall 
be established without delay, and a study of a large group 
of negro women employed in different industries has shown 
many possible adjustments which will be a valuable guide 
towards satisfactory conditions of employment for them. 

FORMULATION OF POLICIES 

The activities of the Women's Bureau are not confined, 
however, to actual investigations of working conditions for 
women. There is a very much larger field from which in- 
formation must be drawn if the Bureau is to fulfil in a satis- 
factory way what it considers to be the most important 
branch of its work — the formulation of policies for the em- 
ployment of women. Are women helped or hindered by the 
enactment of laws limiting the hours they may work in a 
day or a week? Are women really entitled to receive a 
wage based, as a man's wage is, on the cost of supporting 
dependents? What adjustments should be made in laws 
regulating hours and conditions of work, to prevent discrimi- 
nation against wcmen while at the same time giving them 
adequate protection? What training should girls be given 
in the schools to fit them for a fair opportunity in the indus- 
trial world they are to enter? What conditions under which 
women are working are more harmful to them than to men? 

These are a few of the questions which the Women's Bu- 
reau must help to answer. Already, work is being done 
which will provide material on which to base policies on 
these matters. The Democratic party has blazed the trail in 
this pioneer work for the benefit of women. 



HARDING 



HARDING'S SENATE RECORD 
BARREN OF ACHIEVEMENT 



Republican Candidate a " Dependable Stand- 
patter" Who Followed Lead of Penrose, 
Lodge, Smoot, and Defenders of 
Big Interests 



From the New York "World," August 1, 1920. 

gENATOR WARREN G. HARDING cannot draw 
on his record in the Senate for much to inspire 
enthusiasm in his candidacy. There are no brilliant 
spots in his service there. He followed the lead of the 
shining lights of the Old Guard, dominated by Senators 
Boies Penrose of Pennsylvania, Henry Cabot Lodge of 
Massachusetts and Reed Smcot of Utah. 

No bit of legislation bears Mr. Harding's name. No 
striking speech marked him for remembrance. FOR 
NEARLY SIX YEARS HE HAS BEEN A PLODDER 
AMONG PLODDERS. At times he made attacks on 
the President or members of his Cabinet; apparently to 
his mind no good could come out of the Wilson admin- 
istration. 

A careful perusal of the "Congressional Record" 
since March 4, 1915, when Mr. Harding entered the 
Senate, reveals these things : 

( 1 ) He was recorded as "not voting" on many 
important measures, when he either absented him- 
self from the Senate or saw fit not to record his 
vote. During his first year he was not present 
on 144 quorum calls and failed to vote ninety 
times. The next year he missed sixty roll calls. 

(2) He v/as always ready to take the side of 
big interests or to support Penrose or Lodge 
propositions. He proved himself a standpat 
dependable. 

(3) He was called an "artful dodger" by the 
Suffragists and the Prohibitionists for his way of 
preaching one thing and practising another. He 
spoke against Prohibition, but voted for it, and 
criticised Suffrage, but supported the proposed 
amendment. < , , . , 

451 



452 HARDING'S RECORD 

(4) In the heat of debate he defended Wall 
Street and made caustic references to the farmer, 
the laborer and the Chautauqua lecturer. 

OPPOSED AUTONOMY FOR PHILIPPINES 

Senator Harding delivered his first speech in the Senate 
on January 28, 1916, on the bill "To declare the purpose of 
the people of the United States as to the future political 
status of the people of the Philippine Islands, and to provide 
a more autonomous government for those islands." 

He said that, coming from Ohio, the home of the man who 
led in planting our flag in the Philippines, he thought he 
should lift his voice "in protest against the proposed mea- 
sure." 

In this very speech, at the outset of his career in the Sen- 
ate, Mr. Harding took up the cudgel for the great interests. 

"We are not moved in Ohio by that fear of the greed of 
the East, as suggested by the Senator from Arkansas (Mr. 
Clarke), nor is the undercurrent of our dependable thought 
materially changed by the clamorous call for radical refor- 
mation," said he. "I think the current of thought in the 
great Middle West goes unerringly on, uninfluenced by 
either. 

"Our judgment, as I have seen it attested in Ohio, is that 
the United States of America has no right and has no reason 
to extend the benevolent protectorate over the Philippine 
Islands without control, and I, for one, mean to vote against 
the pending bill." 

Senator Harding's greater efforts in Senate debate appar- 
ently were to convince his colleagues that the big, rich cor- 
poration was not as bad as pictured. He defended the armor 
plate factories which Secretary Daniels of the Navy charged 
were robbing the government. In a lengthy speech on the 
proposed government armor plate factory, March 21, 1916, 
he defended the "wizards of iron and steel." At the outset 
he admitted that early in the controversy he felt himself "in- 
clined to favor" the proposition. 

DEFENDED "WIZARDS OF STEEL" 

"I know something of the popularity of inveighing against 
enormous money-making, honest or otherwise," said he. "It 
is a great 'hit,' not peculiar to any state or section, to swat 
the great captains of industry, particularly the wizards of 
the world of iron and steel. They have made a million dol- 

HARDING'S OPINION OF ROOSEVELT 



"In seeking a prototype for Colonel Roosevelt 
among public men of the country, one finds the closest 
resemblance to Aaron Burr. 

"The same ambitions, the same overbearing dispo- 
sition, the same ungovernable temper, the same ruth- 
lessness in disregarding the ties of friendship, gratitude 
and reverence, the same tendency to bully and brow- 
beat, and, finally, the same egotism and greed for 
power and the same mental tendency generally." — 
From an editorial in Senator Harding's Marion (Ohio) 
"Star" during the presidential campaign of 1912. 



HARDING'S RECORD 453 

lars look 'like thirty cents,' so to speak, but in doing so they 
have made these United States the greatest iron and steel 
producing nation on the earth, and iron and steel prices 
make a more dependable business barometer than wheat and 
cotton." 

Mr. Harding declared: "the people have heard only one 
side. The public has little heard the side of the armor plants. 
It is rare that a newspaper and rarer that a politician will dis- 
seminate their story." He added: "It is not a governmental 
policy to ask something for nothing. If the truth were told 
in the hearing (on the Armor Plant Bill), and there is no 
contradiction, the business has not been half so profitable in 
these monopolistic dealings with the government as the steel 
business has been in the commercial world of competition." 

As an argument against government armor plants Mr. 
Harding said that he had read a report to the effect that the 
machine guns used to defend the town of Columbus, N. M., 
failed when turned on the Mexicans. 

Senator Reed of Missouri denied the story. He said tho 
Secretary of War had told him it was not true. 



AGAINST EXCESS PROFIT TAX 

In this rebuke Senator Reed branded Mr. Harding as a 
spokesman of the Senate for special interests. Many times 
since the Republican candidate has taken up the fight on the 
floor of the Senate for great wealth. He opposed the tax 
on excess profits and lauded Wall Street. 



In the Senate on February 26, 1917, Senator F. M. Sim- 
mons, chairman of the Finance Committee, in trying to put 
through the Revenue bill, said that "the minority was filibus- 
tering to defeat the measure, carrying $243,000,000 of taxa- 
tion, $226,000,000 of which is placed by the bill upon the great, 
rich and powerful corporations of the country." 

Senator Harding went to the bat on this. 

"I venture to put into the Record, Mr. President, the 
acceptance of that challenge," said he, "and I for one am 
speaking in opposition to the pending Revenue Bill BE- 
CAUSE OF THE $226,000,000 OF UNFAIR, UNJUST 
AND UNREASONABLE AND UNCALLED-FOR CLASS 
TAX UPON THE CORPORATIONS OF THIS LAND." 

Having defended the big corporations, Mr. Harding added: 
"We have been making very curious progress, if you can call 
it that, with the irresponsible faker in politics and the edu- 
cated faker on the Chautauqua platform and a good many 
newspapers faking for commercial gain."" 

FELL BACK ON OLD TARIFF 

He argued for a tariff, saying the unjust profits tax would 
not be needed if good old-time Republican import duties were 
levied. 

"You are adding to the belief," said Mr. Harding to the 
sponsors of the bill, "that it is the righteous thing to indulge 
in class legislation. You are encouraging the belief that 
those who have ought to be plundered." 

During this debate on the Revenue bill, goaded by Senator 
Martine of New Jersey, Senator Harding uttered some 
thoughts and observations on the European war then raging. 



454 HARDING'S RECORD 

"I am not holding a brief for the former President of the 
United States," said he. "I only know that he (Roosevelt) 
was the President of the United States during seven eventful 
years, and he held us honorably at peace throughout that 
time, and there were wars across the sea in which we might 
'quite as reasonably have become involved as we could be 
with the present war in Europe." 

Later on in his remarks Mr. Harding lugged in Wall Street. 

"I tell you, Mr. President," he declared, "we are all inter- 
ested alike. Recently, after the election, somebody made the 
statement that the victory of President Wilson in the West 
had divorced the country from Wall Street, New York. 
, "I am not a defender of Wall Street; I know precious little 
about Wall Street; but I want to make the statement in this 
'chamber now that when you divorce the great financial artery 
of the Republic from the great agricultural regions of the 
West you have got a divided Union, and the continued on- 
ward march of the American Republic is founded on the mu- 
tuality of interest of agriculture, industry and our financial 
forces — Wall Street, if you choose to call it so. 

ACCUSED THE FARMERS 

"I venture to say that if the corporations of this country 
were holding back food products for advanced prices, as does 
the American farmer, there would be an outcry from one 
end of this country to the other." 

Mr. Harding advocated the reduction of the exemption 
under the Income Tax Law and increase of the rate of tax 
to save the corporations. 

"You put this double burden of class legislation upon the 
corporations because you know they have no votes/' said he. 
"They have no outcry to make. 1 wish it were possible to 
turn from the policy of putting a perfectly needless and un- 
justifiable burden on the corporate and partnership industries 
of this country and collect it as we have from almost time 
immemorial under Republican policies from those who enter 
into competition for our American prosperity." 

Senator Harding will meet many of his old speeches in 



G. O. P. POWERS THAT PREY 

DENOUNCED BY ROOSEVELT 



£T is utterly hopeless to expect any sincerity 
of devotion to any principle of concern to 
the people as a whole from a party the ma- 
chinery of which is usurped and held by the 
powers that prey, in the political and business 
world; and this has been the case with the Re- 
publican Party since the bosses in June, 1912, 
at Chicago, stole from the rank and file their 
right to make their own platform and nominate 
their own candidates. — THEODORE ROOSE- 
VELT in "Century Magazine," October, 1913. 



HARDING'S RECORD 455 

the coming campaign. Many of his addresses are punctuated 
with bitter, partisan sallies. In 1912, while speaking for Taft 
at the Brooklyn Academy of Music, Mr. Harding mentioned 
Roosevelt and came near losing his crowd. A lull in the 
demonstration that followed came, and he said: 

"I am going to square myself with you Bull Moosers by 
stating that I have just as heartily applauded Colonel Roose- 
velt as you did. I have stood upon the platform and com- 
fciended him to my fellow Americans. We owe him much for 
the awakening of the American conscience. BUT JUST 
THE SAME, I APPLAUDED BENEDICT ARNOLD AT 
SARATOGA, AND DID NOT AT TARRYTOWN, SOME 
TIME AFTER." 

During the war Mr. Harding found fault with many things. 

"I bare believed the Liberty bond campaign hysterical and 
unseemly," said be, June 8, 1917. 



OPPOSED HIGHER WHEAT PRICE 

Senator Harding opposed the big increase in the price of 
wheat. Speaking against guarantees for the grain, he said: 
"I said that raising one dollar wheat was a profitable occupa- 
tion in times of peace; and I say to the Senator from North 
Dakota that the knowing farmers of the country are buying 
land in Ohio at $150 an acre for the very purpose of going 
into a commercial proposition of raising wheat profitably at 
$1 per bushel." 

"If you strike at excess profits you reduce the incomes 
which are available for taxation," declared Mr. Harding in 
the Senate, August 31, 1917. If you strike at excesses and 
supernormals you are likely to hinder our industrial produc- 
tiveness." 

Discussing government control of industries necessary to 
the prosecution of the war, Mr. Harding said: "If these 
larger concerns did not submit — they submitted with good 
grace in most instances — we have given authority to seize 
their plants and operate them under government direction. 
I want it clear that I have been in full accord with this grant 
of governmental power. Up to date I have heard none 
threaten to quit their productive operations, while it is fair 
to say in contrast, on the other hand, that thousands of the 
representatives of the great common people in various ranks 
have said, 'We are not patriotic enough to respond unless 
you grant us a certain compensation.' 

"It is not practicable to commandeer the farms, and the 
agricultural voting strength forbids a drastic course like that 
which is applied to the manufacturing industry. That is the 
truth about it, however unpopular it may be to say it, and 
so we legislate a minimum price on wheat, double the normal 
rate, while we are seeking to put the maximum price on the 
product of American industrial institutions, and hold it much 
below the normal conditions of a very live war market. 

CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS 

"I charge then the Congressional guarantee of $2 wheat has 
added ten times to the cost of conducting the simple Ameri- 
can home because of that measure, and yet I do not pretend 
to question the propriety of such a course." 

July 19, 1917, Mr. Harding said: "I have listened with a 



456 HARDING'S RECORD 

great deal of interest and with mixed impressions to discus- 
sions in regard to the suspension of constitutional powers- 
Well, Mr. President, that suspension, if it were not unseemly 
to say it, began last year in this body when the United States 
undertook to fix a wage rate in this country. I refer to tho 
passage of the Adamson Law. 

"When we established that principle and the United States 
Supreme Court gave its assent, we laid the first stone in the 
structure of the socialized state, and it is important to say 
at this hour that while we are making the world safe for 
democracy we are going through the processes of revolution 
or evolution that are very likely to leave the world a social- 
ized democracy." 

Mr. Harding made some predictions that did not come 
true. April 29, 1918, he declared: 

"I have already said on this floor that in the name of war 
we have seized the transportation lines of this country, and 

HARDING VOICED DEFEATIST VIEWS 

WHILE HIS COUNTRY WAS AT WAR 



"If I were of a mind to do so, I could stand upon this floor 
to-day with CRITICISMS WELL FOUNDED AND SUBSTAN- 
TIATED BY FACTS which would prove a sensation to the 
hundred millions v of Americans who are on the anxious seat 
to-day; and since the question has been raised and some justifi- 
cation seems necessary, I say to you that America, with an 
ability to buy seventeen billions of bonds on any day, is re- 
luctant to buy because of its lack of confidence in the present 
administration. If some one could stand here and give requi- 
site assurance to the United States of America concerning the 
plans for financing this war, in the way of taxation, there 
would not be five days of delay in providing for an over- 
subscription of the Liberty bond issue. 

*' * * * But I do want to renew, Mr. President, this 
serious and solemn statement at this time — that there are those 
in this chamber who are day after day putting aside their 

partisan prejudices because they have the information, 

which might be expressed in calls for investigation, which 

would disturb the confidence of the American people 
of this day in the conduct of this war." — SENATOR 
HARDING. 

Senators Reed and Lewis immediately challenged the in- 
nuendos of Senator Harding on the ground that covert charges 
of this character were infinitely more damaging than any pos- 
sible investigation. In response Senator Harding said: 

"I have in mind, so far as I myself am concerned, matters 

relating to the unpreparedness of this country for the 

part we have assumed, and I do not construe that to b« 
anything dishonorable nor anything of a scandalous nature. 
If I had had that in mind I should not have made the allusion." 
***** If I were in any place other than the Senate 
Chamber of the United States where one might speak with 
a little more freedom than the courtesies of this body require 

to be observed, I would say that much of the sentiment 
uttered concerning our part in the war is balderdash." 

—From remarks by SENATOR WARREN G. HARDING on 
the floor of the United States Senate. See Congressional 
Record, June 8, 1917, pages 3325 and 3581 et seq. 



HARDING'S RECORD 437 

I stake my reputation as a prophet or as an observer oi 
American tendencies and say now that you will never see 
them returned." 

SUFFRAGE AS WAR MEASURE 

Senator Harding could not see Woman Suffrage as a war 
measure. In that connection he said, July 21, 1918: "I think 
every Senator on this floor has had it drummed into his ear 
again and again that the Republic to be consistent and make 
a genuine fight for democracy must make this grant of 
(Woman) Suffrage in order to make us effective in war. I 
am weary of dragging in every social and economic reform 
that ever was dreamed of in the name of war." 

On June 21, 1919, in a speech opposing the appropriation of 
$100,000,000 to buy food for Europe, Mr. Harding said: 

"The point I want to make is that we, proclaimed to the 
world that we were making a war for democracy, and we 
never would have proclaimed it for a single minute had it 
not been for the politics of the moment, when most men in 
public life were fearful of offending the German vote in the 
United States. Instead of announcing that we were making 
war on Germany, which had trespassed on American na- 
tional rights, we made the excuse that we were making war 
for democracy. And it has been a lie from the beginning." 

SUMMARY OF HIS VOTES 

Here are some facts in Senator Harding's voting record: 

During 1916 he was absent during 144 quorum calls, and 
was recorded as not voting 90 times. 

In 1917 he voted 74 times with Senators Penrose and 
Lodge, the Old Guard leaders; failed to answer on 60 impor- 
tant roll calls. 

In 1918 he voted with Penrose and Lodge 52 times, was re- 
corded as not voting 53 times. 

From September 23, 1919, to November 19, 1919, during 
the consideration of the peace treaty, he voted with Penrose 
and Lodge 70 times, and was recorded as not voting 27. 

From March 15, 1,920, to June 4, 1920, during the second 
consideration of the peace treaty, he voted with Lodge 28 
times, and was recorded as not voting 32. From October 1, 
1919, to June 4, 1920, on other matters, he voted with Lodge 
32 times, and was recorded as not voting 27. Senator Har- 
ding's detailed voting record follows: 

1916 

February 4 he voted against a bill providing "a more au- 
tonomous government for the Philippine Islands." 

March 3 he voted to table the resolution warning Ameri- 
can citizens against traveling on armed belligerent vessels. 

March 21 he voted against the bill providing for the man- 
ufacture of armor plate by the government. 

May 4 he is recorded as "not voting" on a bill to provide 
capital for agricultural development to create a standard form 
of investment on farm mortgages. 

June 30, 1916, voted for the motion to strike out the Taven- 
ner amendment, prohibiting vicious stop-watch and bonus 
systems, from Fortifications bill. 

July 25, 1916, voted for the motion to strike out Tavenner 
amendment, prohibiting vicious stop-watch and bonus sys- 
tems, from Military bill. 



458 



HARDING'S RECORD 



July 26, 1916, voted for the Gallinger amendment to nullify 
Tavenner amendment prohibiting vicious stop-watch and 
bonus systems. 

VOTED AGAINST IRISH RESOLUTION 

July 29 he voted against the Pitman Irish resolution which 
reads: "Resolved, That the Senate expresses the hope that 
the British Government may exercise clemency in the treat- 
ment of the Irish political prisoners, and the President be 
requested to transmit this resolution to that Government." 

August 8 he is recorded as "not voting" on the Child Labor 
bill. 

August 18 he voted against the bill to create a United States 
Shipping Board. 

September 5 recorded as "not voting" on the Revenue bill. 
(September 2 recorded as "not voting" on the passage of the 
Adamson Eight-Hour bill for railroad employees. 

December 14 voted for the Immigration bill and February 
5 to pass it over the President's veto. 

1917 

January 5 voted against the Hitchcock resolution approv- 
ing the President's peace note and for the Gallinger substi- 
tute. The Hitchcock resolution declared: "That the Senate 
approves and strongly indorses the action taken by the Pres- 
ident, in sending the diplomatic notes of December 18 to 
the nations now engaged in war, suggesting and recommend- 
ing that those nations state the terms upon which peace might 
be discussed," and the Gallinger substitute: "That the Senate 
of the United States, in the interests of humanity and civili- 
zation, expresses the sincere hope that a just and permanent 
peace between the warring nations of Europe may be con- 
summated at an early day and approves all proper efforts 
to secure that end." 

February 7 voted for the resolution approving the sev- 
erance of relations with Germany. 

February IS recorded as "not voting" on the Reed bone- 
dry amendment to the Post Office Appropriation bill. 

February 20 recorded as "not voting" on the Neutrality bill. 

February 28 voted against the Norris amendment to assess 



HARDING ON ROOSEVELT 



AM going to square myself with you Bull 
Moosers by stating that I have just as 
heartily applauded Colonel Roosevelt as you 
did. I have stood upon the platform and 
commended him to my fellow Americans. We 
owe him much for the awakening of the Ameri- 
can conscience. But just the same, I applaud- 
ed Benedict Arnold at Saratoga, and did not 
at Tarrytown, some time after. — SENATOR 
WARREN G. HARDING, in an address at the 
Brooklyn Academy of Musie in 1912. 



HARDING'S RECORD 459 

additional tax on incomes wherever necessary to make up de- 
ficiency, and for the La Follette amendment to place a grad- 
uated income tax from 1 to 25 per cent on amounts in excess 
of $10,000 to $7,000,000. 

AGAINST INCOME PUBLICITY 

On the same day he voted against the La Follette amend- 
ment to make public income returns and for the Weeks' sub- 
stitute to raise immediate revenue by a bond issue. 

February 28 voted against the passage of the Revenue bill. 

April 4 voted for the declaration of war with Germany. 

April 17 voted for the emergency bond issue. 

April 20 voted for the Cummins amendment authorizing 
the President to prescribe rules for the censorship of the 
press. 

Aprir 28 voted for the bill to increase the military establish- 
ment by draft. 

May 1 recorded as "not voting" on the bill to stimulate the 
production of food crops. . 

September 10 voted for the War Revenue Bill, and as fol- 
lows on proposed amendments thereto: "Yes" on proposition 
to impose a tax of one cent on parcel post packages of 25 
cents or more; "No" on a plan to tax war profits 73 per cent; 
the LaFollette amendments proposing first, 70 per cent., and 
when that failed of adoption, 63 per cent, and later, 60 per 
cent, on war profits; the Hollis amendment of 50 per cent, 
on war profits; the Broussard amendments to strike out the 
proposed taxes on coffee and sugar; the Jones amendment 
placing 10 per cent, tax on undistributed net incomes of cor- 
porations over $5,000. 

He was recorded as not voting on the propositions to tax 
bank checks one cent and second class mail matter and to 
increase the rate on second class mail. 

September 24 voted for the conference report on the Trad- 
ing with the Eenemy bill. 

The same day he voted against the bill for an Employ- 
ment Bureau in the Department of Labor. 

December 7 he voted for the resolution declaring war on 
Austria- Hungary. 

December 12, while the Export Trade bill was under con- 
sideration, Mr. Harding was absent An effort was made to 
adjourn without* passing the measure, but that failed. This 
was followed by a motion to. recommit, which was defeated. 
Senator Cummins tried to amend the bill by repealing cer- 
tain anti-trust laws, and that was voted down. "Not voting" 
is the Harding record on all of these. 

1918 

January 15 voted against the resolution to regulate the 
supply and price of print paper. 

January 18 recorded as not voting in the contest over the 
referring of the Naval Oil Supply bill to the Naval Affairs 
Committee instead of the Public Lands Committee. This in- 
volved the control of oils for the use of the navy. 

February 22 the Railroad Control bill passed the Senate 
without a roll call. Senator Harding voted "No" on the 
amendments to assure the roads returns sufficient to pay cus- 
tomary dividends, to eliminate sums invested in the property 
during the six months period ending September 31, 1917, to 



460 HARDING'S RECOR1; 

declare Federal control to continue during the war and until 
Congress shall order otherwise, to permit to stand any order 
of the President "authorized by law," providing there should 
be no increase in compensation and to limit net income of 
carriers to 5 per cent, on par value of the capital stock. 

NO VOTE ON ALIEN PROPERTY 

March 11 is recorded as "not voting" on the measure pro- 
viding for administration by the United States of all alien 
property. 

Three days earlier he voted against the War Finance 
Corporation bill, providing for a body of experts to handle 
the financial end of the war programme, but voted for a 
proposed amendment giving the President instead of the 
Federal Reserve Board power to appoint the Capital Issues 
Committee. 

He is recorded as "not voting" on the committee amend- 
ment striking out the provision that directors of the corpor- 
ation shall give their entire time to the business of the cor- 
poration, and the Federal Reserve Board authorization to 
rediscount and purchase commercial paper. 

March 13 he is recorded as "not voting" on the Conference 
Report of the Railroad Control bill with the State taxation 
limitation stricken out. 

He is recorded as "not voting" to sustain the Vice-Presi- 
dent's ruling that the Williams amendment to the Agricultural 
Appropriation bill for pay and a half for time over eight 
hours was not germane to the bill and the Sheppard motion 
to strike out the Borland eight-hour amendment. 

He is recorded as "not voting" on the Indian Appropria- 
tion bill or any of the amendments proposed to it. 

March 29 voted against the motion of Senator Jones of 
Washington to lay on the table an amendment for universal 
military training. On the new amendment providing for 
training for all males over the age of 18 for military service, 
he is recorded as "not voting." 

AGAINST SABOTAGE BILL REPORT 

April 11, while the Conference Report on the Sabotage bill 
was under consideration, he voted to reject it because it con- 
tained language permitting employees to strike to secure 
better wages or conditions of employment 

April 18 the Disloyalty and Sedition bill was considered, 
but Mr. Harding is recorded as "not voting" on any of the 



OLD GUARD RULE FOR WHITE HOUSE 



"If Mr. Harding becomes President the kind of government 
that this country has seen in the United States Senate for the 
jlast year will be extended in the White House. THE REAL 
PRESIDENT WILL BE THE OLD GUARD. The executive 
authority will he in the hands of Penrose and Lodge and 
Watson and Brandegee and Smoot and their reactionary asso- 
ciates. They are the Republican Senate, assuming that 
Newberry can keep out of jail until March 4, and this Re- 
publican Senate is now the most irresponsible legislative body 
la the world."— N. Y. World (Dem.), June 22, 1929, 



HARDING'S RECORD 461 

amendments. On May 4 he voted against the Conference 
Report placing heavy fines upon disloyal and seditious acts, 
and utterances during the war. 

May 6 is recorded as "not voting" on the motion of Sena- 
tor Jones of New Mexico to consider a joint resolution pro- 
posing Woman Suffrage. 

May 13 is recorded as "not voting" on the amendment pro- 
viding $100,000 to establish experimental motor truck routes 
for collection and delivery of food products from producer to 
consumer. He made a similar record the following day to 
strike from the Post Office bill $100,000 for an experimental 
aero mail service. 

May 22, voted for the motion to strike out Tavenner 
amendment, prohibiting vicious stop-watch and bonus sys- 
tems, from Naval Appropriations bill. 

June 14 is recorded as "not voting" on the motion of 
Senator McKeller to print in the "Congressional Record" 
petitions on Woman Suffrage. 

June 28 is recorded as "not voting" on the Army Appro- 
priation bill and amendments thereof. 

July 1 is recorded as "not voting" on Senator Martin'si 
resolution instructing conferees on the Agricultural Appro- 
priation bill to recede from the amendment to the bill fixing 
the price of $2.50 a bushel on wheat. 

FOR WIRE CONTROL BILL 

July 13 voted for the Wire Control bill. 

August 26 and 27 is recorded as "not voting" oh the Eight- 
een to Forty-five Draft bill and amendments proposed. 

September 3, 4 and 6 is recorded as "not voting" on the bill 
to stimulate agriculture. 

October 1 is recorded as "not voting" for National Woman 
Suffrage, but is paired for it on final passage. 

December 5 voted for the Civil Service Retirement bill. 

December 23 he opposed the Thomas amendment to the 
Revenue bill, proposing a tax of 100 per cent, on all contri- 
butions for campaign purposes in excess of the sum of $500. 

1919 

January 16 is recorded as "not voting" on the resolution 
for the dismissal of the proceedings for the expulsion of Sen- 
ator Robert M. La Follette of Wisconsin for alleged seditious 
utterances. 

January 24 voted against a resolution appropriating $100,- 
000,000 for the relief of population in Europe stricken by the 
war, the distribution to be managed by the President. 

January 29 and 30 is recorded as "not voting" on the bill 
for the validation of war contracts. 

June 16 and 18 is recorded as "not voting" on the Agri- 
cultural Appropriation Bill. 

June 27 voted to reduce the provision in the Sundry Civil 
bill for the Federal Trade Commission from $1,000,000 to 
$900,000. 

August 1 he is recorded as "not voting" on the motion to 
repeal the Daylight Saving Law, but twenty days later he 
voted to override the President's veto. 

* ■ # * * * * * * * 

September 23, voted for the Lodge amendment to post- 
pone the consideration of the Fall amendment to the German 
Peace Treaty for one wek. 



462 HARDING'S RECORD 

October 2 voted for the Fall amendment to strike out the 
words "and associated," and for the Fall amendment on the 
Saar Basin. He also voted for the six Shantung amendments. 

November 7 he voted for the Borah amendment providing 
that League reservations must be accepted by four principal 
powers instead of three. 

He voted for the Lodge reservations running from No. 1 to 
No. 15 and for the Knox reservation. 

Throughout the consideration of the peace treaty, Senator 
Harding followed closely the lead of Senator Lodge. This 
Harding-Lodge line-up dates back to the days when the Re- 
publicans were planning to stack the Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee with anti-League of Nations Senators. Mr. Harding 
was one of the men selected by Mr. Lodge to carry out his 
purpose of killing the peace treaty by indirection. 

November 18 and December 17 and 18 Harding is recorded 
as "not voting" on the Railroad Control bill and numerous 
amendments. 

December 20 he voted for the passage of the bill. 

1920 

January 22 voted for Senator Hale's amendment authoriz- 
ing the Sub-Committee on Awards of Naval Decorations to 
consider the question of awards in the navy. He opposed 
the Walsh resolution providing that the disclosure by Ad- 
miral Sims of alleged admonitions from superior officers, 
merits universal reprobation. 

January 26 is recorded as "not voting" on the Americani- 
zation of Aliens bill, and also on the Army, Navy and Marine 
bill, Railroad Control bill, Conference Report and the Civil 
Service Retirement bill in the period February 7 to Feb- 
ruary 23. 

He is recorded as "not voting" from February 21 to Feb- 
ruary 25, during the consideration of the Dye Industry bill 
and the second consideration of peace treaty amendments 
and reservations. 

********* 

March 18 he voted against the Gerry resolution. 

April 14 to 20 is recorded as "not voting" on the Army Re- 
organization bill and amendments thereto. 

May 15 voted for the resolution to declare the war with 
Germany terminated. 

May 28 and 29 voted for the bill to pension the soldiers of 
the war with Spain. 



"United States Senators, after having framed a platform in 
which they bow in adoration before their own supernatural 
wisdom and nobility, have nominated this (Republican) ticket 
as the result of their own plans and specifications. It remains 
to be seen whether it can be elected." — Indianapolis Star (Ind. 
Rep.), June 13th. 



"Senator Harding impresses one as the feeblest Republican 
candidate for the Presidency since 1876 if he be judged solely 
by his personality, training, education, experience in office, 
quality of high leadership and actual political achievement," 
•—Springfield Republican (Ind.), June 14th, 



LEST WE FORGET! 



Harding's Views on Progressive Leaders As 
Expressed Editorially in 1912 Campaign 



p ROGRESSIVES whose votes Senator Harding now seeks 
will find food for contemplation in the columns of Sen- 
ator Harding's newspaper, the Marion (Ohio) Star. In the 
campaign of 1912, when Colonel Roosevelt and Senator 
Hiram Johnson headed the Progressive ticket, the present 
Republican candidate for President set forth in the editorial 
columns of his paper some of his opinions of Progressives 
and the most eminent Progressive leaders as follows: 

In an editorial printed September 13, 1912, the "Star" says 
of Hiram Johnson: 

"He appears at close view to be both a faker 
and a blackguard." 



Editorial entitled "Great Artist in Fooling the People/ 
September 16, 1912: 

"His (Roosevelt's) is not a constructive or 
consecutive mind. Whatever he thinks will listen 
good to the electors he happens to be before is 
good enough for the occasion. If called to ac- 
count later he unblushingly denies that he ever 
made the statement, which seems to have been 
unwise. Still Mr. Roosevelt has been wonderfully 
successful in fooling most of the people all the 
time, and sees no reason for believing he cannot 
keep on doing so." 



On September 17, 1912: 

"The people cannot be expected to govern 
themselves successfully as long as they continue to 
let themselves be fooled by the Roosevelts, John- 
sons, Perkinses, Hannas and others, representing 
lawless ambition, secret interests and dema- 
goguery." 



On October 31, 1912: 

"The entire Roosevelt campaign is based on 
selfishness, false pretenses, envy and spite. It is 
concentration of all the forces of failure and dis- 
content, of indicted money-kings and discredited 
political bosses. They rallied about the person- 
ality of the most self-seeking politician this coun- 
try has ever known; the most arbitrary boss the 
party has ever suffered under ; the most dangerous 
agitator who has ever threatened the perpetuity of 
government " 

463 



464 HARDING'S RECORD 

On September 25, 1912: 

"We are opposed to T. R. (Theodore Roose- 
velt) because we believe him to be unsuited in 
character and temperament to be chief executive; 
BECAUSE HE IS AN UNSAFE AND DANGER- 
OUS LEADER, BECAUSE HE IS LAWLESS, 
INSINCERE, SELFISH ANU UNSCRUPULOUS; 
because his first administration was unsuccessful 
in maintaining the prosperity he inherited; BE- 
CAUSE HE IS A BULLY BY NATURE AND A 
LOVER OF WAR, AND IS, THEREFORE, NOT 
TO BE TRUSTED WITH CONTROL OF THE 
ARMY AND NAVY AND OUR RELATIONS 
WITH OUR NEIGHBORS." 



On May 18, 1912: 

"The Theodore Roosevelt who wept sincerely 
as he took' the scepter from the hand of the mar- 
tyred McKinley was not the Theodore Roosevelt 
who DRAGOONED THE CABINET, THREAT- 
ENED THE COURTS, AND, THROUGH THE 
INFORMATION GAINED BY PAID SPIES, 
BLACKMAILED CONGRESS INTO FOLLOW- 
ING HIS PLANS. Every day brings forth a new 
Roosevelt, confident, boastful, truculent, holding 
in scorn what he preached yesterday. Prepared 
to denounce to-morrow what he advocated to-day 
and to brand as liars those who reverted to his 
former views or utterances, even though the rec- 
ord were indelibly permanent." 



"Frankly, if I had permitted myself and my newspapers to 
have a candidate it would not hare been Senator Harding, not 
that I had anything against him, but rather because I had never 
looked very closely into his qualifications. So far, Senator 
Harding has not startled the world by anything he has done or 
said in the United States Senate. He has made a fine record 
in that body as a sound, safe man, who thinks well, talks well 
and has the courage of his convictions." — FRANK A. MUNSEY, 
owner of The Sun and The New York Herald, in a signed edi- 
torial in that paper June 15th. 



"The outstanding fact is for the third time in succession the 
Republican Party has nominated for the Presidency a man obvi- 
ously not the choice of the voting membership. Senator Har- 
ding was decisively rejected in every primary election, outside 
of his own State, at which his name was presented; and even 
in Ohio, where he had the prestige of being a favorite son and 
the backing of a powerful organization, he was hard pressed 
by General Wood." — Philadelphia North American (Prog.)t 
j*in* 14th. 



DO REPUBLICANS INTEND 

TO MAKE WAR ON MEXICO? 



Words of Senator Harding and Senator Lodge 

Plainly Forecast Reversal of Democratic 

Policy of Friendship Should G. O. P 

Win Election 



TT DOES not often happen that the policies and acts of 
statesmen which have drawn the fire of controversialists 
are justified by the logic of events occurring within the span 
of their lives. The records of history show that often those 
policies and acts which were most fiercely assailed as political 
unwisdom and which finally attained the seal of approval had 
that seal set upon them by posterity. 

In all American history it is doubtful*whether any Presi- 
dent has drawn upon himself through the prosecution of a 
policy any criticism so bitter as that upon the Mexican policy 
of President Wilson. 

How correctly and sympathetically the situation in Mexico 
has been estimated by him and how explicitly stated the con- 
dition upon which she will be accorded the benefits of /ull 
recognition and cooperation by the United States Govern- 
ment are shown by the plank in the Democratic platform of 
1920 which deals with Mexico. It follows: 

DEMOCRATIC PLANK ON MEXICO 

"The United States is the neighbor and friend of the na- 
tions of the three Americas. In a very special sense, our 
international relations in this hemisphere should be charac- 
terized by good will and free from any possible suspicion as 
to our national purpose. 

"The Administration, remembering always that Mexico is 
an independent nation and that permanent stability in her 
government and her institutions could come only from the 
consent of her own people to a government of their own 
making, has been unwilling either to profit by the misfor- 
tunes of the people of Mexico or to enfeeble their future by 
imposing from the outside a rule upon their temporarily dis- 
tracted councils. As a consequence, order is gradually reap- 
pearing in Mexico; at no time in many years have American 
lives and interests been so safe as they now are; peace reigns 
along the border and industry is resuming. 

"When the new Government of Mexico shall have given 
ample proof of its ability permanently to maintain law and 
order, signified its willingness to meet its international obli- 
gations and written upon its statute books just laws under 
which foreign investors shall have rights as well as duties, 
that government should receive our recognition and sympa- 
thetic assistance. Until these proper expectations have been 
met, Mexico must realize the propriety of a policy that 
asserts the right of the United States to demand full protec- 
tion for its citizens." 

In the following extracts from the Republican platform 
and from a speech delivered by Senator Harding, both bear- 

465 



466 MEXICO 

ing upon the Mexican question, the reader is left to draw 
what inference he will from the Delphic character of the 
words. 

Most people will see in each a threat of war with Mexico. 
Here are the extracts in parallel: 

REPUBLICANS' MEXICAN POLICY 

Republican Platform From Speech of Senator 

* * * ■ Harding at San Antonio, 

We should not recognize Texas, Jan. 15, 1915. 

any Mexican government, The United States must 
unless it be a responsible never seek territorial ag- 
government willing and able grandizement by force of 
to give sufficient guarantees arms. Certainly we don't 
that the lives and property want to use our arms to 
of American citizens are re- wrest a land from a weaker 
spected and protected; that neighbor, 
wrongs will be promptly cor- But there is a destiny in 
rected and just compensation the affairs of nations. That 
will be made for injury sus- was demonstrated at your 
tained. The Republican party Alamo and again in the Civil 
pledges itself to a consistent, War. The magnificent re- 
firm and effective policy sources of Mexico will never 
towards Mexico that shall be given to mankind, and 
enforce respect for the that country will never come 
American flag and that shall into its own until it is 
protect the rights of Ameri- brought under the civilizing 
can citizens lawfully in Mex- influences of the American 
ico to security of life and flag. How and when that 



60 YEARS OF STRUGGLE FOR SUFFRAGE 



CINCE 1860 the Republican Party has been the party in power 
for forty-four years. During that time thirty Congresses 
have met. In twenty -one of them the Republicans have been 
in control. In nine the Democrats have had a majority. Dur- 
ing the same period, the Democrats have been in the majority 
in the Senate, but it has always been a small majority. 

The Republican Party has been in control in the House 
about two-thirds of the time since 1860. 

It has been in control in the Senate five-sixths of 
the time. 

It has been in control in the White House for forty- 
four years. 

No Republican President has ever spoken for suffrage 
during his presidential term. 

No Republican President ever sent a message to Con- 
gress in behalf of suffrage. 

No Republican President ever addressed either branch 
of Congress in behalf of a suffrage amendment. 



You don't know whether Senator Harding is most 
like Roosevelt or most like Lincoln. BUT, BOYS, 
GET THE MONEY! 



MEXICO 467 

enjoyment of property, in ac- condition will be brought 
cordance with established about is not for me to say 
principles of international at this time, BUT IT IS 
law and our treaty rights. COMING. 

The Republican party is a 
sincere friend of the Mexican 
people. In its insistence upon 
the maintenance of order for 
the protection of American 
citizens within its borders a 
great service will be ren- 
dered the Mexican people 
themselves; for a continua- 
tion of present conditions 
means disaster to their inter- 
ests and patriotic aspirations. 

LODGE EMPHATIC FOR INTERVENTION 

If, however, the foregoing bits of orthodox Republican 
doctrine seem to leave something of clear-cut and unequiv- 
ocal statement to be desired, that part of Senator Lodge's 
"Keynote" speech at Chicago on the Mexican question has 
the merit of frankness. It is an emphatic and unmistakable 
demand for intervention and, by plain inference, for a man- 
date by the United States for Mexico. For the Senator says: 

"We have watched and waited long enough. It is 
time that this condition, disgraceful to us and ruinous 
to Mexico, should cease. * * * The Mexican people 
would not resent the influence or intervention of the 
United States if it would only help to bring them peace 
under a President of their own choosing. 

"* * * We must watch and wait no longer. We 
must have a man who has a policy and who will act. 

"The time has come to put an end to this Mexican 
situation, which is a shame to the United States and a 
disgrace to our civilization. If we are to take part in 
pacifying and helping the world, let us begin here at 
home in Mexico." 

The guideposts thus clearly point the way for voters. 
CAST YOUR BALLOT FOR HARDING AND WAR 
WITH MEXICO, OR COX AND PEACE. 

"We must have a man who has a policy and who will act," 
Senator Lodge declares at Chicago in 1920. 

At the same time and place Senator Lodge and his fellow- 
members of the Senate oligarchy forced Senator Harding 
upon the Republican party as its candidate for President. 
Recall what Senator Harding said at San Antonio in 1915: 

"The magnificent resources of Mexico will never be 
given to mankind, and that country will never be 
brought into its own until it is brought under the civil- 
izing influence of the American flag." 

*THERE YOU HAVE THE "MAN WHO HAS A POL- 
ICY" THAT SENATOR LODGK WAS SEEKING, AND 
HIS POLICY IS WAR, IF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 
MEANS ANYTHING. CAN ANYONE DOUBT THAT 
HE WILL "ACT" IF THE SENATE OLIGARCHY SUC- 
CEEDS IN MAKING HIM PRESIDENT. 
IN THAT EVENT WE FACE WAR WITH MEXICO. 



HOW JUSTICE DEPARTMENT 

HAS ENFORCED THE LAWS 



Unparalleled Record Written in Policing of 

the Nation and in Protecting Public 

Against Fraud and Disorder 



rjNPRECEDENTED accomplishment has characterized 
the work of the Department of Justice under the Demo- 
cratic administration. 

NEVER BEFORE HAS THIS BRANCH OF THE GOV- 
ERNMENT DEALT WITH AFFAIRS SO NUMEROUS, 
SO TREMENDOUS AND SO VITAL TO THE WEL- 
FARE OF THE COUNTRY. 

To a more notable degree than in any previous administra- 
tion it broke up the monopolistic and lawless phases of big 
business ESTABLISHED UNDER REPUBLICAN RULE. 

It ended the scandal of White Slave traffic. 

It re-established the people's title to millions of dollars' 
worth of public lands and national resources that had been 
unlawfully expropriated by private interests. 

It policed the nation and all its possessions against viola- 
tion of the neutrality laws, during the troubles in Mexico 
and throughout the years leading up to the entrance of the 
United States into the world war. 

It made America safe against enemy machination, plot and 
propaganda within its borders. 

It crushed out sedition. 

It worked together with the Alien Property Custodian for 
the seizure and sequestration of $1,000,000,000 of enemy prop- 
erty. 

It rendered invaluable service in detecting and preventing 
thousands of violations of the Selective Service law. 

It enforced the Trading-with-the-enemy Act. 

• 9 

REGISTERED HALF-MILLION ALIEN ENEMIES 

It registered a half-million enemy aliens and interned thou- 
sands deemed dangerous to the public safety. 

It organized during the war a voluntary corps of secret 
police numbering 250,000, and superintended its successful 
operation. 

It established close surveillance of all military and navy 
camps, posts, and munitions plants, with their neighborhoods. 

It protected the public against frauds in munitions con- 
tracts. 



"Mill operatives are denouncing him (Harding) as having 
avowed in 1913, a year before the World War began: "A dollar 
a day is enough for any workingman." Farmers are quoting 
Harding as having proclaimed during the war: "A dollar a 
bushel is enough for the farmer's wheat." It was due to these 
and other disclosures that Senator Harding failed to secure an 
endorsement for the Presidential primary preference by a single 
labor or farmer's organization except in his local newspaper 
plaait."— New York American (Ind.), June 1 5 th.. 



DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE 469 

It rendered marked aid to the United States Shipping 
Board. 

It prevented violence and outrage during the great steel 
strike. 

It investigated and prosecuted thousands of cases of prof- 
iteering, and through its fair-price commissions and other 
authorized agencies saved the people from millions of prof- 
iteering extortion. 

It has destroyed the meat packers' combine. 

It has in all these, and in many other activities of less con- 
spicuous duty, faithfully enforced the laws of the United 
States, through a long and trying term of national emer- 
gency, often in the face of much temporary adverse criti- 
cism, without extravagance, indeed, at many times without 
even sufficient financial appropriation, to a general achieve- 
ment worthy of all just praise. 

At the outset of the administration the Sherman Law was 
the only available national statute by means of which the gov- 
ernment might undertake to stop monopoly in restraint of 
trade. To be sure, there were certain provisions of the general 
laws, and particularly of those with reference to transportation, 
which were of assistance toward prevention of some of the 
improper plays by which monopoly had been in part built up ; 
BUT A LONG SERIES OF BELATED AND INEFFEC- 
TIVE PROSECUTIONS UNDER REPUBLICAN AUS- 
PICES had demonstrated the inadequacy of an anti-monopoly 
law so broad and unspecific that nobody knew what it cov- 
ered; so loose in its phraseology that the courts had inter- 
preted it as implying the inclusion of human labor in the 
word "commodity"; and so empty in its furnishing of plain, 
legal process for remedy that THE PRACTICAL RESULT 
OF A TYPICAL REPUBLICAN "TRUST BUSTING" 
WAS TO CREATE MORE HEADS AND TENTACLES 
FOR THE OCTUPUS MORE OFTEN THAN TO AC- 
COMPLISH ITS DESTRUCTION. The real owners in the 
combinations thus attacked as a rule reaped more profit than 
loss from the disturbance, while the public was exploited with 
scarcely less freedom than before. In this determined and 
vexatious condition the Department of Justice was able nev- 
ertheless to do much. 

It brought to prosecution a very large number of anti- 



TAFT SEES NO VIOLATION OF CONSTI- 
TUTION IN LEAGUE COVENANT 



DID not think and do not now think that 
anything in the League covenant as sent to 
the Senate would violate the Constitution of the 
United States or would involve us in wars which 
it would not be to the highest interest of the 
world and this country to suppress by universal 
boycott, and, if need be, by military force.-— 
WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT, in New York 
"Tribune," August 2, 1920. 



470 DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE 

trust cases, most of which have been decidedly favorable to 
the government and the restoration of competitive condi- 
tions in the industries affected. 

BENEFITS OF CLAYTON ACT 

The vigor of these attacks, the increasing tide of public 
applause which their evident courage evoked, and the passage 
of the Clayton act at President Wilson's wise instigation, long 
blocked as it was, by Republican partisan opposition, brought 
about a gratifying improvement. 

This new law not only ended the discredited policy of cor- 
poration baiting, but it regulated business combination and 
established fair practices in competition where the Sherman 
Law had only forbade monopoly without enabling coopera- 
tion. The Commerce Court and the Trade Commission came 
to add facility in this respect. Even before the war our na- 
tional business had thus gotten upon an infinitely better 
basis of orderliness. The necessity of prosecutions had be- 
come far less acute. The work of restoring freedom in in- 
dustry and commerce was not finished, but it had been tre- 
mendously advanced. With the war opened a season of limit- 
less business opportunity that rendered the trust and compe- 
tition problems for the while academic. Everybody made 
money and few took time for complaint. A degree of laxity 
in business morals attended the great wave of prosperity, but 
displayed itself more in yieldings to the temptations for the 
marketing of inferior goods at high prices than to the former 
venality of monopolistic trade tricks. 

In addition to all the above-mentioned special and extraor- 
dinary activities of the Department has been carried on a 
huge amount of other important work. The interstate com- 
merce laws have been enforced. The Shipping Board, with 
its great volume of business has been assisted with its ad- 
miralty affairs. The national bankruptcy system has been 
steadily inspected and illegalities in the handling of funds 
and properties in its charge have been detected and pun- 
ished. The great system of the United States courts and their 
attorneys and agents is under the Department's supervision 
and dependent upon its supervision. The Federal prisons and 
reformatories have been economically cared for and humane- 
ly managed. Election frauds have been searched, conspicu- 
ously in the Newberry case, in which a Republican Senator 
from Michigan has been sentenced to two years in a Federal 
penitentiary in connection with election frauds. The national 
legal interests have been on all points guarded and sustained. 



INCREASES POSSIBILITY OF PEACE 
"This was a war to make similar wars impossible, and merely 
to win this war and stop at that is to make it certain that we 
shall have to fight another and a final one. I hear opponents 
of the League of Nations say, 'but this does not guarantee 
peace.' No; nothing guarantees us against human passion and 
error, but I would like to put this proposition to you: If it in- 
creases the possibility of peace by, say 10 per cent., do you 
not think it worth while? In my judgment, it increases it by 
about 99 per cent." . . . — PRESIDENT WILSON, in speech 
at St. Paul, Minn., September 9, 1919. 



REMARKABLE GROWTH 

OF POSTAL SERVICE 



Republican Deficits Converted into Surpluses 
by Democratic Administration „ 



WHAT DEMOCRACY HAS DONE FOR 
THE SERVICE 



1912 1919 

Revenues $246,744,015 $364,847,126 

Expenditures 248,525,450 362,497,635 

Surplus or Deficit. .. . —1,785,523 -}-2,342,851 
Surplus or Deficit for 
1906-1912 and 1913- 

1916 — 59,072,909 -f-35,188,879 

Parcel post packages (1913) 

handled 331,394,800 2,250,000,000 

Parcel post service to (1913) 

countries and colonies 47 185 
Number city mail car- 
riers 30,923 35,024 

Rural mail service 

patrons 23,1 14,700 29,282,739 

Motor rural mail routes none 840 



ONE of the most brilliant chapters in the history of the 
^ postal establishment of the United States has been writ- 
ten during the past seven years under Democratic adminis- 
tration. The story of its successful efforts to serve the 
people of every section of the country in the most efficient 
and economical way furnishes convincing evidence of the 
superiority of Democratic methods over those employed by 
the Republican party when in control of the machinery of 
Government. 

In contrast with the wasteful expenditure of postal funds 
under Republican administrations, which annually created 
large deficits in the revenues of the Post Office Department, 
there has been a SURPLUS EACH YEAR except one (1915) 
since the Democratic party went into power in 1913. 

The net SURPLUS during these seven years amounted to 
$35,188,879. 

During the preceding seven years under Republican control 
the net DEFICIT was $59,072,909. 

Throughout its whole course the present administration 
of the Post Office Department has been governed by the 
enlightened policy that under no circumstances should the 
postal service be a source of revenue to the general funds 
of the Treasury and that ALL SURPLUSES IN POSTAL 
REVENUES SHOULD BE EXPENDED FOR THE EX- 
TENSION AND IMPROVEMENT OF THE SERVICE, 
OR SHOULD BE MADE THE WARRANT FOR A RE- 
DUCTION IN THE RATES OF POSTAGE, SO THAT IN 

471 



472 POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT 

EITHER CASE THE BENEFIT SHOULD ACCRUE TO 
THE USERS OF THE MAILS. 

ABLY MET TEST OF WAR 

A severe test of the practical character of the service and 
its general efficiency was given during the war, when the 
postal organization performed services of immense national 
importance, in addition to those regularly *belonging to the 
postal establishment. WITHOUT ANY INTERRUP- 
TIONS of its operation as a postal distributing service it 
operated the telegraph and telephone systems, administered 
the espionage and trading-with-the-enemy laws, registered 
enemy aliens and listed enemy-owned property, furnished 
the Army and Navy Intelligence Bureaus and the Depart- 
ments of State and Justice with information procured by 
post office inspectors, conducted recruiting stations for the 
Army, Navy and Marine Corps, issued export licenses, fur- 
nished income tax information, assisted in the campaigns for 
the sale of Liberty bonds, war savings, thrift and revenue 
stamps, and for the conservation of food and fuel. 

About 83 per cent, of the total amount of war savings 
stamps were sold through the postal service, tens of thou- 
sands of tons of mail for war agencies were distributed, 
including twenty million questionnaires for the first and 
second selective drafts, and a special mail service main- 
tained for the military forces in this country and overseas. 
In addition a great volume of business was handled through 
the parcel post which had been previously handled by ex- 
press companies, but which through their breaking down 
under the strain of war they were unable to carry. 

IMPROVEMENTS IN THE SERVICE 

Some of the more important improvements in the service 
were the inauguration of the air-mail service; establishment 
of the "space system" in determining the compensation of 
railroads for carrying the mail; readjustment of railway mail 
service in the interest of both improvement and economy;, 
readjustments of organizations in post offices, methods of 
service and distribution of supplies on a basis of sound busi- 
ness principle; inauguration of rural and city motor vehicle 
service and village delivery service; extension of box and 
collection service and postage ' stamp, money order and 
registry facilities to patrons on star routes; improvements 
in the registry system, insured parcel post, and methods of 
handling dead letters; readjustment of rural delivery service, 
providing more equitable distribution of facilities to patrons 
already served and extensions of facilities to those citizens 
who had theretofore been denied any service at all; com- 
plete reorganization of the equipment and supply services 
through the extension of operation and economy of produc- 
tion, and the introduction of modern shop methods, equip- 
ment and appliances, effecting substantial savings and im- 
provement in the service; the partial adjustment of the post- 
age rates on second-class mail matter, EFFECTING A 
SAVING OF OVER $15,000,000 annually; reduction of letter 
postage between the United States and several foreign coun- 
tries; large extension of international parcel post, and the 
increase in weight and size of parcels permitted in the mails. 

Through increases in^size and weight limits of parcel post 
packages ordered by the Postmaster General, during this ad- 



POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT 473 

ministration, and approved by the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission, the domestic parcel post facilities were SO EX- 
TENDED AS TO RESULT IN AN INCREASE IN THE 
NUMBER OF PARCELS HANDLED FROM 331,349,800 
IN 1913, TO 2,250,000,000 IN 1919. 

The International parcel post service was increased 
from 47 countries and colonies in 1913 to 185 in 1919, 
to 13 of which the weight limit of 11 pounds was increased 
by agreement to 20 or 22 pounds; and the volume of 
foreign parcels, which aggregated 2,831,512 pounds in 1913, 
had increased in 1919 to 17,102,131 pounds. DURING THIS 
TIME 11 ADDITIONAL COUNTRIES OF THE WEST- 
ERN HEMISPHERE HAVE BEEN INCLUDED IN THE 
POSTAL CONVENTIONS FOR RECIPROCAL DO- 
MESTIC LETTER-RATE EXCHANGE WITH THE 
UNITED STATES. 

During the last fiscal year, parcel post conventions were 
concluded or arrangements made under existing conventions 
whereby the international parcel post service was extended 
to nearly all places in the world, except to a few far away 
islands. At the present time it is in operation TO 185 
COUNTRIES AND COLONIES IN THE WORLD. 

Arrangements were made for an increase in the maximum 
in weight limit of parcel post packages, heretofore fixed at 
11 pounds, so that now the weight limit is 22 pounds to 
Argentina,* Brazil, Bulgaria, China (steam served offices), 
Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, 
British Honduras, Republic of Honduras, Nicaragua, Para- 
guay, Peru, Roumania and Lithuania. To Ecuador, Mexico 
and Salvador, the weight limit is now -20 pounds, and to 
Panama 50 pounds. 

Through an increase in the rates of postage on advertising 
matter included in publications sent as second-class, a saving 
of many million dollars, which was drawn from the postal 
revenues as a subsidy to certain publications, was effected by 
the adoption of the zone law of October 3, 1917. 

RAILWAY MAIL PAY 

In the face of tremendous opposition by special interests, 
the Postmaster General secured from Congress in 1916 au- 
thority for the establishment of the "space basis" plan for 
the payment of railroads for the transportation of mail, under 
which AN IMPORTANT ECONOMY WAS ACCOM- 
PLISHED BOTH AS TO EMPLOYMENT OF TRANS- 
PORTATION FACILITIES AND THE COST OF THE 
SERVICE, the compensation being placed on the equitable 
basis of service performed. When the Democratic adminis- 
tration assumed authority, the payment for carrying the mail 
by the railroads was based on AN INFLEXIBLE AND 
ILLOGICAL SYSTEM OF QUADRENNIAL WEIGH- 
INGS FOR THE ESTIMATE OF COMPENSATION TO 
BE PAID, The two commissions of Congress had recom- 
mended the abolition of this system and efforts had been 
made to accomplish the reform. Postmaster General Burle- 
son took up the fight in 1914, transmitting to Congress a 
complete scheme of payments based on snace, and PER- 
SISTED IN THE FIGHT FOR THIS REFORM UNTIL 
AUTHORITY WAS PROCURED IN 1916. 

} Since 1913 free delivery of mail by letter carriers has been 
established in 343 additional offices, carrying therewith the 



474 POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT 

appointment of 730 regular carriers. Such establishments, 
coupled with the extension of free delivery in other cities, 
have extended this service to approximately 7,000,000 addi- 
tional people. 

As an indication of the extension and growth of the City 
Delivery Service since 1913, the expense of maintenance has 
increased from $36,600,544 to $59,527,296, or 63.1 per cent., 
and the number of regular carriers from 30,923 to 35,024, or 
13.3 per cent. During this period carrier promotions have 
numbered 78,263 at a total cost of $1.1,501.700. 

Since 1914 the Post Office Department has established its 
own motor vehicle service in 135 of the principal cities of 
the country by which greater efficiency has been accom- 
plished. A number of other large cities will be included this 
year. About 2,500 trucks are employed in the service. 

AIR MAIL SERVICE 

The inauguration of the air mail service on May 15, 1918, 
and its operation and development during the past two years 
has been a remarkable achievement in expediting the trans- 
portation of mail, in demonstrating the commercial value of 
aerial service, in development of the science of aeronautics 
and in the economics of the postal service. 

The Post Office Department has not merely utilized all 
available means of transportation, but has developed and in- 
creased the efficiency of the airplane and the art of flying 
for commercial purposes. 

At the time of the inauguration of the air mail service it 
was apprehended by many students of aeronautics that 
weather conditions would render the service impracticable 
during gales and winter storms. It was feared that the air- 
plane would not be dependable in a service demanding un- 
interrupted regularity and promptness. Yet the operation 
of the air mail route between New York and Washington 
was a success from the start and every conceivable weather 
condition was encountered and overcome, and a record of 
efficiency and freedom from accident and delay established 
unrivalled in the inauguration of any system of transporta- 
tion. 

The New York-Washington route, making a trip each way 
daily except Sunday, has an efficiency record of better than 
90 per cent., and its success justified an extension of the 
service from New York across the Alleghany Mountains to 
Cleveland and Chicago. During the second year of the ser- 
vice the mileage of flying was 498,664, and 538,734 pounds of 
mail were carried. The average percentage of performance, 
including the establishment of new routes and flights made 
under the most adverse conditions that had not yet been 
tried out fully, was 87 per cent for the entire service for the 
entire year. 

During the past winter, when the weather conditions were 
frequently of exceptional severity, the air mail operated suc- 
cessfully, advancing the mail practically all the time from 
twelve to sixteen hours over the scheduled train time. Dur- 
ing the period of the service approximately 25,000,000 letters 
have been advanced an average of sixteen hours in the time 
of their delivery by being carried on the air routes. 

The service has proven economical in cost as well as saving 
in time. Not only has the operating cost been kept far 
below what had been anticipated, but the cost of the service 



POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT 475 

between Washington and New York shows a saving at the 
rate of $42,500 a year and that between New York and 
Chicago at the rate of $100,000 a year over the cost of similar 
service by train. 

By the authorization of Congress at the last session the 
service' will be extended this fall from New York to San 
Francisco under the direct operation of the Post Office 
Department; and Postmaster-General Burleson has recently 
advertised for bids on routes to be operated under contract 
between Cleveland, Ohio, and Detroit, Michigan; between 
Pittsburgh, Pa.; Columbus, Cincinnati, Indianapolis and St. 
Louis; between New York, Harrisburg, Pittsburgh, Fort 
Wayne and Chicago, and between New York, Washington, 
Raleigh, Columbia, S. C, and Atlanta, Ga. 

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 

Under the present administration the civil service principle 
has been applied to the appointment of all postmasters, so 
that the selection of appointees in every grade is relieved 
from the influence of partisan favoritism. 

RURAL MAIL SERVICE 

With the increase of the annual expenditure for the rural 
mail service of only $500,000 this service has since 1914 been 
extended to 5,868,000 ADDITIONAL PATRONS, and the 
amount of rural mail carried was in 1919 increased by 776,- 
717,730 pieces — the volume carried being nearly 4,000,000,000 
pieces. Since 1913 there have been established 840 motor 
rural routes of 50 miles or more in length, and the petitions 
for the establishment and extension of rural routes, 2,600, of 
which had accumulated without action in 1913, were brought 
up to date within a year and are now kept current. 

POSTAL SAVINGS 

Under the postal savings system the number of depositors 
increased from 312,000 in 1913 to 565,509 depositors in 1919, 
and the amount to their credit from $30,000,000 in 1913 to 
$167,323,260 in 1919. 

PARCEL POST INSURANCE 

The service of the parcel post insurance has been a success 
from its inauguration in 1913. During the first year of this 
service about 13,000,000 parcels were insured. In 1919 the 
number of parcels insured was 69,997,889. 



"The nomination of Senator Harding is an affront to the 
intelligence and the conscience of the American people. He 
was the impossible candidate par excellence. The nomination 
is all the -worse because it perfectly fits the platform. A poor 
platform might have been redeemed by a worthy candidate, 
just as a poor candidate might have been rendered acceptable 
by an excellent platform. But the Chicago convention with 
bovine persistency tops a feeble platform with a feeble candi- 
date." New York Evening Post (Ind.)» June 14th. 



You don't know whether Senator Harding is most 
like Roosevelt or most like Lincoln. BUT, BOYS, 
GET THE MONEY! 



INTERIOR DEPARTMENT'S 

PROGRESSIVE RECORD 



Nation's Vast Natural Resources Finally 
Made Available for Benefit of the Public 



TTHE Democratic administration of the Department of the In- 
terior has been distinguished for its progressive initiative. 
Instead of being content with administrative routine it has 
actively thought and planned for the improvement of the dis- 
charge of its ordinary duties, for the wider utilization of its 
knowledge, experience and contacts and for a better use of 
the natural resources entrusted to its custody. 

This department has thus become one of the most vital and 
regenerating agencies in our national life and a leader in stimu- 
lating the vision and forward-looking thought of the nation. 

The vigor that has brought it into new fields of service 
has also revitalized the department internally. Its record 
in the last seven years is free from the old, disgraceful land 
and Indian administration scandals, from derelictions and stu- 
pidities, and is characterized by integrity, fidelity, intelligence 
and prompt despatch of public business. 

In his first annual report Secretary Franklin K. Lane, who 
brought to his office new concepts of its functions, advocated 
a new policy of administering the natural resources still in 
possession of the government — a policy differing from the old 
one of reckless alienation of them and from the later one of 
conservation that had become hoarding without using. Then 
began a long and finally successful struggle for the leasing 
rather than the selling of certain classes of public lands — 
FOR AN INTELLIGENT UTILIZATION OF THEM 
FOR THE GOOD OF ALL THROUGH PRIVATE 
ENTERPRISE IN PLACE OF THE OLD REPUBLICAN 
POLICY OF WASTE AND EXPLOITATION AND THE 
SUBSEQUENT RIGID HOLDING WHICH CHECKED 
THE NORMAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST. By 
successive steps laws were obtained applying the leasing prin- 
ciple to Alaska, to potash lands in the public domain and 
finally a general law covering coal, oil and phosphate lands. 
The final result is that lands containing coal, petroleum, 
potash, phosphates and sodium are no longer sold but leased, 
thus encouraging the use of the national stores of fuel, 
power, light and fertility, but retaining ownership. 

WATER-POWER LAW 

The fourth forward step in respect to natural resources 
was the long and finally successful agitation for a general 
water-power law, which also rests on the lease principle and 
makes possible the development of the immense water-power 
resources of the country along lines that will serve and pro- 
mote the public interest without governmental invasion of 
the domain of private enterprise and yet without the encour- 
agement of monopoly. The resulting prospect now is that 
within the next five years $500,000,000 will be invested in 
hydro-electric power projects under authority of this act — 
many of them with an incidental irrigation aspect — in such 

476 



INTERIOR DEPARTMENT 477 

a manner as to contribute to the general welfare and develop- 
ment of the country whilst preventing monopolistic abuses. 
In association with the fight for a modern power law the 
Department made a survey and inaugurated a voluntary 
movement among the electric power companies of the eastern 
seaboard for the creation of "a stream of power" between 
Portland, Me., and Richmond, Va., aiming at the linking to- 
gether of all the coal and water electric power plants in that 
territory, so that there would be a continuous channel of power 
that would gui-rd against local accidents and derangements, 
eliminate waste and duplication and remedy the condition of 
having surplus power at one place and not enough at another. 
This scheme further contemplates vast economies in coal and 
power by shifting the principal power plants to the locality 
of the coal mines, transmitting power instead of coal, and 
electrification of the railways. 

MINE HAZARDS REDUCED 

Under Democratic administration the Bureau of Mines has 
established twelve experimental stations dotted over the coun- 
try from Pittsburgh to Fairbanks, Alaska. Each s^ f, 'on 
makes a special study of the minerals found in its neighbor- 
hood and of their mining and extraction processes. The Min- 
nesota station, for example, specializes in iron mining; the 
Seattle station on hydro-electric mining matters; Pitts- 
burgh on coal and coal mining methods; and Oklahoma on 
petroleum. 

PENSION SERVICE IMPROVED 

The Pension Office has made a notable advance in eco- 
nomical administration. With two-thirds the former number 
of employees it disburses $100,000,000 more a year and 
delivers the pay-checks to the pensioners on the day their 
moneys are due, instead of holding them up in routine or in 
the mails for weeks or a month, as formerly. This prompt- 
ness means much to the recipients. 

BENEFITS OF IRRIGATION 

Taking the position that national irrigation was primarily 
for the benefit of the users of the water, Secretary Lane ar- 
ranged that their grievances and views should be directly 
communicated to him and called a conference of representa- 
tives of all the irrigation associations on national projects 
with a view to adjusting all difficulties. - The upshot was a 
new and better irrigation law and a new era of contentment, 
harmony, success and prosperity for all the wisely chosen 
projects. >, 

The lands cerved by the government irrigation canals pro- 
duce crops worth more than $140,000,000 a year, which is 
much more than their entire capital cost. 

The Reclamation Service now operates 25 large storage 
reservoirs, 10,000 miles of canals and related works deliver- 
ing water to 2,000,000 acres, of which 1,000,000 acres, making 
15,000 new farms, have been redeemed in the last seven years. 
During the same period it built 5,000 miles of canals, six miles 
of tunnels, bridges, drops, checks, etc., 2,000,000 feet of pipe 
line, 270,000 feet of flume, 300 miles of roads, 40 miles of rail- 
road, 1,000 miles of telephone and 300 miles of electric trans- 
mission lines utilizing 37,000 horse-power developed by the 
dams. 



478 INTERIOR DEPARTMENT ' ' r 

As the principle of the national irrigation enterprise is to 
use governmental agencies, financial and engineering, to givt 
value to valueless lands, Secretary Lane advocated its appli- 
cation to lands that may be redeemed by other than irriga- 
tive processes— such as swamp lands and cutover lands, 
whereby in time 275,000,000 acres may be made productive 
without ultimate cost to the government. 

A Democratic Congress provided funds for a preliminary 
survey of such lands and a very comprehensive inventory of 
them was made. 

It was intended to begin this new reclamation work with 
projects for the exclusive benefit of the soldiers, sailors and 
marines of the world war. At least one project was to be 
undertaken in every state. More than 160,000 soldiers wrote 
to Secretary Lane expressing a keen desire to take up re- 
claimed land and the idea was enthusiastically received 
throughout the country, but its realization still awaits the 
action of Congress, which under Republican control HAS 
BEEN AVERSE TO ALL CONSTRUCTIVE OR RE- 
CONSTRUCTIVE LEGISLATION, WITH THE RESULT 
THAT THE VETERANS OF THE WAR HAVE BEEN 
DEPRIVED OF THE CHERISHED OPPORTUNITY 
FOR OWNERSHIP OF LAND-an opportunity that was 
provided for the veterans of all previous wars. However, the 
department has exerted itself to give the soldiers every 
possible assistance and legal preference in filing on such pub- 
lic lands as are available. 

BETTER RURAL SCHOOLS 

Another piece of forward-looking initiative of the Depart- 
ment of the Interior under Democratic control is the move- 
ment for better rural schools, which was started six years 
ago. An exhaustive study of the condition of these schools, 
many of which pay their teachers less than the wage of a 
farm laborer, was made, and a plan for their improvement 
was drafted, but so far the necessary funds have not been 
provided. 

The Department's Americanization movement, prompted 
by the war's disquieting revelations of the extent of illiteracy 
and alienism, although not supported by appropriations, has 
had a profoundly beneficial effect in arousing non-govern- 
mental activity in all parts of the country. Its object is to 
destroy adult illiteracy, to develop an appreciation of Amer- 
ica by the immigrants, and to give the people generally a bet- 
ter understanding of the distinctive character of the United 
States, its history, traditions and institutions. Related recent 
activities of the Bureau of Education include the standardiza- 
tion of higher education; the reconstruction of secondary 
education and the extension of high schools, especially in 
rural districts; extension of industrial, agricultural, home eco- 
nomics and commercial education, school directed home- 
gardening and the establishment of a health service and in- 
dustrial enterprises for the Alaska natives. 

NO INDIAN SCANDALS 

Since its organization in 1832 there has not been a cleaner or 
more efficient administration of the Indian office. In almost 
every Republican administration there had been some loath- 
some scandal of crookedness or brutafity in dealing with the 
Indians. 



INTERIOR DEPARTMENT 479 

The building of the Alaska government railway has been 
a model of governmental efficiency and integrity. This 500- 
mile line, now approaching completion, has been built in a 
period of high labor and material costs at an expense of (jnly 
$75,000 a mile through a difficult and mountainous country 
and without a suspicion of waste or crookedness. 

The General Land Office, SO PRODUCTIVE OF SCAN- 
DALS UNDER REPUBLICAN RULE, HAS BEEN 
CLEANED AND KEPT CLEAN. It has been managed 
so well under Democratic administration that it shows a 
SURPLUS OF $20,573,521 OF RECEIPTS OVER EX- 
PENDITURES. Its organization is much more business- 
like and efficient than formerly. Watchful administration 
has resulted in the restoration of valuable lands to the pub- 
lic domains and in the prevention of improper private acqui- 
sition of them. 

Special attention has been given to the improvement, 
development and extension of the national parks and the 
encouragement of the popular enjoyment of these national 
playgrounds. In seven years the park system has grown 
from twelve national parks and nineteen national monuments 
with a combined area of 7,054 square miles, to nineteen of 
the former and twenty-Sour of the latter with a total area 
of 12,674 square miles. The number of visitors at the parks 
has grown from 252,000 to 810,000 and the provisions for 
their comfort and entertainment have been greatly bettered. 

DEPARTMENT'S WAR SERVICE 

During the war the Department of the Interior mobilized 
the natural resources of the nation to the support of the in- 
dustrial sector and played a large part in the application of 
science to the uses of war. It successfully encouraged the 
production of potash, of which Germany had a monopoly, 
and defeated the German plan of starving the world through 
the withholding of a necessary fertilizer; it cooperated in 
the development of manganese, so necessary to the produc- 
tion of high-grade steels, and likewise of chromium, tungtsen 
and other metals which it was necessary or important to 
produce at home. Before war was declared it had catalogued 
all the chemists of the country and prepared them for the 
call to service. Within a week after the war declaration the 
chemical service was established and manned by chemists 
from the colleges and the industries. A research laboratory 
was established in Washington for the study of chemical 
warfare, gases were evolved, gas masks perfected, smoke 
screens developed, etc. The department also contributed to 
military engineering through the various engineers that were 
spared from its service for that of the army. The patent 
office also played an important part in the war work. 

Altogether the Department of the Interior under Democratic 
supervision has become far more than a mere and often care- 
less and corrupt custodian of national domains and resources. 
To unparalleled faithfulness and efficiency in the ordinary duties 
of custodianship and administration it has added such a mea- 
sure of initiative, resourcefulness and forethought for the na- 
tional good that it has become, as it should be, a powerful 
governmental agency for the material, moral and intellectual 
betterment of the nation — a breeder of ideas and a leader in 
national progress. 



AMAZING DEVELOPMENT 

OF AMERICAN COMMERCE 

Fallacy of Republican Argument that Busi- 
ness Needs High Tariff to Protect it from 
Trade Rivals Amply Demonstrated 



'J 1 HE achievements of the Department of Commerce dur- 
ing seven years of Democratic supremacy in the councils 
of the nation constitute a record that is without parallel in 
the whole history of our commerce and industry. It is a 
record which stamps the Democratic Party as the party ol 
constructive, progressive, forward-looking statesmanship in 
the development of our internal and external trade, and 
focuses public attention on the pitiful failure of the Re- 
publican Party, in its blind devotion to the maintenance 
of a high protective tariff wall, to supply the needs of com- 
merce, when the reins of government were in its hands. 

No Republican administration has placed at the disposal 
of the American business man the facilities that have been 
provided since 1913. In the fruitful field of foreign com- 
merce as well as in the rich domain of domestic trade the 
work of the Department of Commerce in the encouragement 
of American enterprise has been constant, helpful and in- 
spiring. To-day its aid is acknowledged and welcomed in 
every business office in the land. 

THE SERVANT OF BUSINESS 
The first year of the first Wilson administration may 
justly be regarded as the turning point in the American 
policy toward the great world of commerce and industry 
abroad. Hitherto restricted in its operations by unwise and 
short-sighted Republican . policies, it became the duty of 
Democracy to strike off the chains which had fettered busi- 
ness and to introduce sympathetic and encouraging mea- 
sures that would permit it to compete on even terms with 
our commercial rivals in every quarter of the globe. 

Under its first Democratic Secretary it became the chief 
purpose of the Department to convince the business and 
industrial leaders of the country that it would be conducted 
as the servant of the American business man and that it 
should J)e freely used as the vehicle with which to reach the 
markets of the world. 

The wisdom of that policy has been abundantly proven 
by results. The American tradesman to-day, no matter 
what his problem may be nor the field in which he operates, 
knows that the Department of Commerce stands ready at 
all times to assist him with its expert counsel and that it 
is always on the alert to promote his interests both at home 
and abroad. In the field of domestic trade it has developed 
new industries and assisted in the solution of a vast number 
of manufacturing and production problems. In the exten- 
sion of. foreign commerce it has helped to introduce the use 
of American products to the inhabitants of every land; it 
has aided in the solution of questions relating to customs, 
credits, methods of shipment and types of goods: it has sent 
Its trade scouts and investigators to the remotest corner* 



DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE 481 

f the earth to find new markets for our products and to 
evelop new fields of enterprise for our finance, industry and 
•ade. 

GREATEST CREDITOR NATION 

With the outbreak of the war in Europe the United States 
ecame the world's greatest creditor nation. Alone of all 
le great industrial countries at peace, and with the plants, 
ibor and products necessary to supply the wants of man- 
ind, the nations turned to the United States for goods and 
le means to pay for them. As a result the country's for- 
ign commerce expanded with amazing rapidity. In the 
seal year 1913 the volume of this trade amounted to $4,279,- 
00,000, exports being valued at $2,466,000 ; 000 and imports 
t $1,813,000,000, leaving an apparent trade balance in our 
ivor of $650,000,000. This apparent balance, however, was 
racticaily neutralised by the expenditures of American tour- 
its in Europe, and by the payment to Europe of large sums 
nnually as interest on European investments in the United 
tates and in exhorbitant freight rates to the owners of 
>reign vessels carrying our commerce. 

Under the war conditions, however, and by means of the 
lore liberal policies adopted by the Department of Com- 
lerce, the apparently favorable trade balance became real 
nd increasingly larger each year until it reached, during 
le fiscal year ending June 30, 1919, the unprecedented total 
f $4,000,000,000, a figure never before approached in the 
ommerce of any nation in the history of the world. During 
le fiscal year ending June 30, 1920, when the volume of 
ur foreign trade amounted to approximately $13,350,000,000, 
nother unprecedented total, the trade balance in favor of 
tie United States was approximately $3,000,000,000. The 
alances of trade in our favor that have accumulated during 
even years of Democratic administration now approximate 

e staggering total of SEVENTEEN BILLION DOLLARS. 

DYE INDUSTRY ESTABLISHED 

The outbreak of the war in Europe revealed in a most 
mphatic manner our dependence upon external sources of 
upply for some of the most essential commodities used in 
ur manufacturing industries and resulted in the develop- 
lent of several new industries to overcome consequent 
hortages. Notable among those commodities was dye- 
tufts. Prior to the war the coal-tar dyestuffs industry was 
irgely concentrated in Germany. Approximately ninety per 
ent. of all the dyestuffs used in the world were made in 
tiat country or from semi-manufactured materials produced 
here. In the year before the war the United States had 
upcrted from Europe 45,000,000 pounds of dyestuffs, or 
bout nine-tenths of the amount consumed in this country. 
Ve had in this country at that time sgven factories, employ- 
ig 528 persons and with an invested capital of only $3,- 
86,000, which were turning out artificial colors to the 
xtent of 6,619,729 pounds annually. They were, however, 
ttle more than assembling plants, as they were almost 
ntirely dependent on intermediates imported from Germany 
nd they were, moreover, largely controlled by German in- 
vests. The beginning of the war, therefore, almost com- 
letely stopped the importation of dyestuffs, and brought 
bout a famine in that commodity. 



482 DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE 

The Department of Commerce undertook at once to pr< 
mote the development of a dye-making industry in tf 
United States. Encouragement was given to the existih 
plants and to the construction of new ones, aid was give 
in the development of processes and organized efforts mac 
to bring manufacturers into contact with consumers. Upo 
representations of the Department, Democratic leaders 
Congress put through an act giving increased protection 
dyes and other coal-tar products and intermediates. Tr 
growth of the industry was steady and substantial. Whe 
the United States entered the war the German dye ? paten1 
filed in this country were taken over by the Alien Properl 
Custodian and their secrets revealed to domestic dye mam 
factuters for the benefit and profit of the American peopl 

The remarkable expansion of the dye industry in Americ 
is indicated by the fact, shown by the dyestuffs census 
1918, that there were SEVENTY-EIGHT DYE-MAKIN4 
ESTABLISHMENTS IN THE UNITED STATE! 
WITH AN INVESTED CAPITAL OF $100,000,00( 
WHICH PRODUCED IN THAT YEAR 58,464,44 
POUNDS OF DYES, VALUED AT $52,026,390, ANI 
' HAT DYES VALUED AT $16,921,888 WERE EX 
PORTED. 

The fur industry may be said to have been centralized i 
the United States by the enterprise of the Commerce D< 
partment. It affords an illuminating example of the differenc 
in Democratic and Republican methods in industrial upbuild 
ing. Under the Republican system, a high protective tarii 
would have accompanied the growth of the fur industry, an< 
in the interim the public would have paid the importatioi 
costs. Under the Democratic method, fur prices have beei 
held down to the lowest possible level. 

DEPARTMENT'S WAR SERVICE 
During the war the Department of Commerce was amonj 
the most active branches of the Government and performe< 
invaluable service in bringing the conflict to a successfu 
conclusion. Its entire resources were placed unreservedl; 
at the service of the military authorities It organized th 
machinery, later merged with the War Trade Board, whicl 
supervised American import and expert trade and imposec 
restrictions to prevent the benefits of such trade from reach 
ing the common enemy. Its Bureaus of Foreign an( 
Domestic Commerce, Standards, Census, Fisheries, an< 
Coast and Geodetic Survey were particularly helpful in th< 
collection of information and in the solution of industria 
and military problems. 

FOREIGN FIELD SERVICE 

In the rehabilitation of the nation's commercial structur< 
by the Democratic Party the Bureau of Foreign and Do- 
mestic Commerce has been the instrumentality througl 
which the benefits of liberal, Democratic policies have beer 
extended to the business men of the nation. A complete 
reorganization of this bureau was effected shortly after th< 
beginning of the first Wilsctn administration and three ree^ 
services inaugurated, viz.: 

(1) The Commercial Attach^ Service. } 

(2) The Trade Commissioner Service. 

(3) The district and cooperative offices. 



DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE 483 

There are thirteen commercial attaches now stationed in 
the principal world centers. The scope of their work covers, 
broadly, the whole field of commercial, industrial and finan- 
cial endeavor in the territory to which they are assigned. 
The attache encourages the organization of American Cham^ 
bers of Commerce and Commercial Clubs, he advises of 
opportunities for new markets and for the investment of 
American capital, explains to America the faults in our 
methods of doing business abroad, consults with foreign 
business men concerning matters of importance to American 
trade, and in every way possible seeks to establish profitable 
commercial relations between the United States and the 
country to which he is assigned. 

The work of the trade commissioners consists in the 
making of general and special investigations for a particular 
product or group of products in one or more foreign coun- 
tries and in reporting thereon to the Bureau for the benefit 
of the business men in this country. 

TRADE RIVALS COPY SERVICE 

These ambassadors of business are in high repute in the 
countries where they operate and their services have proven 
so valuable that the nation's leading commercial competitors 
have established similar services. To illustrate the methods 
they employ to bring the American manufacturer into con- 
tact with buyers the world over, the following examples 
are given: 

After repeated representations by the Commercial Attache 
at Peking concerning business opportunities in China, an 
American firm engaged in the manufacture of cotton mill 
machinery sent one of its agents to the office of the attache. 
He was introduced by the attache to Chinese Government 
officials who had expressed an interest in cotton mills. 
Within a month he ha<i obtained contracts for two cotton 
mills, the first ever sold to China, and within a year this 
firm had obtained additional orders for cotton mill machinery 
for that country of an aggregate value of $16,000,000. 

Anotner case involved a change in the customs classifica- 
tion of a foreign country. The commodity was clocks and 
the prevailing classification made the conduct of business 
with that country very difficult for a certain American manu- 
facturer. A , satisfactory change was effected through the 
good offices of the Commercial Attache. 

To supplement the foreign field service district and co- 
operative offices have been established in nineteen of the 
principal cities of the United States. It is the primary duty 
of these offices to expedite the distribution of valuable in- 
formation received from abroad. They are also of the 
greatest usefulness in adjusting commercial disputes, in 
maintaining for the information of American manufacturers 
exhibits of foreign made goods which meet the fancy of 
buyers in other lands and are demanded by certain classes 
abroad, who, because of old customs, will accept no other 
kind of goods, and in many other ways assisting in the 
development of export trade in the most intelligent manner. 
There are numerous instances where business men with no 
export ^experience and perhaps somewhat limited capital 
have become remarkably successful in foreign trade work 
due almost exclusively to the assistance received from one 
of the Bureau's district or cooperative offices. *» 



484 DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE 

During the War the Bureau assisted the War and Navy 
Departments in finding new sources of needed materials, 
furnished Congress and the various war boards with in- 
formation about our foreign trade, our raw materials and 
the markets for our goods, as well as data on the raw 
materials and indispensable imports of foreign countries. Its 
agents gave valuable assistance in such matters as current 
economic developments in Germany, the effect of the war 
and blockade restrictions on conditions in Scandinavia, on 
the status of commercial concerns in Soutli America, data 
on the port facilities and freight conditions in South Amer- 
ica, on the lumber supplies available in Scandinavia, on 
commercial and political conditions in Finland, on the 
crude rubber resources of the - world, and in many other 
lines of activity. 

BUREAU OF STANDARDS 

The service of the Bureau of Standards in the development 
of our commerce and in the solution of war problems was 
scarcely less important than that of the Bureau of Com- 
merce. It has reached out into every walk of life and has 
established standards which to a greater or less degree 
affect the life and work of every citizen in his domestic, pro- 
fessional, commercial, industrial or scientific relations. It 
cooperates with the sculptor in studying the composition 
of statuary bronze. It enters the brick kiln to advise on 
materials and processes there employed. It produces the 
choicest of porcelains in exquisite colorings and glazes 
and aids in the construction of glass pots. It promotes 
industrial research and aids manufacturers to secure accurate 
measuring instruments and to standardize the methods of 
measurement and testing. It assists in the fixing of standards 
of quality and materials and the use of honest weights and 
measures in daily trade. Federal, State and municipal gov- 
ernments, public utility corporations, educational institutions 
and industrial concerns are all embraced within the scope of 
its work. 

OPTICAL GLASS 

The development of optical glass was one of its greatest 
war accomplishments. Prior to August, 1914, every binocular, 
every camera, microscope or other optical instrument of 
precision was dependent for its, optical glass,* and in many 
cases the finished optical parts, upon a few German, French 
or English firms. After this date the German supply of these 
materials was cut off entirely and the English and French 
almost completely, due to the necessary commandeering 
of the product for the military needs of those Governments. 
Scientists of the Bureau of Standards immediately attacked 
the problem of increasing the supply of optical glass, initiated 
scientific research into the subject, developed and improved 
many points of technique, placed le results of its pioneer 
work at the disposal of the Amerl.an industry, and, finally, 
produced glass of high grade in x amerous varieties and in 
quantity. 

PROGRESSIVE CENSUS METHODS 
The Bureau of the Census has become, under Democratic 
control, one of the most valuable instruments of the Govern- 
ment in the development of the country's business organiza- 



DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE 485 

tion. During the past seven years it has been brought into 
closer touch with the business interests of the country than 
ever before in its history. More efficient and rapid methods 
in the collection and distribution of statistics have been 
introduced to meet the urgent request of business men for 
more up-to-date information. 

The Bureau is now engaged in the work of taking the 
Fourteenth Decennial Census, the most stupendous peace- 
time work ever undertaken by the Federal Government. In 
order to perform it in the most efficient and economical 
manner and to complete it within the limited period pre- 
scribed by law the Bureau has been organized along strictly 
business lines. It has adopted for use the latest mechanical 
appliances which have resulted in economy in time and labor. 
The tabulating machines now being used tabulate cards at 
the rate of 75,000 to 100,000 each day, whereas the machines 
used in the Thirteenth Census tabulated only 12,000 cards 
a day. The sorting machines now in use sort the cards into 
groups showing age, nationality, illiteracy, etc., at the rate 
of 100,000 cards each a day, compared with 60,000 each a 
day for the machines used in the Thirtenth Census. 

As a result of the efficient methods adopted and the business 
organization which has been built up in the Bureau, the work 
of the Fourteenth Census is further advanced by from sixty 
to ninety days than it was in the taking of the Thirteenth 
Census under a Republican administration. 

The first announcements of population in the Fourteenth 
Census were made on February 21, and have progressed 
with increased rapidity since that time. The errors in re- 
porting these statistics have been fewer than those of any 
similar period in the history of the Bureau. 

The war work of the Census Bureau was of the highest 
importance. It was among the first agencies of the Gov- 
ernment called upon to perform imperative work for the 
various war organizations. This service included the pre- 
paration of estimates of population to serve as a basis for 
the draft and .o inform the nation of the man-power upon 
which it could rely for the successful prosecution of the 
war; the collection, compilation and publication of statistics 
showing the production and stocks on hand of various war 
commodities, such as steel, leather, fibres, and other in- 
quiries rendered necessary or desirable by the exigencies of 
war. 



NELSON REBUKES BITTER-ENDERS 
"It seems to me that statesmanship which is oblivious to the 
Importance of providing by all reasonable methods against the 
recurrence of war in the future and insists on standing still till 
war act ally occurs, is short-s^cd, lives in the past, lacks 
world vision, and overlooks the fact that a world's war should 
res It in a world's peace, and that such a peace should, as far 
as possible, be of a permanent character. ... I cannot sympa- 
thize with that sentiment which would have our country crawl 
into a closed shell with no other label than the M'onroe Doc- 
trine."— SENATOR NELSON (Republican) in the Senate, Octo- 
ber 9, 1919. 



RECORD OF PROGRESSIVE 

SHIPPING LEGISLATION 

List of Democratic Measures Through Which 

the American Flag Has Been Restored to 

Position of Supremacy on the High Seas 



A LL credit for the restoration of the American Merchant 
Marine must go without question to the Democratic ad- 
ministration. From the enactment of the Ship Purchase Act, 
under which the United States Shipping Board was originally 
organized, through the passage of beneficial legislation in the 
past session of Congress, Democratic initiative is found re- 
sponsible for the whole group of laws which have restored 
to American shipping its prestige of clipper ship days. 

Following are among the important legislative enactments 
which made possible this great rehabilitation: 

SEAMEN'S LAW, improving living conditions of men 
before the mast and breaking a yoke of tyranny afloat which 
long had militated against procurement of Al crews for om 
merchant ships. 

SHIP REGISTRY ACT, designed to offset the disastrous 
effect of the World War on our foreign commerce, prior to 
our entry as belligerents. The President was authorized to 
suspend certain laws of American registry in order that for- 
eign-built ships might be enrolled for overseas trade. 

WAR RISK ACT, for insurance of ships. Private insur- 
ance companies were incapable of indemnifying American 
ships against the formidable hazards of war trade. The gov- 
ernment came to the rescue, writing policies in the sum of 
$2,400,000,000 on hulls, cargoes and seamen. 

SHIP PURCHASE ACT. Republican senators, at be- 
hest of private interests, filibustered this bill to death in 
March, 1915, the end of the Sixty-third Congress. The ef- 
forts of the Democratic majority, however, brought about 
its passage in 1916, when the nation's desperate need of 
shippjng caused "the interests" hastily to withdraw opposi- 
tion and halt the obstructionist tactics of G. O. P." senators. 
By this act the Shipping Board was established and the 
first constructive step in American merchant marine up- 
building taken. Soon after, in pursuance of this legislation, 
the Emergency Fleet Corporation was formed, with an ini- 
tial capital of $50,000,000. 

The President originally was empowered to direct the 
management, operation and disposal of ships turned out by 
the fleet corporation. By proclamation in 1917 he delegated 
all such powers to the Shipping Board. 

$2,884,000,000 FOR SHIP CONSTRUCTION 

EMERGENCY SHIPPING FUND. Congress granted a 
war-time authorization of $2,884,000,000 for construction of 
ships, subsequently reduced by $120,000,000. Appropriation 
also was made for acquiring property for housing shipyard 

486 



SHIPPING LAWS 487 

employees and their families, the taking over of certain 
transportation systems and the transportation of shipyard 
and plant employees at minimum rates. These laws, de- 
signed to better the conditions of labor at plants and yards, 
greatly facilitated the mobilization of the thousands of 
.workers needed. 

For recruiting, instructing and training officers, engineers 
and crews for American vessels and for expenditures inci- 
dental thereto, $500,000 was set aside in 1918 under a pro- 
vision of the urgent deficiency bill. 

Liberal loans on commodities in shipment have been made 
possible by revision of statutes governing discount of notes 
secured by shipping documents or bills of lading. 

Amendments to an act concerning the lading or unlading 
of vessels by night provide' that inspectors and other customs 
officers and employees whose services may be required at 
night or on holidays or Sundays shall be given substantial 
overtime compensation. 

In case of claims or damages against vessels or cargoes 
owned by the United States or a government-controlled* cor- 
poration, legislation has been provided allowing the institu- 
tion of suits in admiralty against the United States or such 
corporation in personem. This prevents the arrest or 
seizure in oort of such shins or cargoes. 

SALE OF SHIPS 

By the Merchant Marine Act, approved June 5, 1920, the 
Shipping Board is given authority to sell or charter all ves- 
sels under its direction not specifically withheld for military 
or other service. In general, such sales or charterings shall 
be made to "responsible persons who are citizens of the 
United States" and who agree to employ the ships along such 
steamship lines and on such schedules as the board stipu- 
lates. The board may, however, sell to aliens such vessels as 
investigation shall show to be "unnecessary to the promotion 
and maintenance of an efficient American merchant marine," 
provided it has been unable to sell them to citizens of the 
United States. If purchase or charter is not forthcoming, 
the board may operate its ships on its own selected steamship 
lines until such time as sale on satisfactory terms can be 
arranged. 

Private construction of vessels of desirable types in Ameri- 
can shipyards is being furthered by application of a fund 
which the Shipping Board is authorized to set aside from its 
sales and operations' revenues over a period of five years and 
in the sum of $25,000,000 per annum. 

By exercise of the right of eminent domain, the govern- 
ment, in case of national emergency, could immediately take 
over all ships the sale of which has been consummated or is 
authorized under the Merchant Marine Act. Thus Demo- 
cratic energy and foresight have provided the nation with 
a fleet fully commensurate with American trade demands in 
peace times and ready to take its place at the Navy's right 
hand in times ct danger. 



The Hague Tribunal, if it had some teeth, would be 
a great and glorious instrument. BUT, BOYS, GET 
THE MONEY! 



WHAT TRADE COMMISSION 
HAS DONE TO AID BUSINESS 

Unfair Practices Everywhere Being Elimi- 
nated Through Efforts of Federal Agency 
Created by Democratic Congress 



'T'HE Federal Trade Commission was created by an act of 
the Democratic Congress approved September 26, 1914, 
following the proposal by President Wilson that the duties 
of the Bureau of Corporations be extended to meet more 
fully business conditions and needs, the work of the Bureau 
being taken ov.er by the Trade Commission. The following 
members comprise the Commission at present: William B. 
Colver (Dem.), Minnesota; Victor Murdock (Rep.), Kansas 
(Chairman); Huston Thompson (Dem.), Colorado; Nelson B. 
Gaskill (Rep.), New Jersey; John Garland Pollard (Dem.), 
Virginia. 

Free access to, and movement upon, the river of commerce, 
constitutes that state of fair and free competition which is at 
the bottom of our present theory of business law. The Fed- 
eral Trade Commission was created to aid in keeping this 
channel free of obstructions and the ships of commerce mov- 
ing freely without undue interference, one with the other. 

In creating the Commission the Congress wrote a single 
sentence which seems to sum up the ideals of American busi- 
ness and to be at once the Constitution, the Bill of Rights 
and the Declaration of Independence of American business. 
These are the words: 

"UNFAIR METHODS OF COMPETITION IN 
COMMERCE ARE HEREBY DECLARED UNLAW- 
FUL." 

This declaration means that in commerce there shall not be 
trickery or chicane; that there shall not be the rule of might 
as opposed to right; that unfairness, meanness, ruthlessness 
and dishonesty have no place in American business. 

THE PROCEDURE IN COMPLAINTS 

In administering this law, the Federal Trade Commission 
follows scrupulously a procedure carefully laid down by the 
Congress. When any one believes that unfair practices are 
being indulged in to his injury, and he addresses the Fed- 
eral Trade Commission with a brief statement of the facts as 
he understands them, the Commission makes a preliminary 
investigation and if, in the end, it has reason to believe that 
it is to the interest of the public that the matter be formally 
Inquired into, then it issues its complaint in writing, directed 
to the concern against whom the accusation has been made. 
This issuance of the ccmplaint is no judgment of guilt, but a 
resolution for an orderly trial of the matter. 

The accused is then given 40 days in which to prepare his 
reply in writing and thereafter a full hearing is had, the re- 
spondent being present in. person or by attorney with every 
opportunity to cross-examine witnesses and examine docu- 
mentary evidence. 

After that, there is placed at his disposal all the processes 

488 



FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION 



489 



of the Commission so that he may produce his own wit- 
nesses and compel the production of books and papers or any 
other documentary evidence which he may wish to employ in 
his defense. In the end, the Commission may find either 
that the acts complained of have not been committed, or if 
committed, may not properly be said to be unfair. In which 
case the whole matter is dismissed. 

If, however, it is found that the things complained of have 
actually been done, and that they are contrary to the public 
interest, the Commission's order to cease and desist from the 
practices complained of, is issued. But thereafter the re- 
spondent may, if he believes that the decision is unfair to 
him, appeal to the Circuit Court of Appeals of the United 
States^ and thence to the Supreme Court of the United 
States; so that every possible safeguard of law is thrown 
about the proceedings. 

Experience has shown that about two out of three of the 
complaints which are brought to the Commission's attention 
are not such as to warrant any formal proceedings and those 
matters are dismissed without annoyance to the respondent, 
without publicity and without public knowledge. 

SUMMARY OF ITS WORK 

In the five years of the existence of the Commission up to 
July 1, 1920, there have been 1,990- of such applications for 
complaint made. These cases have passed through or are 
passing through the procedure outlined, and with the follow- 
ing result: 

On preliminary examination and without publicity or em- 
barrassment, 992 of these cases have been dismissed; 537 are 
still in the process of such preliminary investigation and in 
the remaining 461 cases the Commission has instituted formal 
proceedings, resulting in the issuance of 611 formal com- 
plaints — the excess being due to the fact that in some appli- 
cations there were a number of respondents who were pro- 
ceeded against individually. Of these 611 adversary pro- 
ceedings, 327 have been disposed of while 284 are still pend- 
ing. Of the 327 disposed of 64 were dismissed, the govern- 
ment, on full hearing, having failed to produce preponder- 
ating proof or the respondent having made a sufficient show- 



HOOVER UNQUALIFIEDLY FOR LEAGUE 



E have now seen the most terrible five years of 
history because the reactionaries of Europe re- 
fused to come into a room to discuss the welfare of 
humanity. From this mighty political, social and eco- 
nomic upheaval there has resulted a host of outstand- 
ing problems which can breed war at any minute. The 
liberal world is asking us to come into a council to 
find solution for these things. That world is now ask- 
ing for our economic and moral weight, our idealism 
and our disinterested sense of justice. Are we not to 
take the responsibility that rests on the souls of those 
men in Europe who refused this invitation in 1914? 
— From an address by HERBERT HOOVER at Leland 
Stanford University, October 3, 1919. 



490 FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION 

ing of defense. In the remaining 263 cases the order of the 
Commission to cease and desist was issued, and a notable 
example of the inherent fairness of the American business 
man is given in the fact that but of 238 cases where the busi- 
ness concern after trial and hearing and having had brought 
home to it the consequences, often unsuspected, of its con- 
duct upon competitors, 195 respondents have voluntarily 
agreed to accept the order to cease and desist, and to stop 
the bad practice. 

In the remaining 68 cases, the concerns complained against 
by other business concerns, resisted to the end and the order 
to cease and desist was nevertheless issued. 

FINDS MINIMUM OF CONTROVERSY 

Thus we find that the Federal Trade Commission, seeking 
to administer a fair and just law and dealing with fair and 
just people in a spirit of fairness and equity, finds a minimum 
of controversy and a maximum of accommodation. 

When a large number of complaints come to the Commis- 
sion touching a given industry or when a complaint is made 
alleging the unfairness of some practice which is either an 
ancient practice or one almost universally employed, the 
Commission feels that a single case may not present all the 
facts and that a decision upon the facts involved in an indi- 
vidual case would tend to be harmful rather than helpful, it 
employs a procedure which it has called Trade Practice Sub- 
mittal. This procedure has also been employed by the Com- 
mission in a number of instances at the request of the in- 
dustry itself. 

The proceeding is to invite as complete and as represen- 
tative a body of men as possible in the industry to meet 
with the Commission and there discuss frankly and fully any 
and all practices which the industry and not the Commission 
may have questioned as to whether they are fair and good or 
bad and useless; or whether they are unfair. Open and free 
discussion is invited and in the end the Commission makes no 
decision or ruling nor any expression of opinion, but asks the 
meeting to say out of the experience and technical knowl- 
edge of the members of the industry, what are good prac- 
tices and what are bad practices. This decision of the in- 
dustry itself is taken by the Commission as a guide and there- 
after if business concerns complain that practices which have 
been deemed unfair by the industry itself are being indulged 
in, the Commission will assume that there is sufficient reason 
to believe that such practices are bad, and, without a long 
preliminary examination, bring the contested practice to issue, 
so that it may be tried out in an orderly way according to 
the formal proceedings heretofore described. 



HP HERE is no oilier way to dispense •with great arm- 
aments except by the common agreement of the 
fighting natiens of the world. And here is the agree- 
ment. They promise disarmament and' promise to 
agree upon a plan. — From PRESIDENT WILSON'S 
address at Convention Hall, Kansas City, Mo., Septem- 
ber 6, 1919. 



491 



The Democratic National Committee 

1920-1924 



GEORGE WHITE 

J. BRUCE KREMER 

SAMUEL B. AMIDON 

MISS CHARL WILLIAMS. 

E. G. HOFFMAN 

WILBUR W. MARSH 

W. R. HOLLISTER 

J. J. HUGHES 



Chairman 

Vice-Chairman 

Vice=Chainnan 

Vice-chairman 

Secretary 

Treasurer 

Executive Secretary 

. . . Sergeant-at-Arms 



STATE 



NATIONAL 
COMMITTEEMAN 



Alabama W. T. Sanders 

Athens 

Arizona W. L. Barnum 

Phoenix 

Arkansas Vincent M. Miles 

Fort Smith 

California Isidore B. Dockweiler 

Los Angeles 

Colorado ...... Miles G. Saunders 

Pueblo 

Connecticut .... Homer S. Cummings 
Stamford 

Delaware Josiah O. Wolcott 

Dover 

Florida J. T. G. Craword 

Jacksonville 

Georgia Clark Howell 

Atlanta 



Idaho . . 



J. P. Pope 
Boise 



Illinois Chas. Boerschenstein 

Edwards ville 

Indiana , E. G. Hoffman 

Ft. Wayne 

Iowa Wilbur W. Marsh 

Waterloo 

Kansas S. B. Amidon 

Wichita 

Kentuckj' Johnson N. Camden 

Versailles 

Louisiana Samuel B. Hicks 

Shreveport 

Maine D. J. McGillicuddy 

Lewiston 

Maryland John W. Smith 

Snow Hill 

Massachusetts . . Edward W. Quinn 
Cambridge 

Michigan Wm. F. Connolly 

Detroit 

Minnesota Fred E. Wheaton 

Minneapolis 

Mississippi . . . . O. G. Johnson 
Clarksdale 

Missouri Edward F. Goltra 

St. Louis 

Montana J. Bruce Kremer 

» Butte 

Nebraska W. H. Thompson 

Grand Island 



NATIONAL 
COMMITTEEWOMAN 

Mrs. John D. McNeel 
Birmingham 

Mrs. B. J. McKinney 
Tucson 

Mrs. James D. Head 
Texarkana 

Mrs. Chas.. F. Donohoe 
Oakland 

Mrs. Gertrude A. Lee 
Denver 

Miss Carolina Ruutz-Rees 
Greenwich 

Miss Lena Evans 
Newark 

Mrs. Lois K*. Mayers 
Pensacola 

Mrs. F. I. Mclntiro 
Savannah 

Theresa M. Graham 
Coeur d'AIene 

Mrs. A L. Smith 

Chicago v 

Miss Julia E. Landers 
Indianapolis 

Miss A. B. Lawther 
Dubuque 

Mrs. W. A. Coochel 
Manhattan 

Mrs. Campbell Cantrill 
Georgetown 

Mrs. J. E. Friend 
New Orleans 

Mrs. G. M. Pattangall 
Augusta 



Mrs. M. F. Sullivan 
Fall River 

Mrs. L. C. Boltwood 
Grand Rapids 

Mrs. Peter Olesen 
Cloquet 

Miss Henrietta Mitchell 
Jackson 

Mrs Burris A. Jenkins 
Kansas City 

Mrs. R. R. Purcell 
Helena 

Dr. Jennfe Calf ass 
Omaha 



492 



NATIONAL NATIONAL 

STATE COMMITTEEMAN COA1MITTEEWOMAN 

Nevada Samuel >4 Pickett Mrs. Jas. D. Finch 

Reno Reno 

New Hampshire. Robt. C. Murchie Dorothy B. Jackson 

Concord Concord 

New Jersey Robt. S. Hudspeth Mrs. Jas. J. BiHington 

Jersey City Jersey City 

New Mexico A. A. Jones Mrs. W. F. Kirby 

Santa Fe Tucumcari 

New York Norman E. Mack Miss Elizabeth Marbury 

Buffalo New York City 

North Carolina . . Angue W. McLean Miss Mary O. Graham 

Lumberton Raleigh 

North Dakota . . H. H. Perry Mrs. S. Johnson 

EHendale Grand Forks 

0hio George White Mrs. Bernice S. Pyke 

Marietta Cleveland 

Oklahoma Geo. L. Bowman Mrs. D. A. McDougal 

Kingfisher Sapulpa 

Oregon Dr. J. \V. Morrow Mrs. Rose Shieffelin 

Portland Medford 

Pennsylvania . . Joseph F. Guffey 
Pittsburg 

Rhode Island Patrick H. Quinn Mrs. Robert E. Newton 

Providence Providence 

South, Carolina. .John Gary Evans Mrs. H. I. Manning 

Spartanburg Sumpter 

South Dakota . James Mee Mrs. William Hickey 

Centerville Sioux Falls 

Tennessee Cordell Hull Miss Charl Williams 

Carthage Memphis 

Texas Thos. B. Love Mrs. Cone Johnson 

Dallas Tyler 

Utah James H. Moyle Mrs. Maude D. Porter 

Salt Lake ■ Ogden 

Vermont Fank H. Duffey Mrs. C. M. Brislin 

Rutland Rutland 

Virginia Carter Glass Mrs. Beverley B. Munford 

Lynchburg Richmond 

Washington .... A. R. Titlow Mrs. E. D. Christian 

Tacoma . Spokane 

West Virginia . . C. W. Osenton (Acting) Mrs. Rose McGraw de Berriz 

Fayetteville Grafton 

Wisconsin Joseph Martin Mrs. Gertrude Bowler 

Green Bay Sheboygan 

Wyoming ..... .P. J. Quealy Mrs. R. D. Hawley 

Kemmerer Douglas 

Alaska T. J. Donohoe Mrs. John W. Troy 

Cordova - Juneau 

Dist. of Columbia John F. Costello Mrs. Thos. F. Walsh 

Washington Washington 

Hawaii John H. Wilson Mrs. L. L. McCandless 

Honolulu Honolulu 

Philippines .... Robt. H. Manly Mrs. Katherine Williams 

Naga Camarines , Manila 

Porto Rico Henry W. Dodley Miss Edmonia Martin 

San Juan San Juan 

Canal Zone M. A. Otero Mrs. D. F. Reeder 

Ancon, C. Z. Ancon, C. Z. 

i . - i nm j a w 

TEXT BOOK COMMITTEE 

GEORGE WHITE SEN. PAT HARRISON 

CHARLES E. MORRIS WILLIAM J. COCHRAN 
WILLIAM E. MOORE, Editor Text Book 



NEW YORK HEADQUARTERS STAFF 



Grand Central Palace 



GEORGE WHITE Chairman 

WILBUR W. MARSH Treasurer 

SENATOR PAT HARRISON Chairman, Speakers' Bureau 

WILLIAM J. COCHRAN Director Publicity Bureau 

MRS. GEORGE BASS Chairman, Woman's Bureau 

EDWARD G. HOFFMAN ' Secretary 

W. R. HOLLISTER Executive Secretary 

JAMES W. GERARD Chairman, Finance Committee 

W. D. JAMIESON ' Director of Finance 

JAMES C. CANTRILL. .Chairman, Department of Organization 
ARTHUR B. KROCK.. .Field Director, Dept. of Organization 

JOS. W. MORRIS Secretary, Department of Organization 

HANS RIEG Director Naturalized Citizens Bureau 

WILLIAM A. OLDFIELD Congressional Bureau 



CHICAGO HEADQUARTERS STAFF 



220 South State Street 



FRANK E. DOREMUS Chairman 

SENATOR THOS. J. WALSH. . .Chairman, Senatorial Bureau 

A. J. SABATH Congressional Bureau 

HARRY HASELWOOD. .Regional Director, Publicity Bureau 

GEORGE T. BRADLEY Chairman, Organization Bureau 

MISS JESSIE E. SCOTT. .Resident Director, Woman's Bureau 



SAN FRANCISCO HEADQUARTERS 
STAFF 



Palace Hotel 



SENATOR KEY PITTMAN Chairman 

F. F. RUM YON Regional Director, Publicity Bureau 

MISS I. M- Bt>HANNON Auditor and Treasurer 



493 



DEMOCRATIC STATE CENTRAL 
COMMITTEE CHAIRMEN 



STATE NAME ADDRESS 

ALABAMA ..W. D. Nesbitt Birmingham 

ARIZONA W. E. Lutz Morenci 

ARKANSAS J. W. House, Jr Little Rock 

CALIFORNIA David S. Ewing Griffith-McKenzie 

Bldg., Fresno 
COLORADO Philip Hornbein 822 Symes Bldg.. 

Denver 
CONNECTICUT . . . D. E. Fitzgerald. . . . New Haven 
DELAWARE Henry R. Isaacs .... 812 Ford Bldg., 

Wilmington 

FLORIDA George P. Raney Tampa 

GEORGIA J. J. Flynn Griffin 

IDAHO J. J. Day Moscow 

ILLINOIS Ernest Hoover . . Taylorville 

INDIANA Benjamin Bosse Evansville 

IOWA J. W. Reynolds Creston 

KANSAS Forrest Luther Cimarron 

KENTUCKY John L. Grayot Seelbach Hotel 

Louisville 

LOUISIANA Frank J. Looney Shreveffbrt 

MAINE Louis J. Brann Lewiston 

MARYLAND J. H. Wade Boonsboro 

MASSACHUSETTS. Michael O'Leary. . . . 294 Washington St., 

Boston 

MICHIGAN T. B. Preston Ibnia ; 

MINNESOTA D. D. Daly 305 Pioneer Bldg., 

St. Paul 

MISSISSIPPI S. W. Mullens Holly Springs 

MISSOURI C E. Yancey Planters' Hotel 

St. Louis 

MONTANA Hugh R. Wells Miles City 

NEBRASKA A. F. Sprague York 

NEVADA John F. Kunz Reno 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. Alex. Murchie Concord , 

NEW JERSEY C. F, McDonald Englishtown 

NEW MEXICO Arthur Seligrnan Santa Fe 

NEW YORK W. W. Farley Albany 

NO. CAROLINA...T. D. Warren New Bern 

NORTH DAKOTA. J. Nelson Kelly Grand Forks 

OHIO W. W. Durbin Kenton 

OKLAHOMA Cam Campbell Oklahoma City 

OREGON Dr. C. J. Smith ..... Portland 

PENNSYLVANIA.. Warren Van Dyke. . .Harrisburg 
RHODE ISLAND. .Alberic Archambault. Providence 

Grosvenor Bldg. 

SO. CAROLINA. . .Jno. Gary Evans Spartanburg 

SOUTH DAKOTA. .J. E. Kelly Colman 

TENNESSEE L. D. Hill Sparta 

TEXAS M. H. Wolfe Dallas 

UTAH M. L. Mulliner Salt Lake City 

VERMONT P. H. Pollard Proctorsville 

VIRGINIA R. A. James Richmond 

WASHINGTON . . . C. F. Christensen. . . .Stevenson 

WEST VIRGINIA.. C. F. Dunlap Hinton 

WISCONSIN John p. Hume .Milwaukee 

£09 Trust Co. Bldg. 
WYOMING Joseph Sullivan Laramie 



494 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX 



A Page 

Acceptance speech by Cox 45-70 

Acceptance speech by Roosevelt 71-76 

Achievements in war 79-S3 

Alien Property Custodian office created 79 

Council of National Defense created 79 

Food and fuel regulations formulated 79 

Industry successfully mobilized 79 

Partisanship put aside in selecting officers 80 

Selective service law 80 

Shipping industry revived 79 

Shipping laws enacted 79 

Transportation of troops , 80 

Vast loans successfully floated , 79 

Vocational training provided 73 

War Finance Corporation created : 79 

War Industries Board established 79 

War-risk insurance provided 79 

War Trade Board created 79 

Adamson law enacted 148 

Administration indorsed by Taft 107 

Agricultural legislation in Ohio under Gov. Cox 118 

Agricultural prosperity 334 

Agriculture — 

Basic industry burdened: 424, 425 

Conditions changed 427 

Democratic aid to 415-432 

Department of, war work , 421, 422 

Departmental system improved 421 

Direct education in fields .417, 418 . 

Marketing methods improved . 419 

Stimulation of 59, 60 

Airplane Production 223, 229 

Alien Property Custodian 79 

"American merchant marine 488 

American wars, contrasts in demobilizing 215 

America's great war record 64, 65 

America's ideal must not die r. 72,73 

Appropriations, Republicans fail to reduce 350 

Appropriations under Republican Congress 339, 343 

Armenia, mandate for, criticized 96 

Assistant Secretary of the Navy, record of Roosevelt, F. D 106 

Attacks upon the President ; 83, 84, 85 

B 

Balance of trade in favor of United States -. 333 

Banking system (Federal Reserve) establishment of 315, 320 

Bank profits 331 

Biography of F. D. Roosevelt . 105 

Biography of James M. Cox 89-108 

Bolshevism, Cox on 130 

Budget system 321-323, 365 

Adopted under Cox administration 114 

Cox's position on. 321 

Essential » J». 63, 64 

Bureau of the Census 434 

Bureau of Standards 4S4 

Business interests of Cox 131 

Business legislation in Ohio under Gov. Cox 117 

Business, one yardstick for . . . . - 55,56 

Byrnes, James F., address on appropriation bill 339-343 

Byrns, Joseph W., on Republican economy - 357, 358 

c 

Campaign expenditures 69, 70 

One million and a half for Gen. Wood 95 

One million for Gov. Lowden 95 

Carsjaign for G. O. P. nomination, high sums for 373-386 

Cattle, large benefits for consumers 41'? 

Cause of peace 91, 92 

Child legislation enacted 73 

Child life conserved 59 

Child welfare under Gov. Cox's administration 115 

Children's Bureau 343 

Advocated by Cox 128 

Children, service for 444 

Clayton act amendment 78 

Clayton act, benefits of ^ 470 

Cold storage, regulation of • 59 

Commerce, decline under Republicanism 285 

Commerce, Department of 480 

Congress — 

Obstructionist votes of G. O. P. leaders 345, 387 

No constructive legislation 6 r > 

Record of Cox in 123 

Republican rule by steering committee 348 

495 



496 ALPHABETICAL INDEX 

Page 

"Constitution supreme; no League can override it" — Cox 123 

Corrupt lobby driven from Capitol 78 

Corrupt practice act adopted 79 

Cost of living 362 

Cost of the war 82 

Cost-plus contracts 297 

Council ol National Defense 79, 237 

Cummings' keynote speech. • 77-92 

Covenant of League of Nations 165-176 

Covenant vital part of treaty 97 

Cox- 
Aids farmers in securing financial assistance 344 

Biography of 99-108 

Business interests of 181 

Elected governor - 102, 108 

Engineer-statesman .„ 75 

Favors action In concert with free nations 50, 51 

"Labor's choice" — Samuel Gompers » 392 

League article in New York Times 52, 53 

Obey people's will if soldiers sent abroad 44 

On budget system 321 

On income tax . 192 

On League of Nations f 3, 53, 168, 325 

On interpretation of Covenant of League of Nations 168 

Record as Governor of Ohio ^ 108 

Record in Congress 323. 128-130 

Soldiers not to be sent abroad unless people direct it 44 

Speech of acceptance. . . ■. 45-70 

Voting record in Congress 128-130 

Cox and Roosevelt, nine reasons for voting for 324 

D 

Democratic achievements — 

Amendment to Clayton anti-trust law 78 

Child legislation enacted 78 

Corrupt lobby driven from Capitol 77. 

Corrupt practice act adopted 79 

Dollar diplomacy destroyed. . . . .- .... 78 

Eight-hour laws adopted 78 

Farm loan banks established 79 

Federal employment bureaus created 79 

Federal Reserve System established . 79 

Federal Trade Commission created 78 

Good roads bill and rural credits act passed . 78 

Income tax . 78 

Labor Secretary in Cabinet 78 

Non-partisan tariff commission established 78 

Pan-Americanism, encouraged 78 

Parcel post and rural delivery developed 78 

Postal savings banks established. . • • • • 79 

Seamen's act adopted 78 

Smith-Lever bill for better agricultural conditions 79 

Tariff system, inequities removed 78; 

War. (See Achievements in war.) 

Warehouse act passed 79 

Democratic administration, ctehn war record of 81 

Democratic competence proven 1 337 

Democratic efficiency in World War 217, 218 

Democratic platform definite 74 

Democratic platform "promissory note" — Cox 43 

Democratic pledges to labor kept 402 

Democrats won war without scandal 295 

Democracy creates farm prosperity 415 

Department of/ Commerce 480 

Departmental administration changes needed 75 

Dollar diplomacy destroyed 78 

"Do-nothing" G. O. P. Congress 345-391 

Drastic war laws unnecessary— Cox 1221 

Dye industry established..... y . 417,.48l| 

E . 

Economy boasts ridiculed '. 93l 

Education 68, 69 

Eight-hour laws adopted 781 

Employers indebted to Gov. Cox 4001 

Employment, declaration of 1916 441, 4421 

Employment Service, United States 4031 

Evasion in Republican pi atf orm— -Cox 47, 481 

Excess-profits tax, modification of 541 

Expenditures on account of war 303| 

F 

Failures, commercial 32 

Farm-loan banks established ' 

Farm-loan bill opposed by Senator Harding 3C 

Farm-loan system success 423, 4 

Farm loans, table . . 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX 497 

Page 

Farm products, prices of 335 

Farmers — 

Democratic achievements for ., • 416 

Fed world at war i 420 

How Democrats halped 427 

Mobilized for winning war 418 

Secured financial aid through Cox 344 

> Farming industry motorized 336 

Federal employment bureaus created 79 

Federal Reserve Act 62, 63 

Benefits of .' 63 

Law made by Democratic administration 62 

Federal Reserve System — 

Comparison of bank failures 79 

Created despite Republican opposition 79 

Currency controlled by the people \ 79 

Establishment of 79, 315-320 

Panics averted 328 

Federal Trade Commission 78, 488 

Financing the War 303 

Food Administration .' 245. 246 

Aid to victory 271-276 

Between two fires 271, 272 

Fifty million profit to Government 272, 273 

Flour price reduced 273, 274 

Food supplies at armistice 275, 276 

Packers' '♦profits limited 275 

Supplies sent to Allies 274 

Food and fuel regulation 79 

Food profiteering regulation promulgated by Gov. Cox. , 121 

Foodstuffs, modernizing marketing facilities 59, 60 

Foreign policy . . . 96 

Foreign policy of administration praised by Republicans 276 

Foreign trade 333, 481 

Forestry work restricted by Republicans '. 431, 432 

Fourteen American points 216 

Franchises, public, opposed by Cox *i 128 

Fuel Administration 245 

Fuller on Republican reforms 192 

Fundamental purpose of territorial integrity 87 

G 

Garrett, Finis J., on record of Republican Congress 352, 356 

Geddes' tribute to Navy 342 

German ships, repair of 302 

Gompers calls G. O. P. Congress incompetent 391 

Good roads bill passed 78 

Good roads movement inaugurated under Gov. Cox 115 

G. O. P. powers denounced by Theodore Roosevelt 454 

Government by party, Harding theory 67, 68 

H 

Harding — 

Boston Globe on nomination of 343 

Frank A. Munsey on 464 

Newspaper article on Theodore Roosevelt campaign 319 

No master mind — Senator New 270 

Nomination affront — New YorK* Evening Post 475 

Nomination, New York Times on 320 

On Roosevelt, Theodore 458 

Opinion of Theodore Roosevelt 452 

Opposed passage of farm-loan bill 366 

Philadelphia North American on 464 

Pre-convention campaign fund 378 

Views on war \ . 456 

Views on Progressive leaders. . . .i 463, 464 

Harding's Senate record 451-462 

Accused the farmers. 454 

4 Against excess-profit tax 453 

Against income publicity 459 

Against sabotage bill report 460 

Barren of achievement 451 

Constitutional powers 455 

Defended "Wizards of steel" *. . . .452 

Fell back on old- tariff 453 

For wire-control bill 461 

No vote on alien property 460 

Opposed autonomy for Philippines. . . .• * 452 

Opposed higher wheat price 455 

Suffrage as a war measure ; 457 

Summary of votes 457, 458 

Voted against Irish resolution 458 

Harding's words and works ("World" editorial) 300 

Home owners increased 60, 61 

Hoover — 

Declares League dooms militarism . . .* 178 

Holds League means less armament 167 

Unqualifiedly for League 489 



498 ALPHABETICAL INDEX 

Page 

How Republicans won Senate 353 

Hull, Cordell, on taxes and G. O. P. .politics 323 



Income tax oill 78 

Industry, collective bargaining helpful to 58 

Industry, war victory triumph for 223-236 

Interest rates on Liberty bonds .303 

Interior Department 476 

Investigating committees cf Congress . .350 

Irrigation benefits 4.77 

J 

Johnson, Senator Hiram, declares truce 288 

Justice Department, how laws enforced 468-479 

K 

Kenyon, Senator, on purchase of Senate seats . . •. 359. 

L 

Labor — 

Believes in Cox 393 

Choice is Cox — Gompers S92 

Collective bargaining helpful — Cox 414 

Democratic achievements for 396-406 

Democrats have kept faith with 393 

Department of 405, 406 

Emancipated by Democratic laws 395 

Great producing entity 408 

Hostility in Congress to 412, 413 

Ideals sound — Wilson ' 407 

Industrial chains unlocked 394 

Legislation . " 382 

Legislation under Gov. Cox's administration 117 

Magna Charta of, in treaty 413 

New bill of rights 396 

Not a commodity 408 

Platform pledges sacred 393 

Republicans would enslave — Gompers 397 

Rights recognized 395 

Right to strike inviolate 409, 410 

Rights of 58, 59 

"Law and order" plank, Republican, in memoriam 41 

Laws must be enforced . . . . 57, 58 

League of Nations — 

America isolated in a world fully armed — Wilson 180 

Article X, Taft on 135 

Consultation aim of — Wilson .'..... 222 

Covenant no violation of Constitution — Taft ~ 469 

Covenant, text of 185-176 

Cummings, Homer, on 189 

Does not override Constitution — Cox 123 

Equality of voting .89 

Existing 88 

Explanation of covenant 178 

G. O. P. fosters anarchy — Gov. Jackson ( Iowa) . 184 

Harding's evasive stand , 270 

History of the covenant 178 

Hoover for 489 

Hoover holds League means less armament 167 

Increases possibility of peace — Wilson 470 

Interpretation of covenant, by Cox 168 

Is in operation — Cox 50, 51 

Labor favors 232 

Lodge champion of 98, 191 

Lodge for League in 1915 363 

Lodge on separate peace (Forum article) 5 

Lodge urges League 187 

Members of 177 

Militarism doomed — Hoover . . . 179 

Nation's expenses will soar if covenant fails — Cox 325 

Opponents would destroy victory . .448 

Organization and aims 177-184 

Philippines free — Wilson 269 

Practical solution of peace 73 

Protest of a father 220 

Purpose of 87, 177 

Roosevelt, Theodore, for ,, 98, 190 

Scope of League covenant — Wilson 171 

Signatories of Treaty of Peace -■ • 176 

Soldiers not to go abroad without peoples' will 44 

Substitute lacking — Wilson 362 

Taft declares League inevitable 176 

Taft on Article X 190 

Wilson on 171, 180, 220, 222, 269, 362, 470 

World stands at crisis — A. Lawrence Lowell, President ' Harvard 
N University 173 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX 499 

Page 

Liberty bonds no loss to real investors 310 

Liberty Loan- organization • • • • • • • • • • »-o 

Liberty loans 151, 152, 307 

Lodge for League of Nations . . . .oO, iyi, *u<> 

Lodge on rejecting peace treaty between America and Spain 328 

Lodge on separate peace (Forum article) 5 

Lodge on treaty-making power of Senate 185 

Lowden pre-convention campaign ;?3*> 

Lowell, A. Lawrence, on League of Nations....- 173 

M 

Manufacturing prosperity 334 

Merchant marine revived by Democrats • • • • • £°jj 

Merchant marine, world's record eclipsed £84, £85 

Mexican policy, Republican 46b, 407 

Mexican situation __. ba, bo 

Chicago platform ambiguous -. • • • • • • 96 

Democratic platform on 4 °5, 4°J> 

Lodge f op intervention *jj 7 

Republican attitude on -°* 

Mine hazards reduced - a* a* 

Money in politics, excessive use 'ina 

Monroe doctrine essence of Article X — Cox . . 103 

Mothers' pension system adopted under Cox administration Ho 

N 

National bank failures before and after Federal Reserve System 320 

National banks, strength of . -. 320 

Naval Academy opened to enlisted men 107 

Navy, attack on, by Senator Penrose, unjust 95 

Navy in the war — 

Armor-plate plant provided *°y 

Daniels democratized Navy • • • • • 208 

Did a big job well. 210, 211 

Efficiency along the line • • • • • *11 

Glory won by marines 211, *14 

Great building program • • • • -214 

Merchant ships protected ■***> £ijj 

Mobilized in five hours • • • • • *«5 

Navy at full strength 208, 209 

Navy prepared i ^O 7 ' *08 

Navy's war record on7 

North Sea mine barrage *07 

Ready day war declared *05 

Secretary Daniels established ship schools • • • *08 

Secretary Daniels' foresight 207, 238 

Secretary Daniels' three-year program • - . • • 208 

Unparalleled achievement 213, ,214 

War plans were ready • • • • »1* 

Navy, Sir Eric Gedd.es' tribute to ..... . : ■■ ■ %** 

Navy's efficiency praised by Senator Lodge aUi, 6va 

Nelson (Representative) on purchase of senate seat £58 

Nelson (Representative) rebukes bitter-enders co'WaWllo 

Newberrv, Senator : 82, * bl *l« 

New Yofk Times on Harding nomination 3*0 

New York World on Cox » • 119 

Nomination unfettered — Cox • ,. • • • • *«> 

No time for wobbling — Cox 45, *o 

o 

Obstruction program of Republican Congress .' 345 

Obstructionist votes of G. O. P. leaders in Congress 387 

Opportunity for good Americanism.' 72 

Over-governed country — Cox 104 

P 

Panics averted by Federal Reserve System ... . . 338 

Partisan investigations, Democratic administration vindicated 95 

Partisan investigations on war, failures 81 

Peace cannot be declared '», 74 

Peace, cause of • \VL 

Peace, united action on, Lodge J« 

Pension bill for old soldiers indorsed by Cox 126 

Pension service improved 477 

Penrose, Senator, Attack on Navy 95 

Penrose, Senator, opposed land bill for soldiers .291 

Pershing, Gen., offered to testify regarding war 29o, 297 

Pershing, Gen., report to Secretary of War 296 

Platform, Democratic — .'.".. on oo 

Agricultural interests, stimulation of i© on 

Alaska, liberal policy for 38, 39 

Arid lands, reclamation of 6i > 34 

Armenia, sympathy for self-government of 37 

Asiatic immigrants • ■ 39 

Budget ; • Ab 

Conclusion, keeping the f aitn 4.4 



500 ALPHABETICAL INDEX 

Page 

Conduct of the war 7, 8 

Economy, public 13, 14 

Education 26, 27 

Federal Trade Commission 34 

Financial achievements 10, 12 

Flood control 33 

Free speech and free press 40, 41 

Hawaii, liberal policy of homesteading in 33 

High cost of living 14-16 

Highways, improved 30, 31 

Ireland, sympathy for self-government of 36, 37 

Labor and industry. .'.» 23-25 

League of Nations 3-7 

Live stock markets, supervision of 35 

Merchant marine . . , •. 31 

Mexico, policy toward 35, 36 

New nations, friendship for 36 

Petroleum, American rights in production of 36 

Philippines, favors granting independence 37, 33 

Port facilities * ... 31 

Porto Rico, favors territorial government for 33 

Postal service, fair treatment, for employees 40 

Railroads 28, 23 

Republican corruption, condemnation of 41, 42 

Senate rules, alteration of 19, 20 

Soldiers, disabled 27, 23 

Tariff 18 

Tax revision * 12, 13 

Waterways, inland . . .32, 33 

Welfare of women and children 28 

Woman suffrage, indorsement of 25 

Women in industry 28 

Platforms, Democratic-Republican 3-43 

Popular government, if Democrats win 315 

Postal savings banks established 79 

Postal Service — a- 

Air mail service 474, 475 

Civil service reform ; 475 

Growth of 471, 475 

Improvements in service 472, 473 

Met test of war .472 

Parcel post insurance 475 

Postal savings 475 

Railway mail ' pay 473, 474 

Rural mail service 475 

Power of public opinion 56, 57 

Preparedness .v, ' ... 32, 83 

Presidency cannot be auctioned 95 

Presidential candidates, records of ^ 439, 440 

President's requests for remedial legislation ignored 361 

Pressing domestic problems — Cox 53-55 

Procter's contribution in pre-convention contest 375 

Profiteering — 

Legislation recommended by Wilson pigeon-holed 94 

Republican plank on . 94 

Sinister influence of ; . 55 

Progress, forward 75, 76 

Prosperity under Democratic rule 327-338 

R 

Railroads, Federal control — 

Breakdown averted . $ ~T 257, 258 

Breaking the jam ^ 260, . 261 

. Cost of railroads' war service 266, 257 

Declaration of policy J 258, 259 

Equipment £66, 267 

Labor conditions 264-266 

Loss misrepresented 257 

Movement ol coal £61, 262 

Movement of essential supplies 263, 264 

Movement of foodstuffs 262, 263 

Passenger service 264 

Roads not scrambled 267 

Saved United States and Allies 255-269 

Shortening freight routes 259, 260 

The armistice T. 267,268 

Railroads, Federal operation of 61, 62 

Railroads, progress of 337 

Railroads returned to owners 314 

Reasons for voting for Cox and Roosevelt. .'. . .324 

Record of achievement under Democratic rule — - <• 

Acquisition of Virgin Islands 148 

Adamson eight-hour law 148 

Aerial mail 158 

Agriculture Department founded under Cleveland 155 

) Agricultural education 153, 154 

Air service and aircraft development 141 

Alaska railway t % . .... 159 

Americans protected in Russia ' 163 



! ALPHABETICAL INDEX jOI 

Page 

Anti-trust law 162 

Armor-plate plant constructed 1--3 

Bolshevism and anarchy fought 161, 162 

Bureau of Markets 165 

Coastal charting for safe navigation 163, 164 

Commercial attache service extended 133 

Cotton futures act : Ib4 

Council of National Defense 145 

Child labor law 156 

Children's Bureau 1^6 

Civil service principle ~ . 159 

Demobilization 141, 145 

Department of Labor 155 

Election reforms 143 

Employment service 155, 158 

Expanding parcel post 158 

Farm loan act 150 

Federal Railroad Administration 147 

Federal Reserve System. 149, 150 

Forces mobilized 138 

Foreign dye products 149 

Fourteenth census 1C4 

"General Order No. 13" 156 

Grain standardization act .154 

Great highway program 153 

Government housing 157 

Homestead patents 159 

Indian population 160 

Income tax law 161 

Land reclamation 159, 160 

Lever law 161 

Liberty loans 151, 152 

Loans on farm mortgages : 153 

Marine war-risk insurance 153 

Mercantile marine , 146, 147 

Military pay increases 143, 144 

Mine death prevention 160, 161 

National bank strength 150 

National parks 160 

National resources, utilization of 149 

Naval efficiency 142, 143 

Naval preparedness 138, 139 

Packers permanently enjoined 162 

Panama tolls repeal 148 

Preeminence in agricultural legislation 154 

Prison reform 161 

Postal savings system 158 

Post office surplus .158 

Rehabilitation and care of disabled soldiers 141, 142 

Relief measures 162 

Relief to exhausted Allies 139 

Restoration of public lands. 161 

Seamen's law 126, 157 

Securing officers for Army 140 

Selective service act - 139 

Senatorial elections 147, 1-13 

Settlement of coal strike 143 

Statehood 1 18 

Steam-boat Inspection Service 164 

Storage and marketing v . 154 

Strike prevention 155 

Substitutes to reduce living costs 164 

Supporting the fighters 145 

Systematic preparation for combat 141 

Tariff revision 151 

Telegraph and telephone control -. 159 

Thrift stamps 152, 153 

Uncovering German plots 163 

Valuable lands 160 

Vital factor for war victory. . . ". 162 

War costs 151 

War_ Industries Board *. 145, 1 16 

War labor policy 137, 133 

War-risk insurance 141 

Wheat price guarantee 154 

Winning the war 137 

Woman s bureau 156 

Workingman's benefit 157 

Reduced appropriations myth 330 

Republican — 

Campaign contributions 318, 320, 326, £38, 8£^ 

Campaign, huge sums in pre-convention contest 

Committee extravagance 297 

Congress of incompetence. . . . , 414 

Convention an auction 

Filibuster in Senate 3-4 

Incompetence in Spanish War 217, 21S 

Leaders in Congress, obstructionist votes of 387 

Leadership unsuccessful .,.,...,, 77, 78 



502 ALPHABETICAL INDEX 

Page 

Obstructionists 302 

Platform, evasion in — Cox 47, 48 

Platform jumble of evasions 93, 94 

Platform reactionary and provincial 78 

Political expediency — Cox 47 

Promises and performances. 361, 410 

Proposal on League means dishonor — Cox 51 

"Smelling" committee failed to call Pershing .295 

Taxation plank insincere. 93 

Record of failure — Gompers 411-414 

Record since 1918 83 

Views in 1906 on treaty-making power of Senate 185 

Republican party's sorry record — Washington Post .347 

"Republicanism," what is called 248 

Republicans — 

Fail to reduce appropriations . . . .350, 357 

Hit dairy demonstration work 431 

Looking backward 93 

Obstructionists of peace — Cox 46, 47 

Request secrecy on Official Bulletin 4.01 

Strike blow to agriculture 430, 431 

Requirements of honor — Cummings ■. . . , .85-87 

Road systems, developing adequate. . . 419, 420 

Robinson, Senator, chairman Democratic convention, speech of 93-98 

Roosevelt, F. D. — 

Life and career of .105 

Record as Assistant Secretary of Navy. . . 108 

Record in State Senate 105 

Speech of acceptance 71-76 

Roosevelt, Theodore — 

Campaign, Harding's newspaper on 3^9 

G. O. P. powers denounced by 454 

"Lawless, Harding's newspaper 269 

Statement , 86 

Urges League of Nations . .*••-. 190 

Rural schools 478 

s 

School system of Ohio Ill 

Seamen's . act adopted 78 

Selective draft, Mondell, Republican, criticizes 274 

Selective service law 80 

Senate — 

Newberry's purchased seat in 367-372 

Republican views in 1906 on treaty-making powers 185 

Seats, purchase of, by Republicans 358 

Separate peace dishonest plan — Cox / 48-50 

Shantung, Wilson on : 175 

Shipbuilding laws enacted . . 79 

Shipping Board — 

America's effort 284 

Creation of 286 

Housing facilities improved 237 

Huge construction program 286, 287 

Special schools established 287, 288 

Trade independence achieved -288 

Shipping industry, revival of 79 

Shipping legislation 486 

"Smelling Committee" of Republican Congress r 350, 358 

Smithr Lever bill 79 

Soldiers — 

Aid for, Congress acted early 289, 290, 362 

Democratic aid for 289 

Dollar-a-day pension bill indorsed by Cox 126 

Justice for 68, 67 

None to be sent abroad unless reople direct — Cox 44 

Permanent insurance for 292, 293 

Rehabilitation, a duty 290, 291 

Senator Penrose opposed land bill for ... 291 

Spanish War, lacked simplest comforts 294 

Training in nine hundred vocations. 291, 292 

Social welfare legislation under Gov. Cox , 117 

Spanish War, Republican incompetence in. . 217, 218 

Spanish War conditions — Theodore Roosevelt — 

No landing facilities -. 221, 222 

Officials panic-stricken 222 

Roosevelt's own story 221 

Speech of acceptance — Cox 45-70 

Speech of acceptance — Roosevelt » . .71-76 

Spooner on treaty-making power of Senate 185 

Steering committee of Republican Congress 355 

Supreme issue of the centiiry— Cox 50 

Support League, says Taft ... , 98 

', T 

Taft- 
Declares League inevitable ^ 176 

League of Nations advocated by 49 

On Article X 135. 190 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX 503 

Page 

Tariff Commission established .78 

Tariff for revenue policy vindicated 325 

Tariff issue abandoned by Republicans 94 

Tariff system, inequities removed 78 

Tax bill reduced 312 

Tax law, revision of, urged 313 

Taxes and G. O. P. politics— Representative Hull 323 

Taxes not reduced under Republican Congress 341 

Taxes will be reduced — Cox ." 336 

Telephone and telegraph 364 

Tenantry, decreased 60, 61 

Trade balance in favor of United States 333, 481 

Transportation facilities 61, 62 

Treasury certificates of indebtedness 310 

Treasury financing during war period 303 

Treaty of Peace. (See also League of Nations) 
Treaty — 

Amendments to,, accepted by President 90, 91 

Confident of ratification of, Cox 51, £2 

Defeat of, crime against civilization 91 

Defeat of, responsibility for . . . % 89, 90 

Establishing peace between America and Spain, Lodge on.... 326 

Magna Charta of labor 413 

Nations not signed 89 

Nations that have signed 88 

Objections to 87, 88 

Taft statement . . 222 

Troops, transportation of 80 

Two great problems, progress at home 71, 72 

Two great problems, world's relations 71, 72 

u 

tJnpreparedness in 1898 219 

United States could veto war — Wilson 234 



Victory would end wars — Wilson '. 235 

Vocational training provided ^ 79 

Votes, obstructionist, of G. O. P. leaders in Congress 387 

Voting record of Cox in Congress 128-130 

Voting record of Harding 457-458 

w 

War achievement, Republicans silent on- — Cox 248 

War couldn't await "bargain sales" 298 

War expenses brought freedom of world 82 

War Finance Corporation 79 

War, financing of 303 

War Industries Board 79, 244, 249-254 

Achievements 249-254 

Business leaders volunteers 254 

Great economic dictator 253, 254 

Homogenous machine 249 

Munitions department 253 

Powers of the board 250, 251, 252 

Sustained nation's morale 252 

War loans successfuly floated 79 

War-risk insurance 79, 277-282 

Democratic foresight 293 

Bureau, like building dam of saud 279, 230 

Bureau, record of achievement 2S0, 281 

Forty billions insurance 277, 278 

Great obstacles, overcome 279 

Growth of the law 231 

Monument to Democratic initiative 278, 279 

Opposition by Republicans 281, 282 

Provisions of act 277 

Tribute to Democratic efficiency 277 

War service of Committee on Public Information 360 

War taxes, repeal of — Cox .' 53, 54 

War Trade Board • 246 

War victory triumph for American industry .223-236 

Warehouse act passed 79 

Water power legislation 854, 364 

Wealth increased 329 

What G. O. P. Congress would cnean 348 

White House, old guard rule for 480 

Wilson — 

Administration's attitude toward labor 403 

Administration, great war accomplishments , SI 

Critics discredited — Representative Fuller, Republican 254 

Discourtesy to, political intrigue 65 

On League of Nations 171, 180, 220, 222, 269, 3f62, 470 

On Shantung . , 175 

On scope of League covenant 171 

Stricken; no kind word from partisan Congress £4 

Successfully directed war, despite critics 80 



504 ALPHABETICAL INDEX 

Pa e« 

Winning of the war — 

Agencies for | 246 247 

Agencies successful and honest ' . 247 

Airplane production 228, 229 

Allied need of explosives 223, 224 

Allied production rates approached 225^ 226 

Ammunition, production of " 226^ 228 

Army of two million crossed sea " .' . 195 

Attack on preparedness 240 

Besmirched Republicans .241, 242 

Built thirty- two camp sites .230,' 231 

Chemical warfare, achievements in. . 229' 230 

Chief "smeller" amazed 239*, 240 

Civil war experience .' . 200 

Conduct of the war. bill by Madden defeated !l99 

Defaming nation's foremost men 243 

Demobilization feats 233, 234 

Democracy's resolute course .' . 198 

Democratic fairness in selecting officers 202, 203 

Democratic preparedness 204 

Disease death rate reduced 202 

Draft wisely adopted 199, 200 

Eagle symbol of America's power .'.195 

Embarkation service 233 

Explosives, allied need of 223. 2.?4 

Gx-aham's "disclosures" 240, 241 

How Americans fought .' . 202 

Indisputable facts . 298, 209 

Industry'^ part planned in advance 237 

Labor's co-operation 242, 243 

Lesson learned over r 197, 198 

Lessons of the Revolution . . .*. 196, 197 

Mainspring of preparedness 2S3. 239 

Nation's honor, effort to tarnish 194 

Net results of inquiries 299 

Pershing given free hand _, 201, 292 

Politicians jealous of triumph " 195 

Profiting by former mistakes 196 

Rapid movement of troops 232, 383 

Recuperators, built finished ...,.: 224 

Republican inconsistency 237 

Republican unpreparedness 204 

Salvage returns 235 

Successful termination 203 

Success in Mexican war 197 

Training the Army . . 200, 201 

Transportation of supplies 231, 232 

Transportation of troops 201 

War administration praised by Republicans 193 

Whole nation under regulation 238 

Woman's cause — / ** 

Demoeratic party friend to 436 

Republican anxiety 437 

Woman's platform, Democrats adopt 438, 438 

Woman suffrage '. 67, 365 

, Championed by Cox .' 117 

Harding opposed, as war measure 434 

Harding's course 434 

Republican governors do nothing 433 

Tennessee ratifies .'..... 433 

Women — 

Agricultural Department 446, 447 

Appointed by President 441 

Civil service rule changed 450 

Commerce Department . - 447 

Equal rank in Democratic councils 435 

Federal employment followed by States 448 

For State Democratic committees 435 

"General Order No. 13" 422, 443 

Independent bureaus 447, 448 

In railroad work ; '. 443 

Interior Department t • F* "Q* *^Q ^® 

Justice Department fc. V. .%>. / O 446 

On Democratic executive committee 435 

On same footing as men . 437, 438 

Standards of employment 449 

State Department , 444, 445 ' 

Treasury Department , , 445 

Wage earners safeguarded, 449 

War Department '. ••..;•• -445, 446 

Women's Bureau, policies .••••. 450 

Wood's pre-convention campaign 379 

World War, Democratic efficiency in 217, 218 

World war won without scandals. 295 

Workers protected 443 

Workmen's compensation system in Ohio 109 



PEACE 



"We promise you this, that after the 
4th of March, 1921, with the least amount 
of conversation possible, we will enter the 
League of Nations of the world. * * * 
America will proceed upon an era of pros- 
perity and peace without precedent." — 
JAMES M. COX at Ohio Democratic State 
Convention. 



PROGRESS 

"Our view is toward the sunrise of to- 
morrow with its progress and its eternal 
promise of better things. The opposition 
stands in the skyline of the setting sun, look- 
ing backward to the old days of reaction." 
—JAMES M. COX in Speech of Accep- 
tance. 



PROSPERITY 



The Federal Reserve Act and other con- 
structive legislation under the Democratic 
Administration has placed the country on a 
sound financial basis which has resulted in 
unexampled prosperity. Four years more 
of Democratic rule means four years more 
of prosperity. 



Progress! 

Prosperity ! 



THE 



DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK 



1920 







Issued by 

The Democratic National Committee 
The Democratic Congressional Committee 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



027 272 236 5 



